Book iv. sect. 7. I here give a useful extract.
'This version is complete, and faithful in all essential points. Chaucer
had no other purpose than to disclose, if possible wholly, the meaning of
this famous work to his contemporaries; and notwithstanding many errors in
single points, he has fairly well succeeded in reproducing the sense of the
original. He often employs for this purpose periphrastic turns, and for the
explanation of difficult passages, poetical figures, mythological and
historical allusions; and he even incorporates a number of notes in his
text. His version thus becomes somewhat diffuse, and, in the undeveloped
state of prose composition so characteristic of that age, often quite
unwieldy. But there is no lack of warmth, and even of a certain
colouring....
'The language of the translation shews many a peculiarity; viz. numerous
Latinisms, and even Roman idioms in synthesis, inflexion, or syntax, which
are either wholly absent or at least found very rarely in Chaucer's poems.
The labour of this translation proved a school for the poet, from which his
powers of speech came forth not only more elevated but more self-reliant;
and above all, with a greater aptitude to express thoughts of a deeper
nature.'
§ 20. Most of the instances in which Chaucer's rendering is inaccurate,
unhappy, or insufficient are pointed out in the notes. I here collect some
examples, many of which have already been remarked upon by Dr. Morris and
Mr. Stewart.
i. met. 1. 3. rendinge Muses: 'lacerae Camenae.'
" 20. unagreable dwellinges[34]: 'ingratas moras.'
i. pr. 1. 49. til it be at the laste: 'usque in exitium;' (but see the
note).
i. pr. 3. 2. I took hevene: 'hausi caelum.'
i. met. 4. 5. hete: 'aestum;' (see the note). So again, in met. 7. 3.
i. pr. 4. 83. for nede of foreine moneye: 'alienae aeris necessitate.'
i. pr. 4. 93. lykned: 'astrui;' (see the note).
i. met. 5. 9. cometh eft ayein hir used cours: 'Solitas iterum mutet
habenas;' (see the note).
ii. pr. 1. 22. entree: 'adyto;' (see the note).
ii. pr. 1. 45. use hir maneres: 'utere moribus.'
ii. pr. 5. 10. to hem that despenden it: 'effundendo.'
" 11. to thilke folk that mokeren it: 'coaceruando.'
" 90. subgit: 'sepositis;' (see the note).
ii. met. 6. 21. _the gloss is wrong_; (see the note).
ii. met. 7. 20. cruel day: 'sera dies;' (see the note).
iii. pr. 2. 57. birefte awey: 'adferre.' Here MS. C. has _afferre_, and
Chaucer seems to have resolved this into _ab-ferre_.
iii. pr. 3. 48. foreyne: 'forenses.'
iii. pr. 4. 42. many maner dignitees of consules: 'multiplici consulatu.'
iii. pr. 4. 64. of usaunces: 'utentium.'
iii. pr. 8. 11. anoyously: 'obnoxius;' (see the note).
" 29. of a beest that highte lynx: 'Lynceis;' (see the note).
iii. pr. 9. 16. Wenest thou that he, that hath nede of power, that him ne
lakketh no-thing? 'An tu arbitraris quod nihilo indigeat egere potentia?'
On this Mr. Stewart remarks that 'it is easy to see that _indigeat_ and
_egere_ have changed places.' To me, it is not quite easy; for the senses
of the M.E. _nede_ and _lakken_ are very slippery. Suppose we make them
change places, and read:--'Wenest thou that he, that hath lak of power,
that him ne nedeth no-thing?' This may be better, but it is not wholly
satisfactory.
iii. pr.9. 39-41. that he ... yif him nedeth = whether he needeth. A very
clumsy passage; see the Latin quoted in the note.
iii. pr. 10. 165. the soverein fyn and the cause: 'summa, cardo, atque
caussa.'
iii. pr. 12. 55, 67. a keye: 'clauus;' and again, 'clauo.'
" 74. a yok of misdrawinges: 'detrectantium iugum.'
" 75. the savinge of obedient thinges: 'obtemperantium
salus.'
iii. pr. 12. 136. the whiche proeves drawen to hem-self hir feith and hir
acord, everich of hem of other: 'altero ex altero fidem trahente ...
probationibus.' (Not well expressed.)
iii. met. 12. 5. the wodes, moveable, to rennen; and had maked the riveres,
&c.: 'Siluas currere, mobiles Amnes,' &c.
iii. met. 17-19. Obscure and involved.
iv. pr. 1. 22. of wikkede felounes: 'facinorum.'
iv. pr. 2. 97. Iugement: 'indicium' (_misread as_ iudicium).
iv. met. 7. 15. empty: 'immani;' (_misread as_ inani).
v. pr. 1. 3. ful digne by auctoritee: 'auctoritate dignissima.'
" 34. prince: 'principio.'
" 57. the abregginge of fortuit hap: 'fortuiti caussae compendii.'
v. pr. 4. 30. by grace of position (_or_ possessioun): 'positionis gratia.'
v. pr. 4. 56. right as we trowen: 'quasi uero credamus.'
v. met. 5. 6. by moist fleeinge: 'liquido uolatu.'
§ 21. In the case of a few supposed errors, as pointed out by Mr. Stewart,
there remains something to be said on the other side. I note the following
instances.
i. pr. 6. 28. Lat. 'uelut hiante ualli robore.' Here Mr. Stewart quotes the
reading of MS. A., viz. 'so as the strengthe of the paleys schynyng is
open.' But the English text in that MS. is corrupt. The correct reading is
'palis chyning;' where _palis_ means _palisade_, and translates _ualli_;
and _chyning is open_ means _is gaping open_, and translates _hiante_.
ii. pr. 5. 16. Lat. 'largiendi usu.' The translation has: 'by usage of
large yevinge _of him that hath yeven it_.' I fail to see much amiss; for
the usual sense of _large_ in M. E. is _liberal_, _bounteous_, _lavish_. Of
course we must not substitute the modern sense without justification.
ii. pr. 5. 35. 'of the laste beautee' translates Lat. 'postremae
pulcritudinis.' For this, see my note on p. 431.
ii. pr. 7. 38. Lat. 'tum commercii insolentia.' Chaucer has: 'what for
defaute of unusage and entrecomuninge of marchaundise.' There is not much
amiss; but MS. A. omits the word _and_ after _unusage_, which of course
makes nonsense of the passage.
ii. met. 8. 6. Lat. 'Ut fluctus auidum mare Certo fine coerceat.' Chaucer
has: 'that the see, greedy to flowen, constreyned with a certein ende hise
floodes.' Mr. Stewart understands 'greedy to flowen' to refer to 'fluctus
auidum.' It seems to me that this was merely Chaucer's first idea of the
passage, and that he afterwards meant 'hise floodes' to translate
'fluctus,' but forgot to strike out 'to flowen.' I do not defend the
translation.
iii. pr. 11. 86. Lat. 'sede;' Eng. 'sete.' This is quite right. Mr. Stewart
quotes the Eng. version as having 'feete,' but this is only a corrupt
reading, though found in the best MS. Any one who is acquainted with M. E.
MSS. will easily guess that 'feete' is merely mis-copied from 'seete,' with
a long _s_; and, indeed, _sete_ is the reading of the black-letter
editions. There is a blunder here, certainly; only it is not the author's,
but due to the scribes.
iv. pr. 6. 176. Lat. 'quidam me quoque excellentior:' Eng. 'a philosophre,
the more excellent by me.' The M. E. use of _by_ is ambiguous; it
frequently means 'in comparison with.'
v. met. 5. 14. Lat. 'male dissipis:' Eng. 'wexest yvel out of thy wit.' In
this case, _wexest out of thy wit_ translates _dissipis_; and _yvel_, which
is here an adverb, translates _male_.
Of course we must also make allowances for the variations in Chaucer's
Latin MS. from the usually received text. Here we are much assisted by MS.
C., which, as explained below, appears to contain a copy of the very text
which he consulted, and helps to settle several doubtful points. To take
two examples. In Book ii. met. 5. 17, Chaucer has 'ne hadde nat deyed yit
_armures_,' where the usual Lat. text has 'tinxerat _arua_.' But many MSS.
have _arma_; and, of these, MS. C. is one.
Once more, in Book ii. met. 2. 11, Chaucer has 'sheweth _other_ gapinges,'
where the usual Lat. text has '_Altos_ pandit hiatus.' But some MSS. have
_Alios_; and, of these, MS. C. is one.
§ 22. After all, the chief point of interest about Chaucer's translation of
Boethius is the influence that this labour exercised upon his later work,
owing to the close familiarity with the text which he thus acquired. I have
shewn that we must not expect to find such influence upon his earliest
writings; and that, in the case of the Book of the Duchesse, it affected
him at second hand, through Jean de Meun. But in other poems, viz. Troilus,
the House of Fame, The Legend of Good Women, some of the Balades, and in
the Canterbury Tales, the influence of Boethius is frequently observable;
and we may usually suppose such influence to have been direct and
immediate; nevertheless, we should always keep an eye on Le Roman de la
Rose, for Jean de Meun was, in like manner, influenced in no slight degree
by the same work. I have often taken an opportunity of pointing out, in my
Notes to Chaucer, passages of this character; and I find that Mr. Stewart,
with praiseworthy diligence, has endeavoured to give (in Appendix B,
following his Essay, at p. 260) 'An Index of Passages in Chaucer which seem
to have been suggested by the De Consolatione Philosophiae.' Very useful,
in connection with this subject, is the list of passages in which Chaucer
seems to have been indebted to Le Roman de la Rose, as given by Dr. E.
Köppel in _Anglia_, vol. xiv. 238-265. Another most useful help is the
comparison between Troilus and Boccaccio's _Filostrato_, by Mr. W. M.
Rossetti; which sometimes proves, beyond all doubt, that a passage which
may seem to be due to Boethius, is really taken from the Italian poet. As
this seems to be the right place for exhibiting the results thus obtained,
I proceed to give them, and gladly express my thanks to the above-named
authors for the opportunity thus afforded.
§ 23. COMPARISON WITH 'BOECE' OF OTHER WORKS BY CHAUCER.
TROILUS AND CRISEYDE: BOOK I.
365.[35] a mirour.--Cf. B. v. met. 4. 8.
638. sweetnesse, &c.--B. iii. met. 1. 4.
730. What? slombrestow as in a lytargye?--See B. i. pr. 2. 14.
731. an asse to the harpe.--B. i. pr. 4. 2.
786. Ticius.--B. iii. met. 12. 29.
837. Fortune is my fo.--B. i. pr. 4. 8.
838-9. May of hir cruel wheel the harm withstonde.--B. ii. pr. 1. 80-82.
840. she pleyeth.--B. ii. met. 1. 10; pr. 2. 36.
841. than blamestow Fortune.--B. ii. pr. 2. 14.
846-7. That, as hir Ioyes moten overgoon,
So mote hir sorwes passen everichoon.--B. ii. pr. 3. 52-4.
848-9. For if hir wheel stinte any-thing to torne,
Than cessed she Fortune anoon to be.
B. ii. pr. 1. 82-4.
850. Now, sith hir wheel by no wey may soiorne, &c.--B. ii. pr. 2. 59.
857. For who-so list have helping of his leche.--B. i. pr. 4. 3.
1065-71. For every wight that hath an hous to founde.--B. iv. pr. 6. 57-60.
TROILUS: BOOK II.
*42.[36] Forthy men seyn, ech contree hath his lawes.--B. ii. pr. 7. 49-51.
(This case is doubtful. Chaucer's phrase--_men seyn_--shews that he is
quoting a common proverb. 'Ase fele thedes, as fele thewes, quoth Hendyng.'
'Tant de gens, tant de guises.'--Ray. So many countries, so many
customs.--Hazlitt).
526. O god, that at thy disposicioun
Ledest the fyn, by Iuste purveyaunce,
Of every wight. B. iv. pr. 6. 149-151.
766-7. And that a cloud is put with wind to flighte
Which over-sprat the sonne as for a space.
B. i. met. 3. 8-10.
TROILUS: BOOK III.
617.[37] But O, Fortune, executrice of wierdes,
O influences of thise hevenes hye!
Soth is, that, under god, ye ben our hierdes.
B. iv. pr. 6. 60-71.
624. The bente mone with hir hornes pale.--B. i. met. 5. 6.
813. O god--quod she--so worldly selinesse ...
Y-medled is with many a bitternesse.--B. ii. pr. 4. 86, 87.
816. Ful anguisshous than is, god woot--quod she--
Condicioun of veyn prosperitee.
B. ii. pr. 4. 56.
820-833.--B. ii. pr. 4. 109-117.
*836. Ther is no verray wele in this world here.
B. ii. pr. 4. 130.
1219. And now swetnesse semeth more swete.--B. iii. met. 1. 4.
1261. Benigne Love, thou holy bond of thinges.--B. ii. met. 8. 9-11.
1625-8. For of Fortunes sharp adversitee, &c.--B. ii. pr. 4. 4-7.
1691-2. Feicitee.--B. iii. pr. 2. 55.
1744-68. Love, that of erthe and see hath governaunce, &c.
B. ii. met. 8. 9-11; 15, 16; 3-8; 11-14; 17, 18.
TROILUS: BOOK IV.
*1-7. (Fortune's changes, her wheel, and her scorn).--B. ii. pr. 1. 12;
met. 1. 1, 5-10; pr. ii. 37. (But note, that ll. 1-3 are really due to the
_Filostrato_, Bk. iii. st. 94; and ll. 6, 7 are copied from _Le Roman de la
Rose_, 8076-9).
200. cloud of errour.--B. iii. met. 11. 7.
391. Ne trust no wight to finden in Fortune
Ay propretee; hir yeftes ben comune.
B. ii. pr. 2. 7-9; 61-2.
*481-2. (Repeated from Book III. 1625-8. But, this time, it is copied from
the _Filostrato_, Bk. iv. st. 56).
503. For sely is that deeth, soth for to seyne,
That, oft y-cleped, comth and endeth peyne.
B. i. met. 1. 12-14.
*835. And alle worldly blisse, as thinketh me,
The ende of blisse ay sorwe it occupyeth.
B. ii. pr. 4. 90.
(A very doubtful instance; for l. 836 is precisely the same as Prov. xiv.
13. The word _occupyeth_ is decisive; see my note to Cant. Ta. B 421).
958; 963-6. (Predestination).--B. v. pr. 2. 30-34.
974-1078. (Necessity and Free Will).--B. v. pr. 3. 7-19; 21-71.
*1587. ... thenk that lord is he
Of Fortune ay, that nought wol of hir recche;
And she ne daunteth no wight but a wrecche.
B. ii. pr. 4. 98-101.
(But note that l. 1589 really translates two lines in the _Filostrato_, Bk.
iv. st. 154).
TROILUS: BOOK V.
278. And Phebus with his rosy carte.--B. ii. met. 3. 1, 2.
763. Felicitee clepe I my suffisaunce.--B. iii. pr. 2. 6-8.
*1541-4. Fortune, whiche that permutacioun
Of thinges hath, as it is hir committed
Through purveyaunce and disposicioun
Of heighe Iove. B. iv. pr. 6. 75-77.
*1809. (The allusion here to the 'seventh spere' has but a remote reference
to Boethius (iv. met. 1. 16-19); for this stanza 259 is translated from
Boccaccio's _Teseide_, Bk. xi. st. 1).
It thus appears that, for this poem, Chaucer made use of B. i. met. 1, pr.
2, met. 3, pr. 4, met. 5; ii. pr. 1, met. 1, pr. 2, pr. 3, met. 3, pr. 4,
pr. 7, met. 8; iii. met. 1, pr. 2, met. 2, pr. 3, met. 11, 12; iv. pr. 6;
v. pr. 2, pr. 3.
THE HOUSE OF FAME.
*535 (Book ii. 27). Foudre. (This allusion to the thunderbolt is copied
from Machault, as shewn in my note; but Machault probably took it from
Boeth. i. met. 4. 8; and it is curious that Chaucer has _tour_, not
_toun_).
730-746 (Book ii. 222-238).--Compare B. iii. pr. 11; esp. 98-111. (Also Le
Roman de la Rose, 16957-69; Dante, _Purg._ xviii. 28).
972-8 (Book ii. 464-70).--B. iv. met. 1. 1-5.
1368-1375 (Book iii. 278-285).--Compare B. i. pr. 1. 8-12.
*1545-8 (Book iii. 455-8).--Compare B. i. pr. 5. 43, 44. (The likeness is
very slight).
1920 (Book iii. 830). An hous, that _domus Dedali_, That _Laborintus_
cleped is.--B. iii. pr. 12. 118.
LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN.
195 (p. 78). tonne.--B. ii. pr. 2. 53-5.
*2228-30. (_Philomela_, 1-3).--B. iii. met. 9. 8-10. (Doubtful; for the
same is in _Le Roman de la Rose_, 16931-6, which is taken from Boethius.
And Köppel remarks that the word _Eternally_ answers to nothing in the
Latin text, whilst it corresponds to the French _Tous jors en
pardurableté_).
MINOR POEMS.
III. BOOK OF THE DUCHESSE.
The quotations from Boethius are all taken at second-hand. See above, pp.
xx, xxi.
V. PARLEMENT OF FOULES.
*380. That hoot, cold, hevy, light, [and] moist and dreye, &c.--B. iii. pr.
11. 98-103.
(Practically, a chance resemblance; these lines are really from Alanus, De
Planctu Naturæ; see the note).
599. ... as oules doon by light;
The day hem blent, ful wel they see by night.
B. iv. pr. 4. 132-3.
IX. THE FORMER AGE.
Partly from B. ii. met. 5; see the notes.
X. FORTUNE.
1-4. Compare B. ii. met. 1. 5-7.
10-12. Compare B. ii. pr. 8. 22-25.
13. Compare B. ii. pr. 4. 98-101.
*17. Socrates.--B. i. pr. 3. 20. (But really from Le Roman de la Rose,
5871-4).
25. No man is wrecched, but himself it wene.--B. ii. pr. 4. 79, 80; cf. pr.
2. 1-10.
29-30. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 17, 18.
31. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 59, 60.
33, 34. Cf. B. ii. pr. 8. 25-28.
38. Yit halt thyn ancre.--B. ii. pr. 4. 40.
43, 44. Cf. B. ii. pr. 1. 69-72, and 78-80.
45, 46. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 60-62; and 37.
50-52. Cf. B. ii. pr. 8. 25-28.
57-64. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 11-18.
65-68. Cf. B. iv. pr. 6. 42-46.
68. Ye blinde bestes.--B. iii. pr. 3. 1.
71. Thy laste day.--B. ii. pr. 3. 60, 61.
XIII. TRUTH.
2. Cf. B. ii. pr. 5. 56, 57.
3. For hord hath hate.--B. ii. pr. 5. 11.
3. and climbing tikelnesse.--B. iii. pr. 8. 10, 11.
7. And trouthe shal delivere. Cf. B. iii. met. 11. 7-9; 15-20.
8. Tempest thee noght.--B. ii. pr. 4. 50.
9. hir that turneth as a bal.--B. ii. pr. 2. 37.
15. That thee is sent, receyve in buxumnesse.--B. ii. pr. 1. 66-68.
17, 19. Her nis non hoom. Cf. B. i. pr. 5. 11-15.
18. Forth, beste.--B. iii. pr. 3. 1.
19. Know thy contree, lok up.--B. v. met. 5. 14, 15.
XIV. GENTILESSE.
For the general idea, see B. iii. pr. 6. 24-38; met. 6. 2, and 6-10. With
l. 5 compare B. iii. pr. 4. 25.
XV. LAK OF STEDFASTNESSE.
For the general idea, cf. B. ii. met. 8.
CANTERBURY TALES: GROUP A.
PROLOGUE. 337-8. Pleyn delyt, &c.--B. iii. pr. 2. 55.
741-2. The wordes mote be cosin to the dede.--B. iii. pr. 12. 152.
KNIGHTES TALE. 925. Thanked be Fortune, and hir false wheel.--B. ii. pr. 2.
37-39.
1164. Who shal yeve a lover any lawe?--B. iii, met. 12. 37.
*1251-4. Cf. B. iv. pr. 6. 147-151.
1255, 1256. Cf. B. iii. pr. 2. 19; ii. pr. 5. 122.
1262. A dronke man, &c.--B. iii. pr. 2. 61.
1266. We seke faste after felicitee,
But we goon wrong ful often, trewely.
B. iii. pr. 2. 59, 60; met. 8. 1.
1303-12. O cruel goddes, that governe, &c.--B. i. met. 5. 22-26; iv. pr. 1.
19-26.
*1946. The riche Cresus. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 44. (But cf. Monkes Ta. B. 3917,
and notes.)
2987-2993[38]. The firste moevere, &c.--B. ii. met. 8. 6-11. (But see also
the _Teseide_, Bk. ix. st. 51.)
2994-9, 3003-4.--B. iv. pr. 6. 29-35.
3005-3010.--B. iii. pr. 10. 18-22.
3011-5.--B. iv. pr. 6.
GROUP B.
MAN OF LAWES TALE. 295-299. O firste moeving cruel firmament. Cf. B. i.
met. 5. 1-3; iii. pr. 8. 22; pr. 12. 145-147; iv. met. 1. 6.
481-3. Doth thing for certein ende that ful derk is.--B. iv. pr. 6.
114-117, and 152-154.
813-6. O mighty god, if that it be thy wille.--B. i. met. 5. 22-30; iv. pr.
1. 19-26.
N.B. The stanzas 421-7, and 925-931, are not from Boethius, but from Pope
Innocent; see notes.
THE TALE OF MELIBEUS. The suggested parallels between this Tale and Boece
are only three; the first is marked by Mr. Stewart as doubtful, the third
follows Albertano of Brescia word for word; and the second is too general a
statement. It is best to say that no certain instance can be given[39].
THE MONK'S PROLOGUE. 3163. Tragedie.--B. ii. pr. 2. 51.
THE MONKES TALE: HERCULES. 3285-3300.--B. iv. met. 7. 20-42. (But see
Sources of the Tales, § 48; vol. iii. p. 430.)
*3329. Ful wys is he that can him-selven knowe. Cf. B. ii. pr. 4. 98-101.
3434. For what man that hath freendes thurgh fortune,
Mishap wol make hem enemys, I gesse.
B. iii. pr. 5. 48-50.
3537. But ay fortune hath in hir hony galle.--B. ii. pr. 4. 86-7.
3587. Thus can fortune hir wheel governe and gye.--B. ii. pr. 2. 37-39.
*3636. Thy false wheel my wo al may I wyte.--B. ii. pr. 1. 7-10.
3653. NERO. See B. ii. met. 6; esp. 5-16.
3914. JULIUS CESAR. No man ne truste upon hir favour longe. B. ii. pr. 1.
48-53.
3921. CRESUS.--B. ii. pr. 2. 44-46.
3951. TRAGEDIE.--B. ii. pr. 2. 51-2. (See 3163 above.)
3956. And covere hir brighte face with a cloude.--B. ii. pr. 1. 42.
NONNE PREESTES TALE. 4190. That us governeth alle as in comune.--B. ii. pr.
2. 61.
4424. But what that god forwoot mot nedes be.--B. v. pr. 3. 7-10.
4433. Whether that godes worthy forwiting, &c.--B. v. pr. 3. 5-15; 27-39;
pr. 4. 25-34; &c.
GROUP D.
*100. WYF OF BATH. He hath not every vessel al of gold.--B. iv. pr. 1.
30-33. (But cf. 2 Tim. ii. 20.)
170. Another tonne.--B. ii. pr. 2. 53.
1109-1116. 'Gentilesse.'--B. iii. pr. 6. 24-38; met. 6. 6, 7.
1140. Caucasus.--B. ii. pr. 7. 43.
1142. Yit wol the fyr as faire lye and brenne.--B. iii. pr. 4. 47.
1170. That he is gentil that doth gentil dedis.--B. iii. met. 6. 7-10.
1187. He that coveyteth is a povre wight.--B. iii. pr. 5. 20-32.
1203. Povert a spectacle is, as thinketh me.--B. ii. pr. 8. 23-25, 31-33.
THE FRERES TALE. 1483. For som-tyme we ben goddes instruments.--B. iv. pr.
6. 62-71.
THE SOMNOURS TALE. 1968. Lo, ech thing that is oned in him-selve, &c.--B.
iii. pr. 11. 37-40.
GROUP E.
THE CLERKES TALE. Mr. Stewart refers ll. 810-2 to Boethius, but these lines
translate Petrarch's sentence--'Nulla homini perpetua sors est.' Also ll.
1155-1158, 1161; but these lines translate Petrarch's sentence--'Probat
tamen et sæpe nos, multis ac _grauibus flagellis exerceri sinit_, non ut
animum nostrum sciat, quem sciuit antequam crearemur ... abundè ergo
constantibus uiris ascripserim, quisquis is fuerit, qui pro Deo suo sine
murmure patiatur.' I find no hint that Chaucer was directly influenced by
Boethius, while writing this Tale.
THE MARCHANTES TALE. Mr. Stewart refers ll. 1311-4 to Boethius, but they
are more likely from Albertanus Brixiensis, _Liber de Amore dei_, fol. 30 a
(as shewn by Dr. Köppel):--'Et merito uxor est diligenda, qui donum est
Dei,' followed by a quotation from Prov. xix. 14.
1582. a mirour--B. v. met. 4. 8.
1784. O famulier foo.--B. iii. pr. 5. 50.
1849. The slakke skin.--B. i. met. 1. 12.
1967-9. Were it by destinee or aventure, &c.--B. iv. pr. 6. 62-71.
2021. felicitee Stant in delyt.--B. iii. pr. 2. 55.
2062. O monstre, &c.--B. ii. pr. 1. 10-14.
GROUP F.
THE SQUIERES TALE. *258. As sore wondren somme on cause of thonder. Cf. B.
iv. met. 5. 6. (Somewhat doubtful.)
608. Alle thing, repeiring to his kinde.--B. iii. met. 2. 27-29.
611. As briddes doon that men in cages fede.--B. iii. met. 2. 15-22.
THE FRANKELEINS TALE. 865. Eterne god, that thurgh thy purveyaunce, &c.--B.
i. met. 5. 22, 23; iii. met. 9. 1; cf. iii. pr. 9. 147, 148.
879. Which mankinde is so fair part of thy werk.--B. i. met. 5. 38.
886. Al is for the beste.--B. iv. pr. 6. 194-196.
1031. God and governour, &c.--B. i. met. 6. 10-14.
GROUP G.
THE SECONDE NONNES TALE. I think it certain that this early Tale is quite
independent of Boethius. L. 114, instanced by Mr. Stewart, is from
'Ysidorus'; see my note.
THE CANOUNS YEMANNES TALE. *958. We fayle of that which that we wolden
have.--B. iii. pr. 9. 89-91. (Very doubtful.)
GROUP H.
THE MAUNCIPLES TALE. 160.
ther may no man embrace
As to destreyne a thing, which that nature
Hath naturelly set in a creature.--B. iii. met. 2. 1-5.
163. Tak any brid, &c.--B. iii. met. 2. 15-22.
GROUP I.
THE PERSONES TALE. *212. A shadwe hath the lyknesse of the thing of which
it is shadwe, but shadwe is nat the same thing of which it is shadwe.--B.
v. pr. 4. 45, 46. (Doubtful.)
*471. Who-so prydeth him in the goodes of fortune, he is a ful greet fool;
for som-tyme is a man a greet lord by the morwe, that is a caitif and a
wrecche er it be night.--B. ii. met. 3. 16-18. (I think this is doubtful,
and mark it as such.)
472. Som-tyme the delyces of a man is cause of the grevous maladye thurgh
which he dyeth.--B. iii. pr. 7. 3-5.
§ 24. It is worth while to see what light is thrown upon the chronology of
the Canterbury Tales by comparison with Boethius.
In the first place, we may remark that, of the Tales mentioned above, there
is nothing to shew that The Seconde Nonnes Tale, the Clerkes Tale, or even
the Tale of Melibeus, really refer to any passages in Boethius. They may,
in fact, have been written _before_ that translation was made. In the
instance of the Second Nonnes Tale, this was certainly the case; and it is
not unlikely that the same is true with respect to the others.
But the following Tales (_as revised_) seem to be later than 'Boece,' viz.
The Knightes Tale, The Man of Lawes Tale, and The Monkes Tale; whilst it is
quite certain that the following Tales were amongst the latest written,
viz. the Nonne Preestes Tale, the three tales in Group D (Wyf, Frere,
Somnour), the Marchantes Tale, the Squieres Tale, the Frankeleins Tale, the
Canouns Yemannes Tale, and the Maunciples Tale; all of which are in the
heroic couplet, and later than 1385.
The case of the Knightes Tale is especially interesting; for the numerous
references in it to Boece, and the verbal resemblances between it and
Troilus shew that _either_ the original _Palamoun and Arcite_ was written
just after those works, _or else_ (which is more likely) it was revised,
and became the Knight's Tale, nearly at that time. The connection between
Palamon and Arcite, Anelida, and the Parlement of Foules, and the
introduction of three stanzas from the Teseide near the end of Troilus,
render the former supposition unlikely; whilst at the same time we are
confirmed in the impression that the (revised) Knightes Tale succeeded
Boece and Troilus at no long interval, and was, in fact, the _first_ of the
Canterbury Tales that was written _expressly for the purpose_ of being
inserted in that collection, viz. about 1385-6.
§ 25. THE MANUSCRIPTS.
I have now to explain the sources of the present edition.
1. MS. C. = MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 21. This MS., in the Cambridge University
Library, is certainly the best; and has therefore been taken as the basis
of the text. The English portion of it was printed by Dr. Furnivall for the
Chaucer Society in 1886; and I have usually relied upon this very useful
edition[40]. It is a fine folio MS., wholly occupied with Boethius (_De
Consolatione Philosophiae_), and comments upon it.
It is divided into two distinct parts, which have been bound up together.
The latter portion consists of a lengthy commentary upon Boethius, at the
end of which we find the title, viz.--'Exposicio preclara quam Iohannes
Theutonicus prescripsit et finiuit Anno d_omi_ni M^oCCCvj viij ydus Iunii;'
i.e. An Excellent Commentary, written by Johannes Teutonicus, and finished
June 6, 1306. This vast commentary occupies 118 folios, in double columns.
The former part of the volume concerns us more nearly. I take it to be, for
all practical purposes, _the authentic copy_. For it presents the following
peculiarities. It contains the whole of the Latin text, as well as
Chaucer's English version; and it is surprising to find that these are
written in alternate chapters. Thus the volume begins with the Latin text
of Metre 1, at the close of which there follows immediately, on the same
page, Chaucer's translation of Metre 1. Next comes Prose 1 in Latin,
followed by Prose 1 in English; and so throughout.
Again, if we examine the Latin text, there seems reason to suppose that it
fairly represents the very recension which Chaucer used. It abounds with
side-notes and glosses, all in Latin; and the glosses correspond to those
in Chaucer's version. Thus, to take an example, the following lines occur
near the end of Bk. iii. met. 11:--
'Nam cur rogati sponte recte[41] censetis
Ni mersus alto uiueret fomes corde.'
Over _rogati_ is written the gloss _i. interrogato_.
Over _censetis_ is written _i. iudicatis_.
Over _Ni_ is _i. nisi_; over _mersus alto_ is _i. latenter conditos_; over
_uiueret_ is _i. vigeret_; and over _fomes_ is _i. radix veritatis_.
Besides these glosses, there is here the following side-note:--'Nisi radix
veritatis latenter conditus vigeret in abscondito mentis, homo non
iudicaret recta quacunque ordinata interrogata.'
When we turn to Chaucer's version, we find that he first gives a
translation of the two verses, thus:--
'For wherefor elles demen ye of your owne wil the rightes, whan ye ben
axed, but-yif so were that the norisshinge of resoun ne livede y-plounged
in the depthe of your herte?'
After this he adds, by way of comment:--'This is to seyn, how sholden men
demen the sooth of anything that were axed, yif ther nere a rote of
soothfastnesse that were y-plounged and hid in naturel principles, the
whiche soothfastnesse lived with-in the deepnesse of the thought.'
It is obvious that he has here reproduced the general sense of the Latin
side-note above quoted. The chief thing which is missing in the Latin is
the expression 'in naturel principles.' But we have only to look to a
passage a little higher up, and we find the line--
'Suis retrusum possidere thesauris.'
Over the word _retrusum_ is written _i. absconditum_; and over _thesauris_
is _i. naturalibus policiis et principiis naturaliter inditis_. Out of
these we have only to pick the words _absconditum naturalibus ...
principiis_, and we at once obtain the missing phrase--'hid in naturel
principles.'
Or, to take another striking example. Bk. iv. met. 7 begins, in the MS.,
with the lines:
'Bella bis quinis operatus annis
Vltor attrides frigie ruinis,
Fratris amissos thalamos piauit.'
At the beginning, just above these, is written a note: 'Istud metrum est de
tribus exemplis: de agamenone (_sic_); secundum de vlixe; tertium, de
hercule.'
The glosses are these; over _quinis_ is _i. decim_; over _attrides_ is
_agamenon_ (_sic_); over _Fratris_ is _s. menelai_; and over _piauit_ is
_i. vlcissendo_ (_sic_) _purgauit: troia enim erat metropolis Frigie_.
If we turn to Chaucer's version, in which I print the additions to the text
in italics, we find that it runs thus:--
'The wreker Attrides, _that is to seyn, Agamenon_, that wroughte and
continuede the batailes by ten yeer, recovered and purgede _in wrekinge_,
by the destruccioun of Troye, the loste chaumbres of mariage of his
brother; _this is to seyn, that he, Agamenon, wan ayein Eleyne, that was
Menelaus wyf his brother_.'
We see how this was made up. Not a little curious are the spellings
_Attrides_ and _Agamenon_[42], as occurring both in the Latin part of this
MS. and in Chaucer's version. Again, Chaucer has _ten_, corresponding to
the gloss _decim_, not to the textual phrase _bis quinis_. His explanation
of _piauit_ by _recovered and purgede in wrekinge_ is clearly due to the
gloss _ulciscendo purgauit_. His substitution of _Troye_ for _Frigie_ is
due to the gloss: _troia enim erat metropolis Frigie_. And even the name
_Menelaus his brother_ answers to _Fratris, s. menelai_. And all that is
left, as being absolutely his own, are the words _and continuede_,
_recovered_, and _wan ayein Eleyne_. We soon discover that, in a hundred
instances, he renders a single Latin verb or substantive by two English
verbs or substantives, by way of making the sense clearer; which accounts
for his introduction of the verbs _continuede_ and _recovered_; and this
consideration reduces Chaucer's additional contribution to a mention of the
name of _Eleyne_, which was of course extremely familiar to him.
Similarly, we find in this MS. the original of the gloss explaining
_coempcioun_ (p. 11); of the 'Glose' on p. 15; of the 'Glosa' on p. 26; and
of most of the notes which, at first sight, look like additions by Chaucer
himself[43].
The result is that, in all difficulties, the first authority to be
consulted is the Latin text in this particular MS.; for we are easily led
to conclude that it was intentionally designed to preserve both Chaucer's
translation and the original text. It does not follow that it is always
perfect; for it can only be a _copy_ of the Latin, and the scribe may err.
In writing _recte_ for _recta_ (see note on p. xxxviii), he has certainly
committed an error by a slip of the pen. The same mistake has been observed
to occur in another MS., viz. Codex Gothanus I.
The only drawback is this. The MS. is so crowded with glosses and
side-notes, many of them closely written in small characters, that it is
almost impossible to consult them all. I have therefore contented myself
with resorting to them for information in difficult passages only. For
further remarks on this subject, I must refer the reader to the Notes.
Lastly, I may observe that the design of preserving in this MS. all the
apparatus referring to Chaucer's Boethius, is made the more apparent by the
curious fact that, _in this MS. only_, the two poems by Chaucer that are
closely related to Boethius, viz. The Former Age, and Fortune, are actually
inserted into the very body of it, immediately after Bk. ii. met. 5. This
place was of course chosen because The Former Age is, to some extent, a
verse translation of that metre; and Fortune was added because, being
founded upon scraps from several chapters, it had no definite claim to any
specific place of its own.
In this MS., the English text, like the Latin one, has a few imperfections.
One imperfection appears in certain peculiarities of spelling. The scribe
seems to have had some habits of pronunciation that betoken a greater
familiarity with Anglo-French than with English. The awkward position of
the guttural sound of _gh_ in _neighebour_ seems to have been too much for
him; hence he substituted _ssh_ (= _sh-sh_) for _gh_, and gives us the
spelling _neysshebour_ (Bk. ii. pr. 3. 24, foot-note; pr. 7. 57,
foot-note.) Nevertheless, it is the best MS. and has most authority. For
further remarks, see the account of the present edition, on pp.
xlvi-xlviii.
2. MS. Camb. Ii. 1. 38. This MS. also belongs to the Cambridge University
Library, and was written early in the fifteenth century. It contains 8
complete quires of 8 leaves, and 1 incomplete quire of 6 leaves, making 70
leaves in all. The English version appears alone, and occupies 68 leaves,
and part of leaf 69 recto; leaf 69, verso, and leaf 70, are blank. The last
words are:--'þe eyen of þe Iuge þat seeth and demeth alle thinges.
_Explicit liber boecij, &c._' Other treatises, in Latin, are bound up with
it, but are unrelated. The readings of this MS. agree very closely with
those of Ii. 3. 21, and of our text. Thus, in Met. i. l. 9, it has the
reading _wyerdes_, with the gloss _s. fata_, as in Ii. 3. 21. (The scribe
at first wrote _wyerldes_, but the _l_ is marked for expunction.) In l. 12,
it has _emptid_, whereas the Addit. MS. has _emty_; and in l. 16 it has
_nayteth_, whereas the Addit. MS. wrongly has _naieth_. On account of its
close agreement with the text, I have made but little use of it.
It is worth notice that this MS. (like Harl. 2421) frequently has correct
readings in cases where even the MS. above described exhibits some blunder.
A few such instances are given in the notes. For example, it has the
reading _wrythith_ in Bk. i. met. 4. 7, where MS. C. has the absurd word
_writith_, and MS. A. has _wircheth_. In the very next line, it has
_thonder-leit_, and it is highly probable that _leit_ is the real word, and
_light_ an ignorant substitution; for _leit_ (answering to A.S. _l[=e]get_,
_l[=i]get_) is the right M.E. word for 'lightning'; see the examples in
Stratmann. So again, in Bk. ii. met. 3. 13, it reads _ouer-whelueth_, like
the black-letter editions; whilst MS. C. turns _whelueth_ into _welueeth_,
and MS. A. gives the spelling _whelweth_. In Bk. ii. pr. 6. 63, it
correctly retains _I_ after _may_, though MSS. C. and A. both omit it. In
Bk. ii. pr. 8. 17, it has _wyndy_, not _wyndynge_; and I shew (in the note
at p. 434) that _windy_ is, after all, the correct reading, since the Lat.
text has _uentosam_. In Bk. iii. met. 3. 1, it resembles the printed
editions in the insertion of the words _or a goter_ after _river_. In Bk.
iv. pr. 3. 47, 48, it preserves the missing words: _peyne, he ne douteth
nat þat he nys entecchid and defouled with_. In Bk. iv. met. 6. 24, it has
the right reading, viz. _brethith_. Finally, it usually retains the word
_whylom_ in places where the MS. next described substitutes the word
_somtyme_. If any difficulty in the text raises future discussion, it is
clear that this MS. should be consulted.
3. MS. A. = MS. Addit. 10340, in the British Museum. This is the MS.
printed at length by Dr. Morris for the Early English Text Society, and
denoted by the letter 'A.' in my foot-notes. As it is so accessible, I need
say but little. It is less correct than MS. Ii. 3. 21 in many readings, and
the spelling, on the whole, is not so good. The omissions in it are also
more numerous, but it occasionally preserves a passage which the Cambridge
MS. omits. It is also imperfect, as it omits Prose 8 and Metre 8 of Bk.
ii., and Prose 1 of Bk. iii. It has been collated throughout, though I have
usually refrained from quoting such readings from it as are evidently
inferior or wrong. I notice one peculiarity in particular, viz. that it
almost invariably substitutes the word _somtyme_ for the _whylom_ found in
other copies; and _whylom_, in this treatise, is a rather common word. Dr.
Morris's account of the MS. is here copied.
'The Additional MS. is written by a scribe who was unacquainted with the
force of the final _-e_. Thus he adds it to the preterites of strong verbs,
which do not require it; he omits it in the preterites of weak verbs where
it is wanted, and attaches it to passive participles of weak verbs, where
it is superfluous. The scribe of the Cambridge MS. is careful to preserve
the final _-e_ where it is a sign (1) of the definite declension of the
adjective; (2) of the plural adjective; (3) of the infinitive mood; (4) of
the preterite of weak verbs; (5) of present participles; (6) of the 2nd
pers. pret. indic. of strong verbs; (7) of adverbs; (8) of an older
vowel-ending.
'The Addit. MS. has frequently _thilk_ (singular and plural) and _-nes_ (in
_wrechednes_, &c.), when the Camb. MS. has _thilke_ (as usual in the
Canterbury Tales) and _-nesse_.'
The copy of Boethius is contained on foll. 3-40. On fol. 41, recto, is a
copy of Chaucer's _Truth_, and the description of the 'Persone,' extracted
from the Prologue to the Cant. Tales. The other side of the leaf is blank.
This is, in fact, the MS. which I denote by 'At.,' as described in the
Introduction to the 'Minor Poems' in vol. i. p. 57.
4. MS. Addit. 16165, in the British Museum. This is one of Shirley's MSS.,
being that which I denote by 'Ad.,' and have described in the Introduction
to the 'Minor Poems' in vol. i. p. 56. I believe this MS. to be of less
value than MS. A. (above), and have therefore not collated it; for even A.
is not a very good authority.
5. MS. Harl. 2421. The Harleian Catalogue describes it thus: 'Torq. Sever.
Boetius: his 5 Books of the Comfort of Philosophy. Translated into English.
On vellum, 152 leaves. XV century.'
A small quarto MS. of the middle of the fifteenth century. The first Prose
of Bk. i. begins (like MS. A.) with the words: 'In þe mene while þat y stil
recorded þese þinges;' &c. Hence are derived the readings marked 'H.' in
Morris's edition, pp. 62-64. It rightly reads _writheth_, _wyndy_,
_bretheth_ (see p. xlii).
6. The celebrated Hengwrt MS. of the Canterbury Tales (denoted by 'Hn.' in
the foot-notes to that poem) contains a part of Chaucer's Boethius. See the
Second Report of the Historical MSS. Commission, p. 106.
7. There is also a copy in a MS. belonging to the Cathedral Library at
Salisbury. It was discovered by Dr. Wülker in 1875; see the _Academy_ for
Oct. 5, 1875. Bk. i. met. 1 was printed, from this MS., by Dr. Wülker in
_Anglia_, ii. 373. It resembles MS. A.
8. In the Phillipps collection, MS. no. 9472 is described as 'Boetius' Boke
of Comfort,' and is said to be of the fifteenth century. I do not know its
real contents.
§ 26. THE PRINTED EDITIONS.
CAXTON. Chaucer's Boethius was first printed by Caxton, without date; but
probably before 1479. See the description in The Biography and Typography
of W. Caxton, by W. Blades; second edition, 1882; p. 213. A complete
collation of this text with MS. A., as printed by Morris, was printed by L.
Kellner, of Vienna, in Englische Studien, vol. xiv, pp. 1-53; of which I
have gladly availed myself. The text agrees very closely indeed with that
printed by Thynne in 1532, and resembles MS. C. rather than MS. A.
Perhaps it is necessary to remark that the readings of MS. C., as given in
Kellner's collation, are sometimes incorrect, because MS. C. had not at
that time been printed, and the readings of that MS. were only known to him
from the foot-notes in Morris's edition, which are not exhaustive, but only
record the more important variations. There is a curious but natural error,
for example, in his note on l. 1002 of Morris's edition (Bk. ii. met. 3.
14, p. 32, l. 1), where MS. C. has _[gh]eelde_ (= _zeelde_). The word is
missing in MS. A., but Morris supplied it from C. to complete the text.
Hence the foot-note has: '[_[gh]eelde_]--from C.'; meaning that A. omits
_[gh]eelde_, which is supplied from C. This Kellner took to mean that A.
has _[gh]eelde_, and C. has _from_. However, the readings of A. and of
Caxton are given with all possible care and minuteness; and now that C. is
also in type, the slight inevitable errors are easily put right. This
excellent piece of work has saved me much trouble.
It turns out that Caxton's text is of great value. He followed a MS. (now
lost) which is, in some places, even more correct than MS. C. The following
readings are of great importance, as they correct MSS. C. and A. (I denote
Caxton's edition by the symbol Cx.)
Bk. i. met. 4. 7. Cx. writheth. (Cf. p. xlii. above, l. 6.)
Bk. i. met. 4. 8. Cx. thonder leyte[44].
Bk. i. met. 5. 26. Cx. punisheth.
Bk. i. met. 5. 28. Cx. on the nekkes.
Bk. i. pr. 6. 54. Cx. funden (_but read_ founden).
Bk. i. pr. 6. 65. Cx. norissing. (Perhaps better than _norisshinges_, as in
the MSS.; for the Lat. text has the sing. _fomitem_.) Cf. Bk. iii. met. 11.
27.
Bk. ii. pr. 3. 59. Cx. seeld (_better_ selde). It is clear that _yelde_ in
MS. A. arose from a reading _[gh]elde_, which really meant _zelde_, the
Southern form of _selde_. See below.
Bk. ii. met. 3. 14. Cx. selde (_correctly_). And so again in Bk. ii. pr. 6.
15.
Bk. ii. pr. 6. 63. Cx. may I most. (MSS. C. A. _omit_ I.)
Bk. ii. pr. 8. 17. Cx. wyndy (which is right; see note, p. 434).
Bk. iii. pr. 1. 26. Cx. thyne (_better_ thyn, _as in_ Thynne).
Bk. iii. pr. 10. 10. Cx. denyed (_or read_ deneyed).
Bk. iii. pr. 10. 51. Cx. that the fader. (MSS. that this prince.) Caxton's
translation is closer; Lat. text, _patrem_.
Bk. iii. pr. 11. 116. Cx. slepen.
Bk. iii. pr. 11. 152. Cx. maistow (Thynne _has_ mayst thou) MS. C. _omits_
thou; and MS. A. is defective.
Bk. iii. pr. 12. 143. Cx. Parmenides.
Bk. iv. pr. 6. 52. Cx. be cleped.
Bk. iv. pr. 6. 188, 189. Cx. and some dispyse that they mowe not here
(_misprint for_ bere). MSS. C. and A. omit this clause.
Bk. v. pr. 1. 9, 10. Cx. assoilen to the the dette (where the former _the_
= thee).
Bk. v. pr. 3. 142. Cx. impetren.
In a few places, Caxton's text is somewhat fuller than that of the MSS.
Thus in Bk. ii. pr. 3. 8, Cx. has: thei ben herd _and sowne in eeres_ thei,
&c. However, the Lat. text has merely: 'cum audiuntur.' And again, only 9
lines lower (l. 17), Cx. inserts _and ajuste_ after _moeve_; but the Lat.
text has merely: 'admouebo.' In some cases, it is closer to the Latin text;
as, e. g. in Bk. i. met. 3. 9, where Cx. has _kaue_ (Lat. _antro_), whereas
MSS. C. and A. have the pl. _kaues_. In Bk. i. pr. 3. 41, where C. has the
E. form _Sorans_, Cx. preserves the Latin form _Soranos_.
It thus appears that a collation with Caxton's text is of considerable
service.
THYNNE. Thynne's edition of Chaucer, printed in 1532, contains Boethius. I
suspect that Thynne simply reprinted Caxton's text, without consulting any
other authority; for it is hard to detect any difference, except that his
spellings are somewhat less archaic. Hence this text, by a lucky accident,
is an extremely good one, and I have constantly referred to it in all cases
of difficulty. Readings from this edition are marked in the foot-notes with
the symbol 'Ed.'
The later black-letter copies are mere reprints of Thynne's text, each
being, as usual, a little worse than its predecessor, owing to the
introduction of misprints and later forms. I have consulted the editions of
1550 (undated) and 1561. Perhaps the most readable edition is that by
Chalmers, in vol. i. of his British Poets, as it is in Roman type. It
closely resembles the edition of 1561, and is therefore not very correct.
§ 27. THE PRESENT EDITION.
The present edition is, practically, the first in which the preparation of
the text has received adequate attention. Caxton's edition probably
represents a single MS., though a very good one; and all the black-letter
editions merely reproduce the same text, with various new errors. Dr.
Morris's edition was unfortunately founded on an inferior MS., as he
discovered before the printing of it was completed. Dr. Furnivall's text
reproduces the excellent MS. C., but collation was rightly refrained from,
as his object was to give the exact spellings of the MS. for the benefit of
students. Hence there are several passages, in both of these editions,
which do not afford the best sense; in a few places, they are less correct
than the black-letter editions. It is also a considerable drawback to the
reader, that they reproduce, of course intentionally and fully, the
troublesome and obscure punctuation-marks of the MSS.
Finding the ground thus clear, I have taken occasion to introduce the
following improvements. The text is founded on MS. C., certainly the best
extant authority, which it follows, on the whole, very closely. At the same
time, it has been carefully collated throughout with the text of MS. A.,
and (what is even more important) with the texts printed by Caxton and
Thynne and with the original Latin text (1) as given in the edition by
Obbarius (Jena 1843)[45] and (2) as existing in MS. C. The latter usually
gives the exact readings of the MS. used by Chaucer himself. By taking
these precautions, I have introduced a considerable number of necessary
corrections, so that we now possess a very close approximation to the
original text as it left Chaucer's hands. In all cases where emendations
are made, the various readings are given in the foot-notes, where 'C.' and
'A.' refer to the two chief MSS., and 'Ed.' refers to Thynne's first
edition (1532). But I have intentionally refrained from crowding these
foot-notes with inferior readings which are certainly false. Some readings
from the excellent MS. Ii. 1. 38 are given in the Notes; I now wish that I
had collated it throughout. I have introduced modern punctuation. As I am
here entirely responsible, the reader is at liberty to alter it, provided
that he is justified in so doing by the Latin text.
Wherever Chaucer has introduced explanatory words and phrases which are not
in the Latin text, I have printed them _in italics_; as in lines 6, 7, and
18 on page 1. However, these words and phrases are seldom original; they
are usually translated or adapted from some of the Latin glosses and notes
with which MS. C. abounds; as explained above, at p. xxxviii.
I have also adopted an entirely new system of numbering. In Dr. Morris's
edition, every line of the _printed_ text is numbered consecutively, from 1
up to 5219, which is the last line of the treatise. In Dr. Furnivall's
print of MS. C., a new numbering begins on every page, from 1 to 32, 33,
34, or 35. Both these methods are entirely useless for general reference.
The right method of reference is Tyrwhitt's, viz. to treat every chapter
separately. Thus a reference to 'Bk. 1. met. 2' serves for every edition;
but I have further taken occasion to number the lines of every chapter, for
greater convenience. Thus the word _acountinge_ occurs in Bk. i. met. 2.
10: and even in referring to a black-letter edition, the number 10 is of
some use, since it shews that the word occurs very nearly _in the middle_
of the Metre. The usual method of referring to editions _by the page_ is an
extremely poor and inconvenient makeshift; and it is really nearly time
that editors should learn this elementary lesson. Unfortunately, some
difficulty will always remain as to the numbering of the lines of _prose_
works, because the length of each line is indefinite. The longest chapter,
Bk. iv. pr. 6, here extends to 258 lines; the shortest, Bk. iii. met. 3,
has less than 7 lines.
I have also corrected the spelling of MS. C. in a large number of places,
but within very narrow limits. The use of the final _e_ in that MS. is
exceedingly correct, and has almost always been followed, except where
notice to the contrary is given in the notes. My corrections are chiefly
limited to the substitution of _in_ for _yn_, and of _i_ for short _y_, in
such words as _bygynnen_, for which I write _biginnen_; the substitution of
_y_ for long _i_, as in _whylom_, when the MS. has _whilom_; the use of _v_
for the MS. symbol _u_ (where necessary); the substitution of _sch_ or
_ssh_ for _ss_, when the sound intended is double _sh_; and the
substitution of _e_ and _o_ for _ee_ and _oo_ where the vowels are
obviously long by their position in the word. I also substitute _-eth_ and
_-ed_ for the variable _-eth_ or _-ith_, and _-ed_, _-id,_ or _-yd_ of the
MS. Such changes render the text more uniformly phonetic, and much more
readable, without really interfering with the evidence. Changes of a bolder
character are duly noted.
The introduction of these slight improvements will not really trouble the
reader. The trouble has been the editor's; for I found that the only
satisfactory way of producing a really good text was to rewrite the whole
of it. It seemed worth while to have a useful critical edition of
'Boethius' for general reference, because of the considerable use which
Chaucer himself made of his translation when writing many of his later
poems.
The Notes are all new, in the sense that no annotated edition of Chaucer's
text has hitherto appeared. But many of them are, necessarily, copied or
adapted from the notes to the Latin text in the editions by Vallinus and
Valpy.
INTRODUCTION TO TROILUS.
§ 1. DATE OF THE WORK. The probable date is about 1380-2, and can hardly
have been earlier than 1379 or later than 1383. No doubt it was in hand for
a considerable time. It certainly followed close upon the translation of
Boethius; see p. vii above.
§ 2. SOURCES OF THE WORK. The chief authority followed by Chaucer is
Boccaccio's poem named _Il Filostrato_, in 9 Parts or Books of very
variable length, and composed in ottava rima, or stanzas containing eight
lines each. I have used the copy in the Opere Volgari di G. Boccaccio;
Firenze, 1832.
Owing to the patient labours of Mr. W. M. Rossetti, who has collated the
_Filostrato_ with the _Troilus_ line by line, and published the results of
his work for the Chaucer Society in 1875, we are able to tell the precise
extent to which Chaucer is indebted to Boccaccio for this story. The
_Filostrato_ contains 5704 lines; and the _Troilus_ 8239 lines[46], if we
do not reckon in the 12 Latin lines printed below, at p. 404. Hence we
obtain the following result.
Total of lines in _Troilus_ 8239
Adapted from the _Filostrato_
(2730 lines, condensed into) 2583
----
Balance due to Chaucer 5656
In other words, Chaucer's debt to Boccaccio amounts to _less than_
one-third of the whole poem; and there remains more than two-thirds of it
to be accounted for from other sources. But even after all deductions have
been made for passages borrowed from other authors, very nearly two-thirds
remain for which Chaucer is solely responsible. As in the case of the
Knightes Tale, close investigation shews that Chaucer is, after all, less
indebted to Boccaccio than might seem, upon a hasty comparison, to be the
case.
As it was found impracticable to give Mr. Rossetti's results in full, I
have drawn up lists of parallel passages in a somewhat rough way, which are
given in the Notes, at the beginning of every Book; see pp. 461, 467, 474,
484, 494. These lists are sufficiently accurate to enable the reader, in
general, to discover the passages which are in no way due to the
_Filostrato_.
§ 3. I have taken occasion, at the same time, to note _other_ passages for
which Chaucer is indebted to some other authors. Of these we may
particularly note the following. In Book I, lines 400-420 are translated
from Petrarch's 88th Sonnet, which is quoted at length at p. 464. In Book
III, lines 813-833, 1625-9, and 1744-1768 are all from the second Book of
Boethius (Prose 4, 86-120 and 4-10, and Metre 8). In Book IV, lines
974-1078 are from Boethius, Book V. In Book V, lines 1-14 and 1807-27 are
from various parts of Boccaccio's _Teseide_; and a part of the last stanza
is from Dante. On account of such borrowings, we may subtract about 220
lines more from Chaucer's 'balance'; which still leaves due to him nearly
5436 lines.
§ 4. Of course it will be readily understood that, in the case of these
5436 lines, numerous short quotations and allusions occur, most of which
are pointed out in the notes. Thus, in Book II, lines 402-3 are from Ovid,
Art. Amat. ii. 118; lines 716-8 are from Le Roman de la Rose[47]; and so
on. No particular notice need be taken of this, as similar hints are
utilised in other poems by Chaucer; and, indeed, by all other poets. But
there is one particular case of borrowing, of considerable importance,
which will be considered below, in § 9 (p. liii).
§ 5. It is, however, necessary to observe here that, in taking his story
from Boccaccio, Chaucer has so altered and adapted it as to make it
peculiarly his own; precisely as he has done in the case of the Knightes
Tale. Sometimes he translates very closely and even neatly, and sometimes
he takes a mere hint from a long passage. He expands or condenses his
material at pleasure; and even, in some cases, transposes the order of it.
It is quite clear that he gave himself a free hand.
The most important point is that he did not accept the characters of the
three chief actors, Troilus, Criseyde, and Pandarus, as pourtrayed by
Boccaccio; he did not even accept all the incidents which gave occasion for
their behaviour. Pandarus is no longer the cousin of Criseyde, a young and
dashing gallant, but her middle-aged uncle, with blunted perceptions of
what is moral and noble. In fact, Chaucer's Pandarus is a thorough and
perfect study of character, drawn with a dramatic skill not inferior to
that of Shakespeare, and worthy of the author of the immortal Prologue to
the Canterbury Tales. I must leave the fuller consideration of these points
to others; it is hardly necessary to repeat, at full length, the Prefatory
Remarks by Mr. Rossetti, whilst at the same time, if I begin to quote from
them, I shall hardly know where to stop. See also Ten Brink's English
Literature, and Morley's English Writers, vol. v.
§ 6. It has been observed that, whilst Chaucer carefully read and made very
good use of two of Boccaccio's works, viz. Il Filostrato and Il Teseide, he
nowhere mentions Boccaccio by name; and this has occasioned some surprise.
But we must not apply modern ideas to explain medieval facts, as is so
frequently done. When we consider how often MSS. of works by known authors
have no author's name attached to them, it becomes likely that Chaucer
obtained manuscript copies of these works unmarked by the author's name;
and though he must doubtless have been aware of it, there was no cogent
reason why he should declare himself indebted to one in whom Englishmen
were, as yet, quite uninterested. Even when he refers to Petrarch in the
Clerk's Prologue (E 27-35), he has to explain who he was, and to inform
readers of his recent death. In those days, there was much laxity in the
mode of citing authors.
§ 7. It will help us to understand matters more clearly, if we further
observe the haphazard manner in which quotations were often made. We know,
for example, that no book was more accessible than the Vulgate version of
the Bible; yet it is quite common to find the most curious mistakes made in
reference to it. The author of Piers Plowman (B. text, iii. 93-95)
attributes to Solomon a passage which he quotes from Job, and (B. vii. 123)
to St. Luke, a passage from St. Matthew; and again (B. vi. 240) to St.
Matthew, a passage from St. Luke. Chaucer makes many mistakes of a like
nature; I will only cite here his reference to Solomon (Cant. Tales, A
4330), as the author of a passage in Ecclesiasticus. Even in modern
dictionaries we find passages cited from 'Dryden' or 'Bacon' at large,
without further remark; as if the verification of a reference were of
slight consequence. This may help to explain to us the curious allusion to
_Zanzis_ as being the author of a passage which Chaucer must have known was
from his favourite Ovid (see note to Troil. iv. 414), whilst he was, at the
same time, well aware that Zanzis was not a poet, but a painter (Cant.
Tales, C 16); however, in this case we have probably to do with a piece of
our author's delicious banter, since he adds that Pandarus was speaking
'for the nonce.'
There is another point about medieval quotations which must by no means be
missed. They were frequently made, not from the authors themselves, but
from manuscript note-books which contained hundreds of choice passages,
from all sorts of authors, collected by diligent compilers. Thus it was, I
strongly suspect, that Albertano of Brescia was enabled to pour out such
quantities of quotations as those which Chaucer copied from him in his Tale
of Melibeus. Thus it was that borrowers of such note-books often trusted to
their strong memories for the words of a quotation, yet forgot or mistook
the author's name; as was readily done when a dozen such names occurred on
every page. A MS. of this character is before me now. It contains many
subjects in alphabetical order. Under _Fortitudo_ are given 17 quotations
which more or less relate to it, from Ambrose, Gregory, Chrysostom, and the
rest, all in less than a single page. And thus it was, without doubt, that
Chaucer made acquaintance with the three scraps of Horace which I shall
presently consider. It is obvious that Chaucer never saw Horace's works in
the complete state; if he had done so, he would have found a writer after
his own heart, and he would have quoted him even more freely than he has
quoted Ovid. 'Chaucer on Horace' would have been delightful indeed; but
this treat was denied, both to him and to us.
§ 8. The first and second scraps from Horace are hackneyed quotations.
'Multa renascentur' occurs in Troil. ii. 22 (see note, p. 468); and 'Humano
capiti' in Troil. ii. 1041 (note, p. 472). In the third case (p. 464),
there is no reason why we should hesitate to accept the theory, suggested
by Dr. G. Latham (_Athenæum_, Oct. 3, 1868) and by Professor Ten Brink
independently, that the well-known line (Epist. I, 2. 1)--
'Troiani belli scriptorem, maxime Lolli,'
was misunderstood by Chaucer (or by some one else who misled him) as
implying that Lollius was the name of a writer on the Trojan war. Those who
are best acquainted with the ways of medieval literature will least
hesitate to adopt this view. It is notorious that _first lines_ of a poem
are frequently quoted apart from their context, and repeated as if they
were complete; and, however amazing such a blunder may seem to us now,
there is really nothing very extraordinary about it.
We should also notice that Lollius was to Chaucer a mere name, which he
used, in his usual manner, as a sort of convenient embellishment; for he is
inconsistent in his use of it. In Book i. 394, 'myn autour called Lollius'
really means Petrarch; whereas in Book v. 1653, though the reference is to
the Filostrato, Bk. viii. st. 8, Chaucer probably meant no more than that
Lollius was an author whom the Italian poet might have followed[48]. Cf. my
note to the House of Fame, 1468, where the name occurs for the third time.
We may also notice that, in Book iii. 1325, Chaucer bears testimony to the
'excellence' of his 'auctor.' The statement, in Book ii. 14, that he took
the story 'out of Latin' is less helpful than it appears to be; for 'Latin'
may mean either Latin or Italian.
§ 9. I have spoken (§ 4) of 'a particular case of borrowing,' which I now
propose to consider more particularly. The discovery that Chaucer mainly
drew his materials from Boccaccio seems to have satisfied most enquirers;
and hence it has come to pass that one of Chaucer's sources has been little
regarded, though it is really of some importance. I refer to the Historia
Troiana of Guido delle Colonne[49], or, as Chaucer rightly calls him, Guido
de Columpnis, i.e. Columnis (House of Fame, 1469). Chaucer's obligations to
this author have been insufficiently explored.
When, in 1889, in printing the Legend of Good Women with an accuracy never
before attempted, I restored the MS. reading _Guido_ for the _Ouyde_ of all
previous editions in l. 1396, a clue was thus obtained to a new source for
some of Chaucer's work. It was thus made clear that the Legend of Hypsipyle
and Medea was primarily derived from this source; and further, that it was
from Guido that Chaucer derived his use of _Ilioun_ to mean the citadel of
Troy (Leg. of Good Women, 936, and note). In the Nonne Prestes Tale, B
4331, as was pointed out by Tyrwhitt long ago, the dream of Andromache is
taken from Guido. And I find in Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, ii. 315,
the significant but insufficient remark, that 'it was in Guido da (_sic_)
Colonna's work that Chaucer found the martial deeds of Troilus recounted in
full, the slaughter he wrought, and the terror he inspired.' Hence we
naturally come to the question, what incidents in Troilus are expressly due
to Guido?
§ 10. Before answering this question, it will be best to consider the
famous _crux_, as to the meaning of the word _Trophee_.
When Lydgate is speaking of his master's Troilus, viz. in his Prologue to
the Falls of Princes, st. 3, he says that Chaucer
'made a translacion
Of a boke which called is _Trophe_
In Lumbarde tong,' &c.
No book or author is now known by that name; and, as Chaucer was in this
case much indebted to Boccaccio, critics have jumped to the conclusion that
_Trophee_ means either Boccaccio or the Filostrato; and this conclusion has
been supported by arguments so hopeless as to need no repetition. But it is
most likely that Lydgate, who does not seem to have known any Italian[50],
spoke somewhat casually; and, as Chaucer was to some extent indebted to
Guido, he may possibly have meant Guido.
So far, I have merely stated a supposition which is, in itself, possible;
but I shall now adduce what I believe to be reasonable and solid proof of
it.
We have yet another mention of _Trophee_, viz. in Chaucer himself! In the
Monkes Tale, B 3307, he says of Hercules--
'At bothe the worldes endes, _seith Trophee_,
In stede of boundes, he a piler sette.'
Whence, we may ask, is this taken? My answer is, _from Guido_.
§ 11. If we examine the sources of the story of Hercules in the Monkes
Tale, we see that all the supposed facts _except_ the one mentioned in the
two lines above quoted are taken from Boethius and Ovid (see the Notes).
Now the next most obvious source of information was Guido's work, since the
very first Book has a good deal about Hercules, and the Legend of Hypsipyle
clearly shews us that Chaucer was aware of this. And, although neither Ovid
(in Met. ix.) nor Boethius has any allusion to the Pillars of Hercules,
they are expressly mentioned by Guido. In the English translation called
the Gest Historiale of the Destruction of Troy, ed. Panton and Donaldson
(which I call, for brevity, the alliterative Troy-book), l. 308, we read:--
'But the wonders that he wroght in this world here
In yche cuntré ben knowen under Criste evyn.
Tow pyllers he pight in a place lowe
Vppon Gades groundes, that he gotton had.'
And again, further on, the Latin text has:--'Locus ille, in quo predicte
_Herculis columpne_ sunt affixe, dicitur Saracenica lingua Saphy.' To which
is added, that Alexander afterwards came to the same spot.
When Lydgate, in translating Guido, comes to this passage, he says:--
'And of the pyllers that at Gades he set,
Which Alexsaundre, of Macedone the kyng,
That was so worthy here in his lyuynge,
Rood in his conquest, as _Guydo_ list to write,
With all his hoost proudely to visyte ...
And these boundes named be of all
Of Hercules, for he hymselfe theim set
As for his markes, all other for to lette
Ferther to passe, as _Guydo_ maketh mynde'; &c.
Siege of Troye, ed. 1555, fol. B6.
We can now easily see that, when Lydgate speaks of the book 'which called
is Trophe in Lumbarde tong,' he is simply copying the name of the book from
Chaucer, though he seems also to have heard some rumour of its being so
called in Italy.
§ 12. _Why_ this particular book was so called, we have no means of
knowing[51]; but this does not invalidate the fact here pointed out. Of
course the Latin side-note in some of the MSS. of the Monkes Tale, which
explains 'Trophee' as referring to 'ille vates Chaldeorum Tropheus,' must
be due to some mistake, even if it emanated (as is possible) from Chaucer
himself. It is probable that, when the former part of the Monkes Tale was
written, Chaucer did not know much about Guido's work; for the account of
Hercules occurs in the very first chapter. Perhaps he confused the name of
Tropheus with that of Trogus, i.e. Pompeius Trogus the historian, whose
work is one of the authorities for the history of the Assyrian monarchy.
§ 13. It remains for me to point out some of the passages in Troilus which
are clearly due to Guido, and are not found in Boccaccio at all.