CHAPTER III.

1814.

Changes produced by time--Correspondence between the Provisional

Government and Hartwell--Louis XVIII's reception in London--

His arrival at Calais--Berthier's address to the King at Compiegne--

My presentation to his Majesty at St. Ouen-Louis--XVIII's entry into

Paris--Unexpected dismissal from my post--M. de Talleyrand's

departure for the Congress of Vienna--Signs of a commotion--

Impossibility of seeing M. de Blacas--The Abby Fleuriel--Unanswered

letters--My letter to M. de Talleyrand at Vienna.

No power is so great as that resulting from the changes produced by

time. Wise policy consists in directing that power, but to do so it is

requisite to know the wants of the age. For this reason Louis XVIII.

appeared, in the eyes of all sensible persons, a monarch expressly

formed for the circumstances in which we stood after the fall of

Napoleon.

In the winter of 1813-14 some Royalist proclamations had been circulated

in Paris, and as they contained the germs of those hopes which the

Charter, had it been executed, was calculated to realise, the police

opposed their circulation, and I recollect that, in order to multiply

the number of copies, my family and I daily devoted some hours to

transcribing them. After the definitive declaration of Alexander a very

active correspondence ensued between the Provisional Government and

Hartwell, and Louis XVIII. was even preparing to embark for Bordeaux

when he learned the events of the 31st of March. That news induced the

King to alter his determination, and he soon quitted his retirement

to proceed to London. Louis XVIII. and the Prince Regent of England

exchanged the orders of the Holy Ghost and the Garter, and I believe I

may affirm that this was the first occasion on which any but a Catholic

Prince was invested with the order of the Holy Ghost.

Louis XVIII. embarked at Dover on board the Royal Sovereign, and landed

at Calais on the 24th of April. I need not enter into any description

of the enthusiasm which his presence excited; that is generally known

through the reports of the journals of the time. It is very certain that

all rational persons saw with satisfaction the Princes of the House

of Bourbon reascend the throne of their ancestors, enlightened by

experience and misfortune, which, as some ancient philosopher observes,

are the best counsellors of kings.

I had received a letter addressed to me from London by the Duc de Duras,

pointing out the route which Louis XVIII. was to pursue from Calais to

Paris: In this he said, "After the zeal, monsieur, you have shown for

the service of the King, I do not doubt your activity to prevent his

suffering in any way at a moment so happy and interesting for every

Frenchman." The King's wishes on this subject were scrupulously

fulfilled, and I recollect with pleasure the zeal with which my

directions were executed by all the persons in the service of the

Postoffice. His Majesty stopped for a short time at Amiens, and then

proceeded to Compiegne, where the Ministers and Marshals had previously

arrived to present to him their homage and the assurance of their

fidelity. Berthier addressed the King in the name of the Marshals, and

said, among other things, "that France, groaning for five and twenty

years under the weight of the misfortunes that oppressed her, had

anxiously looked forward to the happy day which she now saw dawning."

Berthier might justly have said for "ten years"; but at all events, even

had he spoken the truth, it was ill placed in the mouth of a man whom

the Emperor had constantly loaded with favours: The Emperor Alexander

also went to Compiegne to meet Louis XVIII., and the two monarchs dined

together.

I did not go to Compiegne because the business which I had constantly to

execute did not permit me to leave Paris for so long an interval as that

journey would have required, but I was at St. Ouen when Louis XVIII.

arrived on the 2d of May. There I had to congratulate myself on being

remembered by a man to whom I was fortunate enough to render some

service at Hamburg. As the King entered the salon through which he

had to pass to go to the dining-room M. Hue recognising me said to his

Majesty, "There is M. de Bourrienne." The King then stepping up to me

said, "Ah! M. de Bourrienne, I am very glad to see you. I am aware of

the services you have rendered me in Hamburg and Paris, and I shall feel

much pleasure in testifying my gratitude."

At St. Ouen Louis XVIII. promulgated the declaration which preceded the

Charter, and which repeated the sentiments expressed by the King twenty

years before, in the Declaration of Colmar. It was also at St, Ouen that

project of a Constitution was presented to him by the Senate in

which that body, to justify 'in extremis' its title of conservative,

stipulated for the preservation of its revenues and endowments.

On the 3d of May Louis XVIII. made his solemn entrance into Paris, the

Duchess d'Angouleme being in the carriage with the King. His Majesty

proceeded first to Notre Dame. On arriving at the Pont Neuf he saw the

model of the statue of Henri IV. replaced, on the pedestal of which

appeared the following words: 'Ludovico reduce, Henricus redivivus',

which were suggested by M. de Lally-Tollendal, and were greatly

preferable to the long and prolix inscription composed for the bronze

statue.

The King's entrance into Paris did not excite so much enthusiasm as the

entrance of Monsieur. In the places through which I passed on the 3d of

May astonishment seemed to be the prevailing feeling among the people.

The abatement of public enthusiasm was more perceptible a short time

after, when Louis XVIII. restored "the red corps" which Louis XVI. had

suppressed long before the Revolution.

It was not a little extraordinary to see the direction of the Government

consigned to a man who neither had nor could have any knowledge

of France. From the commencement M. de Blacas affected ministerial

omnipotence. When I went on the 11th of May to the Tuileries to present,

as usual, my portfolio to the King, in virtue of my privilege of

transacting business with the sovereign, M. de Blacas wished to take the

portfolio from me, which appeared to me the more surprising as, during

the seven days I had the honour of coming in contact with Louis XVIII.,

his Majesty had been pleased to bestow many compliments upon me. I at

first refused to give up the portfolio, but M. de Blacas told me the

King had ordered him to receive it; I then, of course, yielded the

point.

However, it, was not long before I had experience of a courtier's

revenge, for two days after this circumstance, that is to say, on the

13th of May, on entering my cabinet at the usual hour, I mechanically

took up the 'Moniteur', which I found lying on my desk. On glancing

hastily over it what was my astonishment to find that the Comte Ferrand

had been appointed Director of the Post-office in my stead. Such was the

strange mode in which M. de Blacas made me feel the promised gratitude

of the sovereign. Certainly, after my proofs of loyalty, which a year

afterwards procured for me the honour of being outlawed in quite a

special way, I had reason to complain, and I might have said 'Sic vos

non vobis' as justly as Virgil when he alluded to the unmerited favours

lavished by Augustus on the Maevii and Bavii of his time.

The measures of Government soon excited complaints in every quarter.

The usages of the old system were gradually restored, and ridicule being

mingled with more serious considerations, Paris was speedily inundated

with caricatures and pamphlets. However, tranquillity prevailed until

the month of September, when M. de Talleyrand departed for the Congress

of Vienna. Then all was disorder at the Tuileries. Every one feeling

himself free from restraint, wished to play the statesman, and

Heaven knows how many follies were committed in the absence of the

schoolmaster.

Under a feeble Government there is but one step from discontent to

insurrection, under an imbecile Government like that of France in 1814,

after the departure of M. de Talleyrand, conspiracy has free Scope.

During the summer of 1814 were initiated the events which reached their

climax on the 20th of March 1815. I almost fancy I am dreaming when I

look back on the miraculous incapacity of the persons who were then at

the head of our Government. The emigrants, who, as it has been truly

said, had neither learned nor forgotten anything, came back with all

the absurd pretensions of Coblentz. Their silly vanity reminded one of

a character in one of Voltaire's novels who is continually saying, "Un

homme comme moi!" These people were so engrossed with their pretended

merit that they were blind to everything else. They not only disregarded

the wishes and the wants of France; which in overthrowing the Empire

hoped to regain liberty, but they disregarded every warning they had

received.

I recollect one circumstance which was well calculated to excite

suspicion. Prince Eugène proposed going to the waters of Plombieres

to join his sister Hortense. The horses, the carriages, and one of

the Prince's aides de camp had already arrived at Plombieres, and

his residence was prepared; but he did not go. Eugène had, no doubt,

received intimation of his sister's intrigues with some of the

individuals of the late Court of Napoleon who were then at the

waters, and as he had determined to reside quietly at the Court of his

father-in-law; without meddling with public affairs, he remained at

Munich. This fact, however, passed off unnoticed.

At the end of 1814 unequivocal indications of a great catastrophe were

observable. About that time a man, whom I much esteem, and with whom I

have always been on terms of friendship, said to me, "You see how

things are going on: they are committing fault upon fault. You must

be convinced that such a state of things cannot last long. Between

ourselves, I am of opinion that all will be over in the month of March;

that month will repair the disgrace of last March. We shall then, once

for all, be delivered from fanaticism and the emigrants. You see the

intolerable spirit of hypocrisy that prevails, and you know that the

influence of the priests is, of all things, the most hateful to the

nation. We have gone back a long way within the last eight months. I

fear you will repent of having taken too active a part in affairs at the

commencement of the present year. You see we have gone a very different

way from what you expected. However, as I have often told you before,

you had good reason to complain; and after all, you acted to the best of

your judgment."

I did not attach much importance to this prediction of a change in the

month of March. I deplored, as every one did, the inconceivable

errors of "Ferrand and Company," and I hoped that the Government would

gradually return to those principles which were calculated to conciliate

the feelings of the people. A few days after another of my friends

called on me. He had exercised important functions, and his name had

appeared on a proscription list. He had claims upon the Government,

which was by no means favourably disposed towards him. I asked him how

things were going on, and he replied, "Very well; no opposition is made

to my demands. I have no reason to complain." This reminded me of the

man in the 'Lettres Persanes', who admired the excellent order of

the finances under Colbert because his pension was promptly paid. I

congratulated my friend on the justice which the Government rendered

him, as well as on the justice which he rendered to the Government, and

I remarked that if the same course were adopted towards every one all

parties would speedily be conciliated. "I do not think so," said my

friend. "If the Government persist in its present course it cannot

possibly stand, and we shall have the Emperor back again."--"That," said

I, "would be a very great misfortune; and even if such were the wish of

France, it would be opposed by Europe. You who are so devotedly attached

to France cannot be indifferent to the danger that would threaten her

if the presence of Bonaparte should bring the foreigners back again. Can

you endure to think of the dismemberment of our country?"--"That they

would never dare to attempt. But you and I can never agree on the

question of the Emperor and your Bourbons. We take a totally different

view of the matter. You had cause to complain of Bonaparte, but I had

only reason to be satisfied with him. But tell me, what would you do if

he were to return?"-- "Bonaparte return!"--"Yes."--"Upon my word, the

best thing I could do would be to set off as speedily as I could, and

that is certainly what I should do. I am thoroughly convinced that he

would never pardon me for the part I have taken in the Restoration, and

I candidly confess that I should not hesitate a moment to save my life

by leaving France."--"Well, you are wrong, for I am convinced that if

you would range yourself among the number of his friends you might have

whatever you wished--titles, honours, riches. Of this I could give

you assurance."--"All this, I must tell you, does not tempt me. I love

France as dearly, as you do, and I am convinced that she can never be

happy under Bonaparte. If he should return I will go and live abroad."

This is only part of a conversation which lasted a considerable time,

and, as is often the case after a long discussion, my friend retained

his opinion, and I mine. However, this second warning, this hypothesis

of the return of Bonaparte, made me reflect, and I soon received another

hint which gave additional weight to the preceding ones. An individual

with whom I was well acquainted, and whom I knew from his principles and

connections to be entirely devoted to the royal cause, communicated to

me some extraordinary circumstances which he said alarmed him. Among

other things he said, "The day before yesterday I met Charles de

Labedoyere, who, you know, is my intimate friend. I remarked that he had

an air of agitation and abstraction. I invited him to come and dine with

me, but he declined, alleging as an excuse that we should not be alone.

He then asked me to go and dine with him yesterday, as he wanted to

talk with me. I accepted his invitation, and we conversed a long time on

political affair's and the situation of France. You know my sentiments

are quite the reverse of his, so we disputed and wrangled, though we are

still very good friends. But what alarms me is, that at parting Charles

pressed my hand, saying, 'Adieu; to-morrow I set off for Grenoble. In a

month you will hear something of Charles de Labedoyere.'"

These three successive communications appeared to me very extraordinary.

The two first were made to me by persons interested in the event,

and the third by one who dreaded it. They all presented a striking

coincidence with the intrigues at Plombieres a few months before. In the

month of January I determined to mention the business to M. de Blacas,

who then engrossed all credit and all power, and through whose medium

alone anything could reach the sovereign. I need scarcely add that my

intention was merely to mention to him the facts without naming the

individuals from whom I obtained them. After all, however, M. de

Blacas did not receive me, and I only had the honour of speaking to his

secretary, who, if the fact deserve to be recorded, was an abbe

named Fleuriel. This personage, who was an extraordinary specimen of

impertinence and self-conceit, would have been an admirable study for a

comic poet. He had all the dignity belonging to the great secretary of

a great Minister, and, with an air of indifference, he told me that the

Count was not there; but M. de Blacas was there, and I knew it.

Devoted as I was to the cause of the Bourbons, I thought it my duty to

write that very day to M. de Blacas to request an interview; I received

no answer. Two days after I wrote a second letter, in which I informed

M. de Blacas that I had something of the greatest importance to

communicate to him; this letter remained unnoticed like the first.

Unable to account for this strange treatment I again repaired to the

Pavilion de Flore, and requested the Abbe Fleuriel to explain to me if

he could the cause of his master's silence. "Sir," said he, "I received

your two letters, and laid them before the Count; I cannot tell why he

has not sent you an answer; but Monsieur le Comte is so much engaged. .

. . Monsieur le Comte is so overwhelmed with business that"--"Monsieur

le Comte may, perhaps, repent of it. Good morning, sir!"

I thus had personal experience of the truth of what I had often heard

respecting M. de Blacas. That favourite, who succeeded Comte d'Avaray,

enjoyed the full confidence of the King, and concentrated the

sovereign power in his own cabinet. The only means of transmitting any

communication to Louis XVIII. was to get it addressed to M. de Blacas by

one of his most intimate friends.

Convinced as I was of the danger that threatened France, and unable

to break through the blockade which M. de Blacas had formed round

the person of the King, I determined to write to M. de Talleyrand at

Vienna,' and acquaint him with the communications that had been made to

me. M. de Talleyrand corresponded directly with the King, and I doubt

not that my information at length reached the ears of his Majesty. But

when Louis XVIII. was informed of what was to happen it was too late to

avert the danger.