CHAPTER III.

EARLIEST WRITINGS.

Harriet Martineau's first attempt to write for publication was made in

the same year that her acquaintance with Mr. Worthington was formed; in

1822, when she was twenty years old. It was, apparently, at the close

of the vacation in which Worthington had visited his friend Martineau

at Norwich, that she commenced a paper with the design of offering it

to the Unitarian magazine, _The Monthly Repository_. She had told James

that when he had returned to college she should be miserable, and he

had, with equal kindness and sense, advised her to try to forget her

feelings about the parting by an attempt at authorship. On a bright

September morning, therefore, when she had seen him start by the early

coach, soon after six, she sat down in her own room with a supply of

foolscap paper before her to write her first article.

The account which she--writing from memory--gives in her autobiography,

of this little transaction, is curiously inaccurate, as far as the

trifling details are concerned. Her own statement is that she took

the letter "V" for her signature, and that she found her paper

printed in the next number of the magazine, "and in the 'Notices to

Correspondents' a request to hear more from 'V' of Norwich." Her little

errors about these facts must be corrected, because the truth of the

matter is at once suggestive and amusing.

The article may be found in the _Monthly Repository_ for October, 1822.

It is signed, not "V," but "Discipulus." This, it need hardly be

pointed out, is the _masculine_ form of the Latin for learner, or

apprentice. The note in the correspondents' column is not in that same

month's magazine; but in the number for the succeeding month, the

editor says in his answers to correspondents: "The continuation of

'Discipulus' has come to hand. _His_ other proposed communications will

probably be acceptable." If more proofs than these were required that

the youthful authoress had presented herself to her editor in a manly

disguise, it would be furnished by a passage in one of these

"Discipulus" articles, in which she definitely figures herself as a

masculine writer, speaking of "our sex" (_i.e._ the male sex) as a man

would do. The interesting fact is thus disclosed that Harriet Martineau

adds another to the group of the most eminent women writers of this

century who thought it necessary to assume the masculine sex in order

to obtain a fair hearing and an impartial judgment for their earliest

work. Surely, as our "Discipulus" takes her place in this list with

George Eliot, George Sand, and Currer, Ellis, and Acton Bell, a great

deal is disclosed to us about how women in the past have had to make

their way to recognition _against the tide_ of public opinion.

That first printed essay is interesting because it was the precursor

of so long a course of literary work, rather than for itself. Yet it

is not without its own interest, and is very far indeed from being the

crude, imperfect performance of the ordinary amateur. The subject is

"Female Writers of Practical Divinity." Here are the first words that

Harriet Martineau uttered through the press:

"I do not know whether it has been remarked by others as well as

myself, that some of the finest and most useful English works on the

subject of practical Divinity are by female authors. I suppose it is

owing to the peculiar susceptibility of the female mind, and its

consequent warmth of feeling, that its productions, when they are

really valuable, find a more ready way to the heart than those of the

other sex; and it gives me great pleasure to see women gifted with

superior talents applying those talents to promote the cause of

religion and virtue."

There is nothing remarkable in the literary form of this first

article. How soon she came to have a style of her own, vivid,

stirring, and instinct with a powerful individuality, may have been

gathered already from the quotations given in our last chapter. But in

her first paper the style is coldly correct; imitative of good but

severe models, and displaying none of the writer's individuality. Two

points as regards the matter of the essay are of special interest, and

thoroughly characteristic. It is interesting, in the first place, to

know that she who was destined to do probably more than any other one

woman of her century for the enlargement of the sphere of her sex in

the field of letters, should have written her first article on the

subject of the capacity of women to teach through their writings. The

second point worth noticing is that her idea of "practical Divinity"

is simply, good conduct. Theological disputation and dogma do not

disturb her pages. Her view of practical Divinity is that it teaches

morals; and it is largely because the women to whose writings she

draws attention have occupied themselves with the attempt to trace out

rules of conduct, that she is interested in their writings, and

rejoices in their labors. Indeed, she only alludes once to the

opinions on dogmatic theology of the writers whom she quotes, and then

she does it only to put aside with scorn the idea that morality and

teaching should be rejected because of differences upon points of

theology.

Encouraged by the few stately words with which the editor of the

_Repository_ had received the offer of more contributions, "Discipulus"

continued his literary labors, and the result appeared in a paper on

"Female Education," published in the _Monthly Repository_ of February,

1823. This is a noble and powerful appeal for the higher education of

girls and the full development of all the powers of our sex. It is

written with gentleness and tact, but it courageously asserts and

demands much that was strange indeed to the tone of that day, though it

has become quite commonplace in ours.

The author (supposed to be a man, be it remembered,) disclaimed any

intention of proving that the minds of women were equal to those of

men, but only desired to show that what little powers the female

intellect might possess should be fully cultivated. Nevertheless, the

fact was pointed out that women had seldom had a chance of showing how

near they might be able to equal men intellectually, for while the lad

was at the higher school and college, preparing his mind for a future,

"the girl is probably confined to low pursuits, her aspirings after

knowledge are subdued, she is taught to believe that solid information

is unbecoming her sex; almost her whole time is expended on low

accomplishments, and thus, before she is sensible of her powers, they

are checked in their growth and chained down to mean objects, to rise

no more; and when the natural consequences of this mode of treatment

are seen, all mankind agree that the abilities of women are far

inferior to those of men." Having shown reasons to believe that women

would take advantage of higher opportunities if such were allowed

them, "Discipulus" maintained in detail that the cultivation of their

minds would improve them for all the accepted feminine duties of life,

charitable, domestic and social, and that the consequent elevation of

the female character would react beneficially on the male; cited the

works of a cluster of eminent authoresses, as showing that women could

think upon "the noblest subjects that can exercise the human mind;"

and closed with the following paragraph, wherein occurred the phrases

by which it is shown that our "Discipulus" of twenty is masquerading

as a man, more decisively even than by the termination of the Latin

_nom de guerre_:

"I cannot better conclude than with the hope that these examples of

what may be done may excite a noble emulation in _their own_ sex, and

in _ours_ such a conviction of the value of the female mind, as shall

overcome _our_ long-cherished prejudices, and induce _us_ to give _our_

earnest endeavors to the promotion of _women's_ best interests."

It is most interesting to thus discover that Harriet Martineau's first

writings were upon that "woman question" which she lived to see make

such wonderful advances, and which she so much forwarded, both by her

direct advocacy, and by the indirect influence of the proof which she

afforded, that a woman may be a thinker upon high topics and a teacher

and leader of men in practical politics, and yet not only be

irreproachable in her private life, but even show herself throughout

it, in the best sense, truly feminine.

Harriet contributed nothing more to the _Monthly Repository_ after this

(so far as can now be ascertained), for a considerable time. Encouraged

by the success of her first attempts with periodicals, she commenced a

book of a distinctly religious character, which was issued in the

autumn of the same year, 1823, by Hunter, of St. Paul's Churchyard.

The little volume was published anonymously. Its title-page runs thus:

"_Devotional Exercises_; consisting of Reflections and Prayers for the

use of Young Persons. To which is added an Address on Baptism. By a

lady."

The character of the work is perhaps sufficiently indicated by the

title. But it would be a mistake to suppose that the book is a

commonplace one. It contains a good deal of dogmatism and many

platitudes. It contains, likewise, however, many a noble thought and

many a high aspiration, expressed in words equally flowing and fervent.

A "Reflection" (something like a short sermon) and a prayer are

supplied for each morning and each evening of the seven days of the

week. She had already attained to such an insight into the human mind

as to recognize that religious devotion is an exercise of the emotions.

Proof, too, is given in this little work of the fullness with which she

realized that true religion must be expressed by service to mankind; to

those nearest to one first, and afterwards to others; and indeed, that

a high sense of social duty, with a fervent and unselfish devotion to

it, _is_ religion, rather than either the spiritual dram-drinking, or

the dogmatic irrationality to which that name of high import is

frequently applied.

The prayers in this little volume differ much from the supplications

for personal benefits which are commonly called prayers.

These are rather aspirations, or meditations. The highest moral

attributes, personified in God, are held up for the worship of the

imperfect human creature, with fervent aspiration to approach as

nearly as possible towards that light of unsullied goodness.

The lack of petitions for material benefits which appears in these

"Devotions" was by no means unconscious, instinctive, or accidental.

She had deliberately given up the practice of praying for personal

benefits, partly because she held that, since it is impossible for us

to foresee how far our highest interests may be served or hindered by

changes in our external circumstances, it is not for us to attempt to

indicate, or even to form a desire, as to what those circumstances

shall be. As regarded the emotional side of her religion, she had come

to prefer to leave herself and her fate to the unquestioned direction

of a higher power.

But there was more than this in it. In her philosophical studies, she

had, of course, met with the eternal debates of metaphysicians and

theologians on Foreknowledge, Fate, and Freedom of the Will. The

difficult question had, indeed, presented itself to her active and

acute young mind long before those studies began. She remembered that

when she was but eleven years old she found courage to offer her

questionings upon this point to her elder brother Thomas. She asked:

If God foreknew from eternity all the evil deeds that every one of us

should do in our lives, how can He justly punish us for those actions,

when the time comes that we are born, and in due course commit them?

Her brother replied merely that she was not yet old enough to

understand the point. The answer did not satisfy the child. She knew

that if she were old enough to feel the difficulty, she must also be

mentally fit to receive some kind of explanation. But under the

pastoral influence of Dr. Carpenter, the emotional side of her

religion was cultivated, and such doubts and difficulties of the

reason were put away for the time.

Not for all time, however, could the problem be shirked by so active,

logical, and earnest a mind. It recurred to her when she was left to

her own spiritual guidance. Long before the date of these "Devotions"

she had fought out the battle in her own mind, and had reached the

standpoint from which her Prayers are written. She had convinced

herself of the truth of the Necessitarian doctrine, that we are what

we are, we do what we do, because of the impulses given by our

previous training and circumstances; and that the way to amend any

human beings or all mankind is to improve their education, and to give

them good surroundings and influences, and mental associations; in

short, that physical and psychological phenomena alike depend upon

antecedent phenomena, called causes.

As soon as she had thus settled her mind in the doctrine of Necessity,

she perceived that prayer, in the ordinary sense of the term, had

become impossible. If it be believed that all that happens in the

world is the consequence of the course of the events which have

happened before, it is clear that no petitions can alter the state of

things at any given moment. A belief in the efficacy of "besieging

Heaven with prayers" implies a supposition that a Supreme Ruler of the

Universe interferes arbitrarily with the sequence of events. Those

whose minds are clear that no such arbitrary interference ever does

take place, but that, on the contrary, like events always and

invariably follow from like causes, cannot rationally ask for this

fundamental rule of the government of the universe to be set aside for

their behoof; even although they may believe in an all-powerful Divine

Ruler, who has appointed this sequence of events for the law under

which His creatures shall live and develop.

Still, however, Harriet Martineau supplicated for spiritual benefits,

as we have seen in the little volume of _Devotional Exercises_. These

aspirations not only gave her an emotional satisfaction, but were, she

then thought, justifiable on necessitarian principles; for each time

that we place our minds in a certain attitude we increase their "set"

in the same direction; and she believed at that time that a holy life

was in this way aided by frequent reflections on and aspirations

towards the highest ideal of holiness personified in the name of God.

Her religious belief was, then, pure Theism. To her, it was still very

good to be a worshipper of Jehovah, the Eternal Presence, the

Ever-living Supreme; and Jesus was His Messenger, the highest type

that He had ever permitted to be revealed to man of the excellencies

of the divine nature. But there was no Atonement, no personal Evil

One, no hell, no verbally-inspired revelation in her creed.

It will be unnecessary to say more about her theological beliefs till

the next twenty years have been recorded, for in that period there was

substantially no change in her views. There did come, indeed, a change

in her method of self-management and in her opinions as to the way in

which religious feelings should affect daily life. She soon concluded

that we are best when least self-conscious about our own goodness, and

that, therefore, we should rely upon receiving inspiration to right

and elevated feelings from passing influences, and should refrain from

putting our minds, by a regular exercise of volition, into affected

postures in anticipation of those high emotions which we cannot

command. Under these beliefs she soon ceased all formal prayer.

Meantime she was still, at twenty-one years old, in the condition of

mind to write _Devotional Exercises_.

The little book met with a favorable acceptance among the Unitarians,

and speedily went into the second edition. Thus encouraged, Harriet

began another volume of the same character. Such work could not

proceed very fast, however, for her domestic duties were not light,

and her writing was still looked upon in her family as a mere

recreation. She labored under all the disadvantages of the amateur.

But events soon began to crowd into her life to alter this view of the

case, and to prepare the way for her beginning to do the work of her

life in the only fashion in which such labor can be effectively

carried on--as a serious occupation, the principal feature of every

day's duties.

After a long period of poverty and distress, caused by the Napoleonic

wars, England, in 1824, experienced the special dangers of a time of

rapidly increasing wealth. There was more real wealth in the country,

owing to the expansion of trade, which followed on the re-opening of

the continent to our commerce, but speculation made this development

appear far greater than it was in reality.

There was, at that time, no sort of check upon the issue of paper

money. Not only did the Bank of England send out notes without limit;

not only could every established bank multiply its drafts recklessly;

but any small tradesman who pleased might embark in the same business,

and put forth paper money without check or control. Thus there was

money in abundance, the rate of interest was low, and prices rose.

The natural and inevitable consequence of this state of things, at a

moment when trade was suddenly revived, was a rage for speculation.

Not only merchants and manufacturers were seized with this epidemic;

the desire for higher profits than could be obtained by quiet and

perfectly safe investments spread amongst every class. "As for what

the speculation was like, it can hardly be recorded on the open page

of history without a blush. Besides the joint-stock companies who

undertook baking, washing, baths, life insurance, brewing,

coal-portage, wool-growing, and the like, there was such a rage for

steam navigation, canals and railroads, that in the session of 1825,

438 petitions for private Bills were presented, and 286 private Acts

were passed.... It is on record that a single share of a mine on which

L70 had been paid, yielded 200 per cent, having risen speedily to a

premium of L1400 per share."[5]

[5] Harriet Martineau's _History of the Peace_, book ii,

p. 8.

Periods of such inflation invariably and necessarily close in scenes

of disaster. Gold becomes scarce; engagements that have been

recklessly entered into cannot be met; goods have been produced in

response to a speculative instead of a legitimate demand, and

therefore will not sell; the locked-up capital cannot be released, nor

can it be temporarily supplied, except upon ruinous terms. Panic

commences; it spreads over the business world like fire over the dry

prairies. The badly-managed banks and the most speculative business

houses begin to totter; the weakest of them fall, and the crash brings

down others like a house of cards; and in the depreciation of goods

and the disappearance of capital, the prudent, sagacious and honorable

merchant suffers for the folly, the recklessness, the avarice and the

dishonesty of others.

Such a crash came, from such causes, in the early winter of 1825.

Harriet Martineau's father was one of those injured by the panic,

without having been a party to the errors which produced it. He had

resisted the speculative mania, and allowed it to sweep by him to its

flood. It was, therefore, by no fault of his own that he was caught by

the ebbing wave, and carried backwards, to be stranded in the

shallows. His house did not fail; but the struggle was a cruel one for

many months. How severe the crisis was may be judged from the fact

that between sixty and seventy banks stopped payment within six weeks.

The strain of this business anxiety told heavily upon the already

delicate health of Mr. Thomas Martineau. In the early spring of 1826

it became clear that his days were numbered. Up to the commencement of

that troubled winter it had been supposed that his daughters would be

amply provided for in the event of his death. But so much had been

lost in the crisis, that he found himself, in his last weeks,

compelled to alter his will, and was only able to leave to his wife

and daughters a bare maintenance. He lingered on till June, and in

that month he died.

It was while Mr. Martineau lay ill, that Harriet's second book,

_Addresses, Prayers, and Hymns_, passed through the press, and the

dying father took great interest and found great comfort in his child's

work. Much of it he must have read with feelings rendered solemn by his

situation.

This little volume so closely resembles the _Devotional Exercises_,

that it is unnecessary to refer to it at greater length. The hymns,

which are the special feature of this volume, do not call for much

notice. They are not quite commonplace; but verse was not Harriet's

natural medium of expression: she wrote a considerable quantity of it

in her early days, as most young authors do; but she soon came to see

for herself that her gift of expression in its most elevated form was

rather that which makes the orator than the poet.

The comparative poverty to which the family were reduced on Mr.

Martineau's death at once freed Harriet, to a considerable extent,

from the obstacles which had previously been interposed to her

spending time in writing. It was still far from being recognized that

literature was to be her profession; but it was obvious that if her

pen could bring any small additions to her income they would be very

serviceable. A friend gave her an introduction to Mr. Houlston, then

publishing at Wellington, Shropshire; and a few little tales, which

she had lying by, were offered to him. He accepted them, issued them

in tiny volumes, and paid her five guineas for the copyright of each

story. This, then, was the beginning of Harriet Martineau's

professional authorship.