BOOK V

(In the preceding portion of the narrative a detailed account

is given of all that the Hellenes did, and how they fared on

the march up with Cyrus; and also of all that befell them on

their march subsequently, until they reached the seaboard of

the Euxine Sea, or Pontus, and the Hellenic city of Trapezus,

where they duly offered the sacrifice for safe deliverance

which they had vowed to offer as soon as they set foot on a

friendly soil.)

I

After this they met and took counsel concerning the remainder of the 1

march. The first speaker was Antileon of Thurii. He rose and said:

"For my part, sirs, I am weary by this time of getting kit together

and packing up for a start, of walking and running and carrying heavy

arms, and of tramping along in line, or mounting guard, and doing

battle. The sole desire I now have is to cease from all these pains,

and for the future, since here we have the sea before us, to sail on

and on, 'stretched out in sleep,' like Odysseus, and so to find myself

in Hellas." When they heard these remarks, the soldiers showed their

approval with loud cries of "well said," and then another spoke to the

same effect, and then another, and indeed all present. Then

Cheirisophus got up and said: "I have a friend, sirs, who, as good hap

will have it, is now high admiral, Anaxibius. If you like to send me

to him, I think I can safely promise to return with some men-of-war

and other vessels which will carry us. All you have to do, if you are

really minded to go home by sea, is to wait here till I come. I will

be back ere long." The soldiers were delighted at these words, and 4

voted that Cheirisophus should set sail on his mission without delay.

After him, Xenophon got up, and spoke as follows: "Cheirisophus, it is

agreed, sets out in search of vessels, and we are going to await him.

Let me tell you what, in my opinion, it is reasonable to do while we

are waiting. First of all, we must provide ourselves with necessaries

from hostile territory, for there is not a sufficient market, nor, if

there were, have we, with a few solitary exceptions, the means of

purchase. Now, the district is hostile, so that if you set off in

search of provisions without care and precaution, the chances are that

many of us will be lost. To meet this risk, I propose that we should

organise foraging parties to capture provisions, and, for the rest,

not roam about the country at random. The organisation of the matter

should be left to us." (The resolution was passed.) "Please listen to

another proposal;" he continued: "Some of you, no doubt, will be going

out to pillage. It will be best, I think, that whoever does so should

in each case before starting inform us of his intent, and in what

direction he means to go, so that we may know the exact number of

those who are out and of those who stop behind. Thus we shall be able

to help in preparing and starting the expedition where necessary; and

in case of aid or reinforcements being called for, we shall know in

what direction to proceed; or, again, if the attempt is to be

undertaken by raw or less expert hands, we may throw in the weight of

our experience and advice by endeavouring to discover the strength of

those whom they design to attack." This proposal was also carried.

"Here is another point," he continued, "to which I would draw your

attention. Our enemies will not lack leisure to make raids upon us:

nor is it unnatural, that they should lay plots for us; for we have

appropriated what is theirs; they are seated over us ever on the

watch. I propose then that we should have regular outposts round the

camp. If we take it in succession to do picket and outlook duty, the

enemy will be less able to harry us. And here is another point for

your observation; supposing we knew for certain that Cheirisophus must

return with a sufficient number of vessels, there would be no need of 10

the remark, but as that is still problematical, I propose that we

should try to get together vessels on the spot also. If he comes and

finds us already provided for here, we shall have more ships than we

need, that is all; while, if he fails to bring them, we shall have the

local supply to fall back upon. I see ships sailing past perpetually,

so we have only to ask the loan of some war-ships from the men of

Trapezus, and we can bring them into port, and safeguard them with

their rudders unshipped, until we have enough to carry us. By this

course I think we shall not fail of finding the means of transport

requisite." That resolution was also passed. He proceeded: "Consider

whether you think it equitable to support by means of a general fund

the ships' companies which we so impress, while they wait here for our

benefit, and to agree upon a fare, on the principle of repaying

kindnesses in kind." That too was passed. "Well then," said he, "in

case, after all, our endeavours should not be crowned with success,

and we find that we have not vessels enough, I propose that we should

enjoin on the cities along the seaboard the duty of constructing and

putting in order the roads, which we hear are impassable. They will be

only too glad to obey, no doubt, out of mere terror and their desire

to be rid of us."

This last proposal was met by loud cries and protestations against the

idea of going by land at all. So, perceiving their infatuation, he did

not put the question to the vote, but eventually persuaded the cities

voluntarily to construct roads by the suggestion, "If you get your

roads in good order, we shall all the sooner be gone." They further

got a fifty-oared galley from the Trapezuntines, and gave the command

of it to Dexippus, a Laconian, one of the perioeci (1). This man

altogether neglected to collect vessels on the offing, but slunk off

himself, and vanished, ship and all, out of Pontus. Later on, however,

he paid the penalty of his misdeeds. He became involved in some

meddling and making in Thrace at the court of Seuthes, and was put to

death by the Laconian Nicander. They also got a thirty-oared galley,

the command of which was entrusted to Polycrates, an Athenian, and 16

that officer brought into harbour to the camp all the vessels he could

lay his hands on. If these were laden, they took out the freights and

appointed guards to keep an eye on their preservation, whilst they

used the ships themselves for transport service on the coast. While

matters stood at this point, the Hellenes used to make forays with

varying success; sometimes they captured prey and sometimes they

failed. On one occasion Cleanetus led his own and another company

against a strong position, and was killed himself, with many others of

his party.

(1) A native of the country parts of Laconia.

II

The time came when it was no longer possible to capture provisions, 1

going and returning to the camp in one day. In consequence of this,

Xenophon took some guides from the Trapezuntines and led half the army

out against the Drilae, leaving the other half to guard the camp. That

was necessary, since the Colchians, who had been ousted from their

houses, were assembled thickly, and sat eyeing them from the heights

above; on the other hand the Trapezuntines, being friendly to the

native inhabitants, were not for leading the Hellenes to places where

it was easy to capture provisions. But against the Drilae, from whom

they personally suffered, they would lead them with enthusiasm, up

into mountainous and scarcely accessible fortresses, and against the

most warlike people of any in the Pontus.

But when the Hellenes had reached the uplands, the Drilae set fire to

all their fastnesses which they thought could be taken easily, and

beat a retreat; and except here and there a stray pig or bullock or

other animal which had escaped the fire there was nothing to capture;

but there was one fastness which served as their metropolis: into this

the different streams of people collected; round it ran a tremendously

deep ravine, and the approaches to the place were difficult. So the

light infantry ran forward five or six furlongs in advance of the

heavy infantry, and crossed the ravine; and seeing quantities of sheep

and other things, proceeded to attack the place. Close at their heels

followed a number of those who had set out on the foray armed with

spears, so that the storming party across the ravine amounted to more

than two thousand. But, finding that they could not take the place by 5

a coup-de-main, as there was a trench running round it, mounded up

some breadth, with a stockade on the top of the earthwork and a

close-packed row of wooden bastions, they made an attempt to run back,

but the enemy fell upon them from the rear. To get away by a sudden

rush was out of the question, since the descent from the fortress into

the ravine only admitted of moving in single file. Under the

circumstances they sent to Xenophon, who was in command of the heavy

infantry. The messenger came and delivered his message: "There is a

fastness choke full of all sorts of stores, but we cannot take it, it

is too strong; nor can we easily get away; the enemy rush out and

deliver battle, and the return is difficult."

On hearing this, Xenophon pushed forward his heavy infantry to the

edge of the ravine, and there ordered them to take up a position,

while he himself with the officers crossed over to determine whether

it were better to withdraw the party already across, or to bring over

the heavy infantry also, on the supposition that the fortress might be

taken. In favour of the latter opinion it was agreed that the retreat

must cost many lives, and the officers were further disposed to think,

they could take the place. Xenophon consented, relying on the victims,

for the seers had announced, that there would be a battle, but that

the result of the expedition would be good. So he sent the officers to

bring the heavy troops across, while he himself remained, having drawn

off all the light infantry and forbidden all sharp-shooting at long

range. As soon as the heavy infantry had arrived, he ordered each

captain to form his company, in whatever way he hoped to make it most

effective in the coming struggle. Side by side together they stood,

these captains, not for the first time to-day competitors for the

award of manly virtue. While they were thus employed, he--the

general--was engaged in passing down his order along the ranks of the

light infantry and archers respectively to march with the javelin on

its thong and the arrow to the string, ready at the word "shoot" to

discharge their missiles, while the light troops were to have their

wallets well stocked with slingstones; lastly, he despatched his 12

adjutants to see to the proper carrying out of these orders.

And now the preparations were complete: the officers and lieutenants

and all others claiming to be peers of these, were drawn up in their

several places. With a glance each was able to command the rest in the

crescent-like disposition which the ground invited. Presently the

notes of the battle hymn arose, the clarion spoke, and with a

thrilling cry in honour of the warrior-god, commenced a rush of the

heavy infantry at full speed under cover of a storm of missiles,

lances, arrows, bullets, but most of all stones hurled from the hand

with ceaseless pelt, while there were some who brought firebrands to

bear. Overwhelmed by this crowd of missiles, the enemy left their

stockades and their bastion towers, which gave Agasias the Stymphalian

and Philoxenus of Pellene a chance not to be missed; laying aside

their heavy arms, up they went in bare tunics only, and one hauled

another up, and meantime another had mounted, and the place was taken,

as they thought. Then the peltasts and light troops rushed in and

began snatching what each man could. Xenophon the while, posted at the

gates, kept back as many of the hoplites as he could, for there were

other enemies now visible on certain strong citadel heights; and after

a lapse of no long time a shout arose within, and the men came running

back, some still clutching what they had seized; and presently here

and there a wounded man; and mighty was the jostling about the

portals. To the questions which were put to them the outpouring

fugitives repeated the same story: there was a citadel within and

enemies in crowds were making savage sallies and beating the fellows

inside.

At that Xenophon ordered Tolmides the herald to proclaim: "Enter all

who are minded to capture aught." In poured the surging multitude, and

the counter-current of persons elbowing their passage in prevailed

over the stream of those who issued forth, until they beat back and

cooped up the enemy within the citadel again. So outside the citadel

everything was sacked and pillaged by the Hellenes, and the heavy

infantry took up their position, some about the stockades, others 19

along the road leading up to the citadel. Xenophon and the officers

meantime considered the possibility of taking the citadel, for if so,

their safety was assured; but if otherwise, it would be very difficult

to get away. As the result of their deliberations they agreed that the

place was impregnable. Then they began making preparations for the

retreat. Each set of men proceeded to pull down the palisading which

faced themselves; further, they sent away all who were useless or who

had enough to do to carry their burdens, with the mass of the heavy

infantry accompanying them; the officers in each case leaving behind

men whom they could severally depend on.

But as soon as they began to retreat, out rushed upon them from within

a host of fellows, armed with wicker shields and lances, greaves and

Paphlagonian helmets. Others might be seen scaling the houses on this

side and that of the road leading into the citadel. Even pursuit in

the direction of the citadel was dangerous, since the enemy kept

hurling down on them great beams from above, so that to stop and to

make off were alike dangerous, and night approaching was full of

terrors. But in the midst of their fighting and their despair some god

gave them a means of safety. All of a sudden, by whatsoever hand

ignited, a flame shot up; it came from a house on the right hand, and

as this gradually fell in, the people from the other houses on the

right took to their heels and fled.

Xenophon, laying this lesson of fortune to heart, gave orders to set

fire to the left-hand houses also, which being of wood burned quickly,

with the result that the occupants of these also took to flight. The

men immediately at their front were the sole annoyance now, and these

were safe to fall upon them as they made their exit and in their

descent. Here then the word was passed for all who were out of range

to bring up logs of wood and pile them between themselves and the

enemy, and when there was enough of these they set them on fire; they

also fired the houses along the trench-work itself, so as to occupy

the attention of the enemy. Thus they got off, though with difficulty,

and escaped from the place by putting a fire between them and the 27

enemy; and the whole city was burnt down, houses, turrets, stockading,

and everything belonging to it except the citadel.

Next day the Hellenes were bent on getting back with the provisions;

but as they dreaded the descent to Trapezus, which was precipitous and

narrow, they laid a false ambuscade, and a Mysian, called after the

name of his nation (Mysus) (1), took ten of the Cretans and halted in

some thick brushy ground, where he made a feint of endeavouring to

escape the notice of the enemy. The glint of their light shields,

which were of brass, now and again gleamed through the brushwood. The

enemy, seeing it all through the thicket, were confirmed in their

fears of an ambuscade. But the army meanwhile was quietly making its

descent; and when it appeared that they had crept down far enough, the

signal was given to the Mysian to flee as fast as he could, and he,

springing up, fled with his men. The rest of the party, that is the

Cretans, saying, "We are caught if we race," left the road and plunged

into a wood, and tumbling and rolling down the gullies were saved. The

Mysian, fleeing along the road, kept crying for assistance, which they

sent him, and picked him up wounded. The party of rescue now beat a

retreat themselves with their face to the foe, exposed to a shower of

missiles, to which some of the Cretan bowmen responded with their

arrows. In this way they all reached the camp in safety.

(1) Lit. "{Musos} (Mysus), a Mysian by birth, and {Musos} (Mysus) by

name."

III

Now when Cheirisophus did not arrive, and the supply of ships was 1

insufficient, and to get provisions longer was impossible, they

resolved to depart. On board the vessels they embarked the sick, and

those above forty years of age, with the boys and women, and all the

baggage which the solders were not absolutely forced to take for their

own use. The two eldest generals, Philesius and Sophaenetus, were put

in charge, and so the party embarked, while the rest resumed their

march, for the road was now completely constructed. Continuing their

march that day and the next, on the third they reached Cerasus, a

Hellenic city on the sea, and a colony of Sinope, in the country of

the Colchians. Here they halted ten days, and there was a review and

numbering of the troops under arms, when there were found to be eight 3

thousand six hundred men. So many had escaped; the rest had perished

at the hands of the enemy, or by reason of the snow, or else disease.

At this time and place they divided the money accruing from the

captives sold, and a tithe selected for Apollo and Artemis of the

Ephesians was divided between the generals, each of whom took a

portion to guard for the gods, Neon the Asinaean (1) taking on behalf

of Cheirisophus.

(1) I.e. of Asine, perhaps the place named in Thuc. iv. 13, 54; vi. 93

situated on the western side of the Messenian bay. Strabo,

however, speaks of another Asine near Gytheum, but possibly means

Las. See Arnold's note to Thuc. iv. 13, and Smith's "Dict. Geog.

(s.v.)"

Out of the portion which fell to Xenophon he caused a dedicatory

offering to Apollo to be made and dedicated among the treasures of the

Athenians at Delphi (2). It was inscribed with his own name and that of

Proxenus, his friend, who was killed with Clearchus. The gift for

Artemis of the Ephesians was, in the first instance, left behind by

him in Asia at the time when he left that part of the world himself

with Agesilaus on the march into Boeotia (3). He left it behind in

charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of the goddess, thinking that the

voyage on which he was starting was fraught with danger. In the event

of his coming out of it alive, he charged Megabyzus to restore to him

the deposit; but should any evil happen to him, then he was to cause

to be made and to dedicate on his behalf to Artemis, whatsoever thing

he thought would be pleasing to the goddess.

(2) Cf. Herod. i. 14; Strabo. ix. 420 for such private treasuries at

Delphi.

(3) I.e. in the year B.C. 394. The circumstances under which Agesilaus

was recalled from Asia, with the details of his march and the

battle of Coronea, are described by Xenophon in the fourth book of

the "Hellenica."

In the days of his banishment, when Xenophon was now established by

the Lacedaemonians as a colonist in Scillus (4), a place which lies on 7

the main road to Olympia, Megabyzus arrived on his way to Olympia as a

spectator to attend the games, and restored to him the deposit.

Xenophon took the money and bought for the goddess a plot of ground at

a point indicated to him by the oracle. The plot, it so happened, had

its own Selinus river flowing through it, just as at Ephesus the river

Selinus flows past the temple of Artemis, and in both streams fish and

mussels are to be found. On the estate at Scillus there is hunting and

shooting of all the beasts of the chase that are.

(4) Scillus, a town of Triphylia, a district of Elis. In B.C. 572 the

Eleians had razed Pisa and Scillus to the ground. But between B.C.

392 and 387 the Lacedaemonians, having previously (B.C. 400,

"Hell." III. ii. 30) compelled the Eleians to renounce their

supremacy over their dependent cities, colonised Scillus and

eventually gave it to Xenophon, then an exile from Athens.

Xenophon resided here from fifteen to twenty years, but was, it is

said, expelled from it by the Eleians soon after the battle of

Leuctra, in B.C. 371.--"Dict. Geog. (s.v.)" The site of the place,

and of Xenophon's temple, is supposed to be in the neighbourhood

of the modern village of Chrestena, or possibly nearer Mazi. To

reach Olympia, about 2 1/2 miles distant, one must cross the

Alpheus.

Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, and ever

after, year by year, tithed the fruits of the land in their season and

did sacrifice to the goddess, while all the citizens and neighbours,

men and women, shared in the festival. The goddess herself provided

for the banqueters meat and loaves and wine and sweetmeats, with

portions of the victims sacrificed from the sacred pasture, as also of

those which were slain in the chase; for Xenophon's own lads, with the

lads of the other citizens, always made a hunting excursion against

the festival day, in which any grown men who liked might join. The

game was captured partly from the sacred district itself, partly from

Pholoe (5), pigs and gazelles and stags. The place lies on the direct

road from Lacedaemon to Olympia, about twenty furlongs from the temple

of Zeus in Olympia, and within the sacred enclosure there is

meadow-land and wood-covered hills, suited to the breeding of pigs and

goats and cattle and horses, so that even the sumpter animals of the

pilgrims passing to the feast fare sumptuously. The shrine is girdled

by a grove of cultivated trees, yielding dessert fruits in their

season. The temple itself is a facsimile on a small scale of the great

temple at Ephesus, and the image of the goddess is like the golden

statue at Ephesus, save only that it is made, not of gold, but of

cypress wood. Beside the temple stands a column bearing this

inscription:--THE PLACE IS SACRED TO ARTEMIS. HE WHO HOLDS IT AND

ENJOYS THE FRUITS OF IT IS BOUND TO SACRIFICE YEARLY A TITHE OF THE 13

PRODUCE. AND FROM THE RESIDUE THEREOF TO KEEP IN REPAIR THE SHRINE. IF

ANY MAN FAIL IN AUGHT OF THIS THE GODDESS HERSELF WILL LOOK TO IT THAT

THE MATTER SHALL NOT SLEEP.

(5) Pholoe. This mountain (north of the Alpheus) is an offshoot of

Erymanthus, crossing the Pisatis from east to west, and separating

the waters of the Peneus and the Ladon from those of the Alpheus

--"Dict. Geog." (Elis).

IV

From Cerasus they continued the march, the same portion of the troops 1

being conveyed by sea as before, and the rest marching by land. When

they had reached the frontiers of the Mossynoecians (1) they sent to

him Timesitheus the Trapezuntine, who was the proxenos (2) of the

Mossynoecians, to inquire whether they were to pass through their

territory as friends or foes. They, trusting in their strongholds,

replied that they would not give them passage. It was then that

Timesitheus informed them that the Mossynoecians on the farther side

of the country were hostile to these members of the tribe; and it was

resolved to invite the former to make an alliance, if they wished it.

So Timesitheus was sent, and came back with their chiefs. On their

arrival there was a conference of the Mossynoecian chiefs and the

generals of the Hellenes, and Xenophon made a speech which Timesitheus

interpreted. He said: "Men of the Mossynoecians, our desire is to

reach Hellas in safety; and since we have no vessels we must needs go

by foot, but these people who, as we hear, are your enemies, prevent

us. Will you take us for your allies? Now is your chance to exact

vengeance for any wrong, which they at any time may have put upon you,

and for the future they will be your subjects; but if you send us

about our business, consider and ask yourselves from what quarter will

you ever again obtain so strong a force to help you?" To this the

chief of the Mossynoecians made answer:--that the proposal was in

accordance with their wishes and they welcomed the alliance. "Good,"

said Xenophon, "but to what use do you propose to put us, if we become

your allies? And what will you in turn be able to do to assist our

passage?" They replied: "We can make an incursion into this country

hostile to yourselves and us, from the opposite side, and also send 10

you ships and men to this place, who will aid you in fighting and

conduct you on the road."

(1) I.e. dwellers in mossyns, or wooden towers. See Herod. iii. 94;

vii. 78. Cf. also Strabo, xi. 41.

(2) Or, "consul."

On this understanding, they exchanged pledges and were gone. The next

day they returned, bringing three hundred canoes, each hollowed out of

a single trunk. There were three men in each, two of whom disembarked

and fell into rank, whilst the third remained. Then the one set took

the boats and sailed back again, whilst the other two-thirds who

remained marshalled themselves in the following way. They stood in

rows of about a hundred each, like the rows of dancers in a chorus,

standing vis-a-vis to one another, and all bearing wicker shields,

made of white oxhide, shaggy, and shaped like an ivy leaf; in the

right hand they brandished a javelin about six cubits long, with a

lance in front, and rounded like a ball at the butt end of the shaft.

Their bodies were clad in short frocks, scarcely reaching to the knees

and in texture closely resembling that of a linen bedclothes' bag; on

their heads they wore leathern helmets just like the Paphlagonian

helmet, with a tuft of hair in the middle, as like a tiara in shape as

possible. They carried moreover iron battle-axes. Then one of them

gave, as it were, the key-note and started, while the rest, taking up

the strain and the step, followed singing and marking time. Passing

through the various corps and heavy armed battalions of the Hellenes,

they marched straight against the enemy, to what appeared the most

assailable of his fortresses. It was situated in front of the city, or

mother city, as it is called, which latter contains the high citadel

of the Mossynoecians. This citadel was the real bone of contention,

the occupants at any time being acknowledged as the masters of all the

other Mossynoecians. The present holders (so it was explained) had no

right to its possession; for the sake of self-aggrandisement they had

seized what was really common property.

Some of the Hellenes followed the attacking party, not under the

orders of the generals, but for the sake of plunder. As they advanced,

the enemy for a while kept quiet; but as they got near the place, they 16

made a sortie and routed them, killing several of the barbarians as

well as some of the Hellenes who had gone up with them; and so pursued

them until they saw the Hellenes advancing to the rescue. Then they

turned round and made off, first cutting off the heads of the dead men

and flaunting them in the face of the Hellenes and of their own

private foes, dancing the while and singing in a measured strain. But

the Hellenes were much vexed to think that their foes had only been

rendered bolder, while the Hellenes who had formed part of the

expedition had turned tail and fled, in spite of their numbers; a

thing which had not happened previously during the whole expedition.

So Xenophon called a meeting of the Hellenes and spoke as follows:

"Soldiers, do not in any wise be cast down by what has happened, be

sure that good no less than evil will be the result; for to begin

with, you now know certainly that those who are going to guide us are

in very deed hostile to those with whom necessity drives us to

quarrel; and, in the next place, some of our own body, these Hellenes

who have made so light of orderly array and conjoint action with

ourselves, as though they must needs achieve in the company of

barbarians all they could with ourselves, have paid the penalty and

been taught a lesson, so that another time they will be less prone to

leave our ranks. But you must be prepared to show these friendly

barbarians that you are of a better sort, and prove to the enemy that

battle with the undisciplined is one thing, but with men like

yourselves another."

Accordingly they halted, as they were, that day. Next day they

sacrificed and finding the victims favourable, they breakfasted,

formed the companies into columns, and with their barbarians arranged

in similar order on their left, began their march. Between the

companies were the archers only slightly retired behind the front of

the heavy infantry, on account of the enemy's active light troops, who

ran down and kept up volleys of stones. These were held in check by

the archers and peltasts; and steadily step by step the mass marched

on, first to the position from which the barbarians and those with

them had been driven two days back, and where the enemy were now drawn 23

up to meet them. Thus it came to pass that the barbarians first

grappled with the peltasts and maintained the battle until the heavy

infantry were close, when they turned and fled. The peltasts followed

without delay, and pursued them right up to their city, while the

heavy troops in unbroken order followed. As soon as they were up at

the houses of the capital, there and then the enemy, collecting all

together in one strong body, fought valiantly, and hurled their

javelins, or else clenched their long stout spears, almost too heavy

for a man to wield, and did their best to ward off the attack at close

quarters.

But when the Hellenes, instead of giving way, kept massing together

more thickly, the barbarians fled from this place also, and in a body

deserted the fortress. Their king, who sat in his wooden tower or

mossyn, built on the citadel (there he sits and there they maintain

him, all at the common cost, and guard him narrowly), refused to come

forth, as did also those in the fortress first taken, and so were

burnt to a cinder where they were, their mossyns, themselves, and all.

The Hellenes, pillaging and ransacking these places, discovered in the

different houses treasures and magazines of loaves, pile upon pile,

"the ancestral stores," as the Mossynoecians told them; but the new

corn was laid up apart with the straw-stalk and ear together, and this

was for the most part spelt. Slices of dolphin were another discovery,

in narrow-necked jars, all properly salted and pickled; and there was

blubber of dolphin in vessels, which the Mossynoecians used precisely

as the Hellenes use oil. Then there were large stores of nuts on the

upper floor, the broad kind without a division (3). This was also a

chief article of food with them--boiled nuts and baked loaves. Wine

was also discovered. This, from its rough, dry quality, tasted sharp

when drunk pure, but mixed with water was sweet and fragrant.

(3) I.e. "chestnuts."

The Hellenes breakfasted and then started forward on their march,

having first delivered the stronghold to their allies among the

Mossynoecians. As for the other strongholds belonging to tribes allied

with their foes, which they passed en route, the most accessible were

either deserted by their inhabitants or gave in their adhesion 30

voluntarily. The following description will apply to the majority of

them: the cities were on an average ten miles apart, some more, some

less; but so elevated is the country and intersected by such deep

clefts that if they chose to shout across to one another, their cries

would be heard from one city to another. When, in the course of their

march, they came upon a friendly population, these would entertain

them with exhibitions of fatted children belonging to the wealthy

classes, fed up on boiled chestnuts until they were as white as white

can be, of skin plump and delicate, and very nearly as broad as they

were long, with their backs variegated and their breasts tattooed with

patterns of all sorts of flowers. They sought after the women in the

Hellenic army, and would fain have laid with them openly in broad

daylight, for that was their custom. The whole community, male and

female alike, were fair-complexioned and white-skinned.

It was agreed that this was the most barbaric and outlandish people

that they had passed through on the whole expedition, and the furthest

removed from the Hellenic customs, doing in a crowd precisely what

other people would prefer to do in solitude, and when alone behaving

exactly as others would behave in company, talking to themselves and

laughing at their own expense, standing still and then again capering

about, wherever they might chance to be, without rhyme or reason, as

if their sole business were to show off to the rest of the world.

V

Through this country, friendly or hostile as the chance might be, the 1

Hellenes marched, eight stages in all, and reached the Chalybes. These

were a people few in number, and subject to the Mossynoecians. Their

livelihood was for the most part derived from mining and forging iron.

Thence they came to the Tibarenians. The country of the Tibarenians

was far more level, and their fortresses lay on the seaboard and were

less strong, whether by art or nature. The generals wanted to attack

these places, so that the army might get some pickings, and they would

not accept the gifts of hospitality which came in from the 2

Tibarenians, but bidding them wait till they had taken counsel, they

proceeded to offer sacrifice. After several abortive attempts, the

seers at last pronounced an opinion that the gods in no wise

countenanced war. Then they accepted the gifts of hospitality, and

marching through what was now recognised as a friendly country, in two

days reached Cotyora, a Hellenic city, and a colony of Sinope, albeit

situated in the territory of the Tibarenians (1).

(1) The MSS. here read, "Up to this point the expedition was conducted

on land, and the distance traversed on foot from the battle-field

near Babylon down to Cotyora amounted to one hundred and

twenty-two stages--that is to say, six hundred and twenty

parasangs, or eighteen thousand stades, or if measured in time, an

eight months' march." The words are probably the note of some

editor or commentator, though it is quite likely that the author

himself may have gone through such calculations and even have

inserted them as a note to his text.

Here they halted forty-five days, during which they first of all

sacrificed to the gods, and instituted processions, each set of the

Hellenes according to their several tribes, with gymnastic contests.

Provisions they got in meanwhile, partly from Paphlagonia, partly from

the estates of the Cotyorites, for the latter would neither provide

them a market nor receive their sick within their walls.

Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Sinope, full of fears, not only for

the Cotyorites and their city, which belonged to Sinope, and brought

in tribute, but also for the territory which, as they had heard, was

being pillaged. Accordingly they came to the camp and made a speech.

Hecatonymus, who was reported to be a clever orator, acted as their

spokesman: "Soldiers," he said, "the city of the Sinopeans has sent us

to offer you, as Hellenes, our compliments and congratulations on your

victories over the barbarians; and next, to express our joyful

satisfaction that you have surmounted all those terrible sufferings of

which we have heard, and have reached this place in safety. As

Hellenes we claim to receive at your hands, as fellow-Hellenes,

kindness and not harm. We have certainly not ourselves set you an

example heretofore of evil treatment. Now the Cotyorites are our

colonists. It was we who gave them this country to dwell in, having 10

taken it from the barbarians; for which reason also they, with the men

of Cerasus and Trapezus, pay us an appointed tribute. So that,

whatever mischief you inflict on the men of Cotyora, the city of

Sinope takes as personal to herself. At the present time we hear that

you have made forcible entry into their city, some of you, and are

quartered in the houses, besides taking forcibly from the Cotyorite

estates whatever you need, by hook and by crook. Now against these

things we enter protest. If you mean to go on so doing, you will drive

us to make friends with Corylas and the Paphlagonians, or any one else

we can find."

To meet these charges Xenophon, on behalf of the soldiers, rose and

said: "As to ourselves, men of Sinope, having got so far, we are well

content to have saved our bodies and our arms. Indeed it was

impossible at one and the same moment to keep our enemies at bay and

to despoil them of their goods and chattels. And now, since we have

reached Hellenic cities, how has it fared with us? At Trapezus they

gave us a market, and we paid for our provisions at a fair market

price. In return for the honour they did us, and the gifts of

hospitality they gave the army, we requited them with honour. Where

the barbarian was friendly to them, we stayed our hands from injury;

or under their escort, we did damage to their enemies to the utmost of

our power. Ask them, what sort of people they found us. They are here,

some of them, to answer for themselves. Their fellow-citizens and the

state of Trapezus, for friendship's sake, have sent them with us to

act as our guides.

"But wherever we come, be it foreign or Hellenic soil, and find no

market for provisions, we are wont to help ourselves, not out of

insolence but from necessity. There have been tribes like the

Carduchians, the Taochians, the Chaldaeans, which, albeit they were

not subject to the great king, yet were no less formidable than

independent. These we had to bring over by our arms. The necessity of

getting provisions forced us; since they refused to offer us a market.

Whereas some other folk, like the Macrones, in spite of their being

barbarians, we regarded as our friends, simply because they did

provide us with the best market in their power, and we took no single 18

thing of theirs by force. But, to come to these Cotyorites, whom you

claim to be your people, if we have taken aught from them, they have

themselves to blame, for they did not deal with us as friends, but

shut their gates in our faces. They would neither welcome us within

nor furnish us with a market without. The only justification they

alleged was that your governor (2) had authorised this conduct.

(2) Lit. "harmost". The term, denoting properly a governor of the

islands and foreign cities sent out by the Lacedaemonians during

their supremacy, came, it would seem, to be adopted by other Greek

communities under somewhat similar circumstances. Cotyora receives

a harmost from her mother-city, Sinope. For the Greek colonies

here mentioned, see Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Engl. tr., Mr.

G. A. Macmillan), p. 63.

"As to your assertion," he continued, turning to Hecatonymus, "that we

have got in by force and have taken up quarters, this is what we did.

We requested them to receive our sick and wounded under cover; and

when they refused to open their gates, we walked in where the place

itself invited us. All the violence we have committed amounts to this,

that our sick folk are quartered under cover, paying for their

expenses, and we keep a sentry at the gates, so that our sick and

wounded may not lie at the mercy of your governor, but we may have it

in our power to remove them whenever we like. The rest of us, you

observe, are camping under the canopy of heaven, in regular rank and

file, and we are ready to requite kindness with kindness, but to repel

evil vigorously. And as for your threat," he said, once again turning

to the spokesman, "that you will, if it suits you, make alliance with

Corylas and the Paphlagonians to attack us, for our part, we have no

objection to fighting both sets of you, if so be we must; we have

already fought others many times more numerous than you. Besides, 'if

it suits us,' as you put it, to make the Paphlagonian our friend

(report says that he has a hankering after your city and some other

places on the seaboard), we can enhance the value of our friendship by

helping to win for him what he covets."

Thereupon the ambassadors showed very plainly their annoyance with

Hecatonymus, on account of the style of his remarks, and one of them

stept forward to explain that their intention in coming was not at all

to raise a war, but on the contrary to demonstrate their friendliness. 24

"And if you come to Sinope itself," the speaker continued, "we will

welcome you there with gifts of hospitality. Meanwhile we will enjoin

upon the citizens of this place to give you what they can; for we can

see that every word of what you say is true." Thereupon the Cotyorites

sent gifts of hospitality, and the generals of the Hellenes

entertained the ambassadors of the Sinopeans. Many and friendly were

the topics of conversation; freely flowed the talk on things in

general; and, in particular, both parties were able to make inquiries

and satisfy their curiosity concerning the remaining portion of the

march.

VI

Such was the conclusion of that day. On the following day the generals 1

summoned an assembly of the soldiers, when it was resolved to invite

the men of Sinope, and to take advice with them touching the remainder

of the journey. In the event of their having to continue it on foot,

the Sinopeans through their acquaintance with Paphlagonia would be

useful to them; while, if they had to go by sea, the services of the

same people would be at a premium; for who but they could furnish

ships sufficient for the army? Accordingly, they summoned their

ambassadors, and took counsel with them, begging them, on the strength

of the sacred ties which bind Hellenes to Hellenes, to inaugurate the

good reception they had spoken of, by present kindliness and their

best advice.

Hecatonymus rose and wished at once to offer an apology with regard to

what he had said about the possibility of making friends with the

Paphlagonians. "The words were not intended," he said, "to convey a

threat, as though they were minded to go to war with the Hellenes, but

as meaning rather: albeit we have it in our power to be friendly with

the barbarians, we will choose the Hellenes." Then, being urged to aid

them by some advice, with a pious ejaculation, he commenced: "If I

bestow upon you the best counsel I am able, God grant that blessings

in abundance may descend on me; but if the contrary, may evil betide 4

me! 'Sacred counsel (1),' as the saying goes--well, sirs, if ever the

saying held, it should hold I think to-day; when, if I be proved to

have given you good counsel, I shall not lack panegyrists, or if evil,

your imprecations will be many-tongued.

(1) Cf. Plato, "Theages," 122.

"As to trouble, I am quite aware, we shall have much more trouble if

you are conveyed by sea, for we must provide the vessels; whereas, if

you go by land, all the fighting will evolve on you. Still, let come

what may, it behoves me to state my views. I have an intimate

acquaintance with the country of the Paphlagonians and their power.

The country possesses the two features of hill and vale, that is to

say, the fairest plains and the highest mountains. To begin with the

mountains, I know the exact point at which you must make your entry.

It is precisely where the horns of a mountain tower over both sides of

the road. Let the merest handful of men occupy these and they can hold

the pass with ease; for when that is done not all the enemies in the

world could effect a passage. I could point out the whole with my

finger, if you like to send any one with me to the scene.

"So much for the mountain barrier. But the next thing I know is that

there are plains and a cavalry which the barbarians themselves hold to

be superior to the entire cavalry of the great king. Why, only the

other day these people refused to present themselves to the summons of

the king; their chief is too proud for that.

"But now, supposing you were able to seize the mountain barrier, by

stealth, or expedition, before the enemy could stop you; supposing

further, you were able to win an engagement in the plain against not

only their cavalry but their more than one hundred and twenty thousand

infantry--you will only find yourself face to face with rivers, a

series of them. First the Thermodon, three hundred feet broad, which I

take it will be difficult to pass, especially with a host of foes in

front and another following behind. Next comes the Iris river, three

hundred feet broad; and thirdly, the Halys, at least two furlongs

broad, which you could not possibly cross without vessels, and who is

going to supply you with vessels? In the same way too the Parthenius 9

is impassable, which you will reach if you cross the Halys. For my

part, then, I consider the land-journey, I will not say difficult, but

absolutely impossible for you. Whereas if you go by sea, you can coast

along from here to Sinope, and from Sinope to Heraclea. From Heraclea

onwards there is no difficulty, whether by land or by sea; for there

are plenty of vessels at Heraclea."

After he had finished his remarks, some of his hearers thought they

detected a certain bias in them. He would not have spoken so, but for

his friendship with Corylas, whose official representative he was.

Others guessed he had an itching palm, and that he was hoping to

receive a present for his "sacred advice." Others again suspected that

his object was to prevent their going by foot and doing some mischief

to the country of the Sinopeans. However that might be, the Hellenes

voted in favour of continuing the journey by sea. After this Xenophon

said: "Sinopeans, the army has chosen that method of procedure which

you advise, and thus the matter stands. If there are sure to be

vessels enough to make it impossible for a single man to be left

behind, go by sea we will; but if part of us are to be left while part

go by sea, we will not set foot on board the vessels. One fact we

plainly recognise, strength is everything to us. So long as we have

the mastery, we shall be able to protect ourselves and get provisions;

but if we are once caught at the mercy of our foes, it is plain, we

shall be reduced to slavery." On hearing this the ambassadors bade

them send an embassy, which they did, to wit, Callimachus the

Arcadian, and Ariston the Athenian, and Samolas the Achaean.

So these set off, but meanwhile a thought shaped itself in the mind of

Xenophon, as there before his eyes lay that vast army of Hellene

hoplites, and that other array of peltasts, archers, and slingers,

with cavalry to boot, and all in a state of thorough efficiency from

long practice, hardened veterans, and all collected in Pontus, where

to raise so large a force would cost a mint of money. Then the idea

dawned upon him: how noble an opportunity to acquire new territory and 15

power for Hellas, by the founding of a colony--a city of no mean size,

moreover, said he to himself, as he reckoned up their own numbers--and

besides themselves a population planted on the shores of Pontus.

Thereupon he summoned Silanus the Ambraciot, the soothsayer of Cyrus

above mentioned, and before breathing a syllable to any of the

soldiers, he consulted the victims by sacrifice.

But Silanus, in apprehension lest these ideas might embody themselves,

and the army be permanently halted at some point or other, set a tale

going among the men, to the effect that Xenophon was minded to detain

the army and found a city in order to win himself a name and acquire

power, Silanus himself being minded to reach Hellas with all possible

speed, for the simple reason that he had still got the three thousand

darics presented to him by Cyrus on the occasion of the sacrifice when

he hit the truth so happily about the ten days. Silanus's story was

variously received, some few of the soldiers thinking it would be an

excellent thing to stay in that country; but the majority were

strongly averse. The next incident was that Timasion the Dardanian,

with Thorax the Boeotian, addressed themselves to some Heracleot and

Sinopean traders who had come to Cotyora, and told them that if they

did not find means to furnish the army with pay sufficient to keep

them in provisions on the homeward voyage, all that great force would

most likely settle down permanently in Pontus. "Xenophon has a pet

idea," they continued, "which he urges upon us. We are to wait until

the ships come, and then we are suddenly to turn round to the army and

say: 'Soldiers, we now see the straits we are in, unable to keep

ourselves in provisions on the return voyage, or to make our friends

at home a little present at the end of our journey. But if you like to

select some place on the inhabited seaboard of the Black Sea which may

take your fancy and there put in, this is open to you to do. Those who

like to go home, go; those who care to stay here, stay. You have got 20

vessels now, so that you can make a sudden pounce upon any point you

choose.'"

The merchants went off with this tale and reported it to every city

they came to in turn, nor did they go alone, but Timasion the

Dardanian sent a fellow-citizen of his own, Eurymachus, with the

Boeotian Thorax, to repeat the same story. So when it reached the ears

of the men of Sinope and the Heracleots, they sent to Timasion and

pressed him to accept of a gratuity, in return for which he was to

arrange for the departure of the troops. Timasion was only too glad to

hear this, and he took the opportunity when the soldiers were convened

in meeting to make the following remarks: "Soldiers," he said, "do not

set your thoughts on staying here; let Hellas, and Hellas only, be the

object of your affection, for I am told that certain persons have been

sacrificing on this very question, without saying a word to you. Now I

can promise you, if you once leave these waters, to furnish you with

regular monthly pay, dating from the first of the month, at the rate

of one cyzicene (2) a head per month. I will bring you to the Troad,

from which part I am an exile, and my own state is at your service.

They will receive me with open arms. I will be your guide personally,

and I will take you to places where you will get plenty of money. I

know every corner of the Aeolid, and Phrygia, and the Troad, and

indeed the whole satrapy of Pharnabazus, partly because it is my

birthplace, partly from campaigns in that region with Clearchus and

Dercylidas (3)."

(2) A cyzicene stater = twenty-eight silver drachmae of Attic money

B.C. 335, in the time of Demosthenes; but, like the daric, this

gold coin would fluctuate in value relatively to silver. It

contained more grains of gold than the daric.

(3) Of Dercylidas we hear more in the "Hellenica." In B.C. 411 he was

harmost at Abydos; in B.C. 399 he superseded Thimbron in Asia

Minor; and was himself superseded by Agesilaus in B.C. 396.

No sooner had he ceased than up got Thorax the Boeotian. This was a

man who had a standing battle with Xenophon about the generalship of

the army. What he said was that, if they once got fairly out of the

Euxine, there was the Chersonese, a beautiful and prosperous country,

where they could settle or not, as they chose. Those who liked could

stay; and those who liked could return to their homes; how ridiculous 25

then, when there was so much territory in Hellas and to spare, to be

poking about (4) in the land of the barbarian. "But until you find

yourselves there," he added, "I, no less than Timasion, can guarantee

you regular pay." This he said, knowing what promises had been made

Timasion by the men of Heraclea and Sinope to induce them to set sail.

(4) The word {masteuein} occurs above, and again below, and in other

writings of our author. It is probably Ionic or old Attic, and

occurs in poetry.

Meanwhile Xenophon held his peace. Then up got Philesius and Lycon,

two Achaeans: "It was monstrous," they said, "that Xenophon should be

privately persuading people to stop there, and consulting the victims

for that end, without letting the army into the secret, or breathing a

syllable in public about the matter." When it came to this, Xenophon

was forced to get up, and speak as follows: "Sirs, you are well aware

that my habit is to sacrifice at all times; whether in your own behalf

or my own, I strive in every thought, word, and deed to be directed as

is best for yourselves and for me. And in the present instance my sole

object was to learn whether it were better even so much as to broach

the subject, and so take action, or to have absolutely nothing to do

with the project. Now Silanus the soothsayer assured me by his answer

of what was the main point: 'the victims were favourable.' No doubt

Silanus knew that I was not unversed myself in his lore, as I have so

often assisted at the sacrifice; but he added that there were symptoms

in the victims of some guile or conspiracy against me. That was a

happy discovery on his part, seeing that he was himself conspiring at

the moment to traduce me before you; since it was he who set the tale

going that I had actually made up my mind to carry out these projects

without procuring your consent. Now, for my part, if I saw that you 30

were in any difficulties, I should set myself to discover how you

might capture a city, on the understanding of course that all who

wished might sail away at once, leaving those who did not wish, to

follow at a later date, with something perhaps in their pockets to

benefit their friends at home. Now, however, as I see that the men of

Heraclea and Sinope are to send you ships to assist you to sail away,

and more than one person guarantees to give you regular monthly pay,

it is, I admit, a rare chance to be safely piloted to the haven of our

hopes, and at the same time to receive pay for our preservation. For

myself I have done with that dream, and to those, who came to me to

urge these projects, my advice is to have done with them. In fact,

this is my view. As long as you stay together united as to-day, you

will command respect and procure provisions; for might certainly

exercises a right over what belongs to the weaker. But once broken up,

with your force split into bits, you will neither be able to get

subsistence, nor indeed will you get off without paying dearly for it.

In fact, my resolution coincides precisely with yours. It is that we

should set off for Hellas, and if any one stops behind, or is caught

deserting before the whole army is in safety, let him be judged as an

evil-doer. Pray let all who are in favour of this proposition hold up

their hands."

They all held them up; only Silanus began shouting and vainly striving

to maintain the right of departure for all who liked to depart. But

the soldiers would not suffer him, threatening him that if he were

himself caught attempting to run away they would inflict the aforesaid

penalty. After this, when the Heracleots learned that the departure by

sea was resolved upon, and that the measure itself emanated from

Xenophon, they sent the vessels indeed; but as to the money which they

had promised to Timasion and Thorax as pay for the soldiers, they were

not as good as their word, in fact they cheated them both. Thus the

two who had guaranteed regular monthly pay were utterly confounded,

and stood in terror of the soldiers. What they did then, was to take

to them the other generals to whom they had communicated their former

transactions (that is to say, all except Neon the Asniaean, who, as

lieutenant-general, was acting for Cheirisophus during his continued

absence). This done they came in a body to Xenophon and said that 36

their views were changed. As they had now got the ships, they thought

it best to sail to the Phasis, and seize the territory of the Phasians

(whose present king was a descendant of Aeetes (5)). Xenophon's reply

was curt:--Not one syllable would he have to say himself to the army

in this matter, "But," he added, "if you like, you can summon an

assembly and have your say." Thereupon Timasion the Dardanian set

forth as his opinion:--It were best to hold no parliament at present,

but first to go and conciliate, each of them, his own officers. Thus

they went away and proceeded to execute their plans.

(5) Aeetes is the patronym of the kings of Colchis from mythical times

onwards; e.g. Medea was the daughter of Aeetes.

VII

Presently the soldiers came to learn what was in course of agitation, 1

and Neon gave out that Xenophon had persuaded the other generals to

adopt his views, and had a plan to cheat the soldiers and take them

back to the Phasis. The soldiers were highly indignant; meetings were

held; little groups gathered ominously; and there seemed an alarming

probability that they would repeat the violence with which they had

lately treated the heralds of the Colchians and the clerks of the

market; when all who did not save themselves by jumping into the sea

were stoned to death. So Xenophon, seeing what a storm was brewing,

resolved to anticipate matters so far as to summon a meeting of the

men without delay, and thus prevent their collecting of their own

accord, and he ordered the herald to announce an assembly. The voice

of the herald was no sooner heard than they rushed with great

readiness to the place of meeting. Then Xenophon, without accusing the

generals of having come to him, made the following speech: "I hear

that a charge is brought against me. It is I apparently who am going

to cheat you and carry you off to Phasis. I beg you by all that is

holy to listen to me; and if there be found any guilt in me, let me

not leave this place till I have paid the penalty of my misdoing; but

if my accusers are found guilty, treat them as they deserve. I

presume, sirs, you know where the sun rises and where he sets, and

that he who would go to Hellas must needs journey towards the sunset;

whereas he who seeks the land of the barbarian must contrariwise fix 6

his face towards the dawn. Now is that a point in which a man might

hope to cheat you? Could any one make you believe that the sun rises

here and sets there, or that he sets here and rises there? And

doubtless you know this too, that it is Boreas, the north wind, who

bears the mariner out of Pontus towards Hellas, and the south wind

inwards towards the Phasis, whence the saying--

"'When the North wind doth blow

Home to Hellas we will go (1).'

(1) Whether this was a local saying or a proverb I cannot say. The

words have a poetical ring about them: "When Borrhas blows, fair

voyages to Hellas."

"He would be a clever fellow who could befool you into embarking with

a south wind blowing. That sounds all very well, you think, only I may

get you on board during a calm. Granted, but I shall be on board my

one ship, and you on board another hundred at least, and how am I to

constrain you to voyage with me against your will, or by what cajolery

shall I carry you off? But I will imagine you so far befooled and

bewitched by me, that I have got you to the Phasis; we proceed to

disembark on dry land. At last it will come out, that wherever you

are, you are not in Hellas, and the inventor of the trick will be one

sole man, and you who have been caught by it will number something

like ten thousand with swords in your hands. I do not know how a man

could better ensure his own punishment than by embarking on such a

policy with regards to himself and you.

"Nay, these tales are the invention of silly fellows who are jealous

of the honour you bestow on me. A most uncalled-for jealousy! Do I

hinder any of them from speaking any word of import in his power? of

striking a blow in your behalf and his own, if that is his choice? or,

finally, of keeping his eyes and ears open to secure your safety? What

is it? In your choice of leaders do I stand in the way of any one, is

that it? Let him step forward, I yield him place; he shall be your

general; only he must prove that he has your good at heart.

"For myself, I have done; but for yourselves, if any of you conceive 11

either that he himself could be the victim of a fraud, or that he

could victimise any one else in such a thing as this, let him open his

lips and explain to us how. Take your time, but when you have sifted

the matter to your hearts' content, do not go away without suffering

me to tell you of something which I see looming. If it should burst

upon us and prove in fact anything like what it gives signs of being

now, it is time for us to take counsel for ourselves and see that we

do not prove ourselves to be the worst and basest of men in the sight

of gods and men, be they friends or be they foes." The words moved the

curiosity of the soldiers. They marvelled what this matter might be,

and bade him explain. Thereupon he began again: "You will not have

forgotten certain places in the hills--barbaric fastnesses, but

friendly to the Cerasuntines--from which people used to come down and

sell us large cattle and other things which they possessed, and if I

mistake not, some of you went to the nearest of these places and made

purchases in the market and came back again. Clearetus the captain

learnt of this place, that it was but a little one and unguarded. Why

should it be guarded since it was friendly? so the folk thought. Thus

he stole upon it in the dead of night, and meant to sack it without

saying a word to any of us. His design was, if he took the place, not

to return again to the army, but to mount a vessel which, with his

messmates on board her, was sailing past at the time, and stowing away

what he had seized, to set sail and begone beyond the Euxine. All this

had been agreed upon and arranged with his comrades on board the

vessel, as I now discover. Accordingly, he summoned to his side all

whom he could persuade, and set off at their head against the little

place. But dawn overtook him on his march. The men collected out of

their strongholds, and whether from a distance or close quarters, made

such a fight that they killed Clearetus and a good many of the rest,

and only a few of them got safe back to Cerasus.

"These things took place on the day on which we started to come hither

on foot; while some of those who were to go by sea were still at

Cerasus, not having as yet weighed anchor. After this, according to 17

what the Cerasuntines state, there arrived three inhabitants of the

place which had been attacked; three elderly men, seeking an interview

with our public assembly. Not finding us, they addressed themselves to

the men of Cerasus, and told them, they were astonished that we should

have thought it right to attack them; however, when, as the

Cerasuntines assert, they had assured them that the occurrence was not

authorised by public consent, they were pleased, and proposed to sail

here, not only to state to us what had occurred, but to offer that

those who were interested should take up and bury the bodies of the

slain.

"But among the Hellenes still at Cerasus were some of those who had

escaped. They found out in which direction the barbarians were minded

to go, and not only had the face themselves to pelt them with stones,

but vociferously encouraged their neighbours to do the same. The three

men--ambassadors, mark you--were slain, stoned to death. After this

occurrence, the men of Cerasus came to us and reported the affair, and

we generals, on being informed, were annoyed at what had taken place,

and took counsel with the Cerasuntines how the dead bodies of the

Hellenes might be buried. While seated in conclave outside the camp,

we suddenly were aware of a great hubbub. We heard cries: 'Cut them

down!' 'Shoot them!' 'Stone them!' and presently we caught sight of a

mass of people racing towards us with stones in their hands, and

others picking them up. The Cerasuntines, naturally enough,

considering the incident they had lately witnessed, retired in terror

to their vessels, and, upon my word, some of us did not feel too

comfortable. All I could do was to go to them and inquire what it all

meant. Some of them had not the slightest notion, although they had

stones in their hands, but chancing on some one who was better

informed, I was told by him that 'the clerks of the market were

treating the army most scandalously.' Just then some one got sight of

the market clerk, Zelarchus, making his way off towards the sea, and

lifted up his voice aloud, and the rest responding to the cry as if a 24

wild boar or a stag had been started, they rushed upon him.

"The Cerasuntines, seeing a rush in their direction, thought that,

without a doubt, it was directed against themselves, and fled with all

speed and threw themselves into the sea, in which proceeding they were

imitated by some few of our own men, and all who did not know how to

swim were drowned. But now, what do you think of their case, these men

of Cerasus? They had done no wrong. They were simply afraid that some

madness had seized us, like that to which dogs are liable.

"I say then, if proceedings like this are to be the order of the day,

you had better consider what the ultimate condition of the army is

like to be. As a body you will not have it in your power to undertake

war against whom you like, or to conclude peace. But in private any

one who chooses will conduct the army on any quest which takes his

fancy. And when ambassadors come to you to demand peace, or whatever

it may be, officious people will put them to death and prevent your

hearing the proposals which brought them to you. The next step will be

that those whom you as a body may choose as generals will be of no

account; but any one who likes to elect himself general, and will

adopt the formula 'Shoot him! shoot him!' will be competent to cut

down whomsoever he pleases untried, be it general or private soldier,

if only he have sufficient followers, as was the case just now. But

just consider what these self-appointed generals have achieved for

you. Zelarchus, the clerk of the market, may possibly have done you a

wrong; if so, he has sailed off and is gone without paying you any

penalty; or he may be guiltless, in which case we have driven him from

the army in terror of perishing unjustly without a trial. While those

who stoned the ambassadors have contrived so cleverly that we alone of

all Hellenes cannot approach Cerasus safely without a strong force,

and the corpses which the very men who slew them themselves invited us

to bury, we cannot now pick up with safety even under a flag of truce.

Who indeed would care to carry a flag of truce, or go as a herald with 30

the blood of heralds upon his hands? All we could do was to implore

the Cerasuntines to bury them.

"If then you approve of such doings, have a resolution passed to that

effect, so that, with a prospect of like occurrences in the future, a

man may privately set up a guard and do his best to fix his tent where

he can find a strong position with a commanding site. If, however,

these seem to you to be the deeds rather of wild beasts than of human

beings, bethink you of some means by which to stay them; or else, in

heaven's name, how shall we do sacrifice to the gods gladly, with

impious deeds to answer for? or how shall we, who lay the knife to

each other's throats, give battle to our enemies? What friendly city

will receive us when they see rampant lawlessness in our midst? Who

will have the courage to afford us a market, when we prove our

worthlessness in these weightiest concerns? and what becomes of the

praise we expect to win from the mouths of men? who will vouchsafe it

to us, if this is our behaviour? Should we not ourselves bestow the

worst of names on the perpetrators of like deeds?"

After this they rose, and, as one man, proposed that the ringleaders

in these matters should be punished; and that for the future, to set

an example of lawlessness should be forbidden. Every such ringleader

was to be prosecuted on the capital charge; the generals were to bring

all offenders to the bar of justice; prosecutions for all other

misdemeanours committed since the death of Cyrus were to be

instituted; and they ended by constituting the officers into a board

of dicasts (2); and upon the strong representation of Xenophon, with

the concurrence of the soothsayers, it was resolved to purify the

army, and this purification was made.

(2) I.e. a board of judges or jurors.

VIII

It was further resolved that the generals themselves should undergo a 1

judicial examination in reference to their conduct in past time. In

course of investigation, Philesius and Xanthicles respectively were

condemned to pay a sum of twenty minae, to meet a deficiency to that

amount incurred during the guardianship of the cargoes of the

merchantmen. Sophaenetus was fined ten minae for inadequate performance

of his duty as one of the chief officers selected. Against Xenophon a

charge was brought by certain people, who asserted that they had been

beaten by him, and framed the indictment as one of personal outrage

with violence (1). Xenophon got up and demanded that the first speaker

should state "where and when it was he had received these blows." The

other, so challenged, answered, "When we were perishing of cold and

there was a great depth of snow." Xenophon said: "Upon my word, with

weather such as you describe, when our provisions had run out, when

the wine could not even be smelt, when numbers were dropping down dead

beat, so acute was the suffering, with the enemy close on our heels;

certainly, if at such a season as that I was guilty of outrage, I

plead guilty to being a more outrageous brute than the ass, which is

too wanton, they say, to feel fatigue. Still, I wish you would tell

us," said he, "what led to my striking you. Did I ask you for

something and, on your refusing it to me, did I proceed to beat you?

Was it a debt, for which I demanded payment? or a quarrel about some

boy or other? Was I the worse for liquor, and behaving like a

drunkard?" When the man met each of these questions with a negative,

he questioned him further: "Are you a heavy infantry soldier?" "No,"

said he. "A peltast, then?" "No, nor yet a peltast"; but he had been

ordered by his messmates to drive a mule, although he was a free man. 5

Then at last he recognised him, and inquired: "Are you the fellow who

carried home the sick man?" "Yes, I am," said he, "thanks to your

driving; and you made havoc of my messmates' kit." "Havoc!" said

Xenophon: "Nay, I distributed it; some to one man, some to another to

carry, and bade them bring the things safely to me; and when I got

them back I delivered them all safely to you, and you, on your side,

had rendered an account to me of the man. Let me tell you," he

continued, turning to the court, "what the circumstances were; it is

worth hearing:--

(1) See the "Dict. of Antiq." 622 a. HYBREOS GRAPHE. In the case of

common assaults as opposed to indecent assault, the prosecution

seems to have been allowable only when the object of a wanton

attack was a free person. Cf. Arist. "Rhet." ii. 24.

"A man was left behind from inability to proceed farther; I recognised

the poor fellow sufficiently to see that he was one of ours, and I

forced you, sir, to carry him to save his life. For if I am not much

mistaken, the enemy were close at our heels?" The fellow assented to

this. "Well then," said Xenophon, "after I had sent you forward, I

overtook you again, as I came up with the rearguard; you were digging

a trench with intent to bury the man; I pulled up and said something

in commendation; as we stood by the poor fellow twitched his leg, and

the bystanders all cried out, 'Why, the man's alive!' Your remark was:

'Alive or not as he likes, I am not going to carry him' Then I struck

you. Yes! you are right, for it looked very much as if you knew him to

be alive." "Well," said he, "was he any the less dead when I reported

him to you?" "Nay," retorted Xenophon, "by the same token we shall all

one day be dead, but that is no reason why meantime we should all be

buried alive?" Then there was a general shout: "If Xenophon had given

the fellow a few more blows, it might have been better." The others

were now called upon to state the grounds on which they had been

beaten in each case; but when they refused to get up, he proceeded to

state them himself.

"I confess, sirs, to having struck certain men for failure in

discipline. These were men who were quite content to owe their safety

to us. Whilst the rest of the world marched on in rank and did

whatever fighting had to be done, they preferred to leave the ranks,

and rush forward to loot and enrich themselves at our expense. Now, if 13

this conduct were to be the rule, general ruin would be the result. I

do not deny that I have given blows to this man or the other who

played the poltroon and refused to get up, helplessly abandoning

himself to the enemy; and so I forced them to march on. For once in

the severe wintry weather I myself happened to sit down for a long

time, whilst waiting for a party who were getting their kit together,

and I discovered how difficult it was to get up again and stretch

one's legs. After this personal experience, whenever I saw any one

else seated in slack and lazy mood, I tried to spur him on. The mere

movement and effort to play the man caused warmth and moisture,

whereas it was plain that sitting down and keeping quiet helped the

blood to freeze and the toes to mortify, calamities which really

befell several of the men, as you yourselves are aware.

"I can imagine a third case, that of some straggler stopping behind,

merely to rest for rest's sake, and hindering you in front and us

behind alike from pressing on the march. If he got a blow with the

fist from me it saved him a thrust with the lance from the enemy. In

fact, the opportunity they enjoy to-day of taking vengeance on me for

any treatment which I put upon them wrongfully, is derived from their

salvation then; whereas, if they had fallen into the enemy's hands,

let them ask themselves for what outrage, however great, they could

expect to get satisfaction now. My defence," he continued, "is simple:

if I chastised any one for his own good, I claim to suffer the same

penalties as parents pay their children or masters their boys. Does

not the surgeon also cauterise and cut us for our good? But if you

really believe that these acts are the outcome of wanton insolence, I

beg you to observe that although to-day, thank God! I am heartier than

formerly, I wear a bolder front now than then, and I drink more wine,

yet I never strike a soul; no, for I see that you have reached smooth

water. When storm arises, and a great sea strikes the vessel

amidships, a mere shake of the head will make the look-out man furious

with the crew in the forecastle, or the helmsman with the men in the

stern sheets, for at such a crisis even a slight slip may ruin

everything. But I appeal to your own verdict, already recorded, in 21

proof that I was justified in striking these men. You stood by, sirs,

with swords, not voting tablets, in your hands, and it was in your

power to aid the fellows if you liked; but, to speak the honest truth,

you neither aided them nor did you join me in striking the disorderly.

In other words, you enabled any evilly-disposed person among them to

give rein to his wantonness by your passivity. For if you will be at

pains to investigate, you will find that those who were then most

cowardly are the ringleaders to-day in brutality and outrage.

"There is Boiscus the boxer, a Thessalian, what a battle he fought

then to escape carrying his shield! so tired was he, and to-day I am

told he has stripped several citizens of Cotyora of the clothes on

their backs. If then you are wise, you will treat this personage in a

way the contrary to that in which men treat dogs. A savage dog is tied

up on the day and loosed at night, but if you are wise you will tie

this fellow up at night and only let him loose in the day.

"But really," he added, "it does surprise me with what keenness you

remember and recount the times when I incurred the hatred of some one;

but some other occasions when I eased the burden of winter and storm

for any of you, or beat off an enemy, or helped to minister to you in

sickness and want, not a soul of you remembers these. Or when for any

noble deed done by any of you I praised the doer, and according to my

ability did honour to this brave man or that; these things have

slipped from your memories, and are clean forgotten. Yet it were

surely more noble, just, and holy, sweeter and kindlier to treasure

the memory of good rather than of evil."

He ended, and then one after another of the assembly got up and began

recalling incidents of the kind suggested, and things ended not so

unpleasantly after all.