CHAPTER XI.

1802.

Bonaparte's principle as to the change of Ministers--Fouché--His

influence with the First Consul--Fouché's dismissal--The departments

of Police and Justice united under Regnier--Madame Bonaparte's

regret for the dismissal of Fouché--Family scenes--Madame Louis

Bonaparte's pregnancy--False and infamous reports to Josephine--

Legitimacy and a bastard--Raederer reproached by Josephine--Her

visit to Ruel--Long conversation with her--Assertion at St. Helena

respecting a great political fraud.

It is a principle particularly applicable to absolute governments that

a prince should change his ministers as seldom as possible, and never

except upon serious grounds. Bonaparte acted on this principle when

First Consul, and also when he became Emperor. He often allowed unjust

causes to influence him, but he never dismissed a Minister without

cause; indeed, he more than once, without any reason, retained Ministers

longer than he ought to have done in the situations in which he had

placed them. Bonaparte's tenacity in this respect, in some instances,

produced very opposite results. For instance, it afforded M. Gaudin'

time to establish a degree of order in the administration of Finance

which before his time had never existed; and on the other hand, it

enabled M. Decres to reduce the Ministry of Marine to an unparalleled

state of confusion.

Bonaparte saw nothing in men but helps and obstacles. On the 18th

Brumaire Fouché was a help. The First Consul feared that he would become

an obstacle; it was necessary, therefore, to think of dismissing him.

Bonaparte's most sincere friends had from the beginning been opposed

to Fouché's having any share in the Government. But their disinterested

advice produced no other result than their own disgrace, so influential

a person had Fouché become. How could it be otherwise? Fouché was

identified with the Republic by the death of the King, for which he had

voted; with the Reign of Terror by his sanguinary missions to Lyons

and Nevers; with the Consulate by his real though perhaps exaggerated

services; with Bonaparte by the charm with which he might be said to

have fascinated him; with Josephine by the enmity of the First Consul's

brothers. Who would believe it? Fouché ranked the enemies of the

Revolution amongst his warmest partisans. They overwhelmed him with

eulogy, to the disparagement even of the Head of the State, because the

cunning Minister, practising an interested indulgence, set himself up

as the protector of individuals belonging to classes which, when he was

proconsul, he had attacked in the mass. Director of public opinion, and

having in his hands the means at his pleasure of inspiring fear or of

entangling by inducements, it was all in his favour that he had already

directed this opinion. The machinery he set in motion was so calculated

that the police was rather the police of Fouché than that of the

Minister of the General Police. Throughout Paris, and indeed throughout

all France, Fouché obtained credit for extraordinary ability; and the

popular opinion was correct in this respect, namely, that no man ever

displayed such ability in making it be supposed that he really possessed

talent. Fouché's secret in this particular is the whole secret of the

greater part of those persons who are called statesmen.

Be this as it may, the First Consul did not behold with pleasure the

factitious influence of which Fouché had possessed himself. For some

time past, to the repugnance which at bottom he had felt towards Fouché,

were added other causes of discontent. In consequence of having been

deceived by secret reports and correspondence Bonaparte began to shrug

up his shoulders with an expression of regret when he received them,

and said, "Would you believe, Bourrienne, that I have been imposed on

by these things? All such denunciations are useless--scandalous. All the

reports from prefects and the police, all the intercepted letters, are

a tissue of absurdities and lies. I desire to have no more of them."

He said so, but he still received them. However, Fouché's dismissal was

resolved upon. But though Bonaparte wished to get rid of him, still,

under the influence of the charm, he dared not proceed against him

without the greatest caution. He first resolved upon the suppression of

the office of Minister of Police in order to disguise the motive for

the removal of the Minister. The First Consul told Fouché that this

suppression, which he spoke of as being yet remote, was calculated more

than anything else to give strength to the Government, since it would

afford a proof of the security and internal tranquillity of France.

Overpowered by the arguments with which Bonaparte supported his

proposition, Fouché could urge no good reasons in opposition to it, but

contented himself with recommending that the execution of the design,

which was good in intention, should, however, be postponed for

two years. Bonaparte appeared to listen favourably to Fouché's

recommendation, who, as avaricious for money as Bonaparte of glory,

consoled himself by thinking that for these two years the administration

of the gaming tables would still be for him a Pactolus flowing with

gold. For Fouché, already the possessor of an immense fortune, always

dreamed of increasing it, though he himself did not know how to enjoy

it. With him the ambition of enlarging the bounds of his estate of

Pont-Carre was not less felt than with the First Consul the ambition of

extending the frontier of France.

Not only did the First Consul not like Fouché, but it is perfectly true

that at this time the police wearied and annoyed him. Several times he

told me he looked on it as dangerous, especially for the possessor of

power. In a Government without the liberty of the press he was quite

right. The very services which the police had rendered to the First

Consul were of a nature to alarm him, for whoever had conspired against

the Directory in favour of the Consulate might also conspire against the

Consulate in favour of any other Government. It is needless to say that

I only allude to the political police, and not to the municipal police,

which is indispensable for large towns, and which has the honourable

mission of watching over the health and safety of the citizens.

Fouché, as has been stated, had been Minister of Police since the

18th Brumaire. Everybody who was acquainted with, the First Consul's

character was unable to explain the ascendency which he had suffered

Fouché to acquire over him, and of which Bonaparte himself was really

impatient. He saw in Fouché a centre around which all the interests of

the Revolution concentrated themselves, and at this he felt indignant;

but, subject to a species of magnetism, he could not break the charm

which enthralled him. When he spoke of Fouché in his absence his

language was warm, bitter, and hostile. When Fouché was present,

Bonaparte's tone was softened, unless some public scene was to be acted

like that which occurred after the attempt of the 3d Nivôse.

The suppression of the Ministry of Police being determined on, Bonaparte

did not choose to delay the execution of his design, as he had pretended

to think necessary. On the evening of the 12th of September we went to

Mortfontaine. We passed the next day, which was Monday, at that place,

and it was there, far removed from Fouché, and urged by the combined

persuasions of Joseph and Lucien, that the First Consul signed the

decree of suppression. The next morning we returned to Paris. Fouché

came to Malmaison, where we were, in the regular execution of his

duties. The First Consul transacted business with him as usual without

daring to tell him of his dismissal, and afterwards sent Cambacérès to

inform him of it. After this act, respecting which he had hesitated so

long, Bonaparte still endeavoured to modify his rigour. Having appointed

Fouché a Senator, he said in the letter which he wrote to the Senate to

notify the appointment:

"Fouché, as Minister of Police, in times of difficulty, has by his

talent, his activity, and his attachment to the Government done all

that circumstances required of him. Placed in the bosom of the

Senate, if events should again call for a Minister of Police the

Government cannot find one more worthy of its confidence."

From this moment the departments of Justice and Police united were

confided to the hands of Regnier.' Bonaparte's aversion for Fouché

strangely blinded him with respect to the capabilities of his successor.

Besides, how could the administration of justice, which rests on

fixed, rigid, and unchangeable bases, proceed hand in hand with another

administration placed on the quicksand of instantaneous decisions,

and surrounded by stratagems and deceptions? Justice should never have

anything to do with secret police, unless it be to condemn it.

--[M. Abrial, Minister of Justice, was called to the Senate at the

same time as Fouché. Understanding that the assimilation of the two

men was more a disgrace to Abrial than the mere loss of the

Ministry, the First Consul said to M. Abrial: "In uniting the

Ministry of Police to that of Justice I could not retain you in the

Ministry, you are too upright a man to manage the police." Not a

flattering speech for Regnier.--Bourrienne.]--

What could be expected from Regnier, charged as he was with incompatible

functions? What, under such circumstances, could have been expected

even from a man gifted with great talents? Such was the exact history

of Fouché's disgrace. No person was more afflicted at it than Madame

Bonaparte, who only learned the news when it was announced to the

public. Josephine, on all occasions, defended Fouché against her

husband's sallies. She believed that he was the only one of his

Ministers who told him the truth. She had such a high opinion of the way

in which Fouché managed the police that the first time I was alone

with her after our return from Mortfontaine she said to me, "My dear

Bourrienne; speak openly to me; will Napoleon know all about the plots

from the police of Moncey, Duroc, Junot, and of Davoust? You know

better than I do that these are only wretched spies. Has not Savary also

eventually got his police? How all this alarms me. They take away all my

supports, and surround me only with enemies."--"To justify your regrets

we should be sure that Fouché has never been in agreement with Lucien in

favour of the divorce."--"Oh, I do not believe that. Bonaparte does not

like him, and he would have been certain to tell me of it when I spoke

favourably to him of Fouché. You will see that his brothers will end by

bringing him into their plan."

I have already spoken of Josephine's troubles, and of the bad conduct of

Joseph, but more particularly of Lucien, towards her; I will therefore

describe here, as connected with the disgrace of Fouché, whom Madame

Bonaparte regretted as a support, some scenes which occurred about this

period at Malmaison. Having been the confidant of both parties, and

an involuntary actor in those scenes, now that twenty-seven years have

passed since they occurred what motive can induce me to disguise the

truth in any respect?

Madame Louis Bonaparte was enceinte. Josephine, although she tenderly

loved her children, did not seem to behold the approaching event which

the situation of her daughter indicated with the interest natural to

the heart of a mother. She had long been aware of the calumnious reports

circulated respecting the supposed connection between Hortense and

the First Consul, and that base accusation cost her many tears. Poor

Josephine paid dearly for the splendour of her station! As I knew how

devoid of foundation these atrocious reports were, I endeavoured to

console her by telling her what was true, that I was exerting all my

efforts to demonstrate their infamy and falsehood. Bonaparte, however,

dazzled by the affection which was manifested towards him from all

quarters, aggravated the sorrow of his wife by a silly vanity. He

endeavoured to persuade her that these reports had their origin only

in the wish of the public that he should have a child, so that these

seeming consolations offered by self-love to Josephine's grief gave

force to existing conjugal alarms, and the fear of divorce returned

with all its horrors. Under the foolish illusion of his vanity Bonaparte

imagined that France was desirous of being governed even by a bastard if

supposed to be a child of his,--a singular mode truly of founding a new

legitimacy!

Josephine, whose susceptibility appears to me even now excusable, well

knew my sentiments on the subject of Bonaparte's founding a dynasty, and

she had not forgotten my conduct when two years before the question had

been agitated on the occasion of Louis XVIII.'s letters to the First

Consul. I remember that one day, after the publication of the parallel

of Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte, Josephine having entered our cabinet

without being announced, which she sometimes did when from the good

humour exhibited at breakfast she reckoned upon its continuance,

approached Bonaparte softly, seated herself on his knee, passed her

hand gently through his hair and over his face, and thinking the moment

favourable, said to him in a burst of tenderness, "I entreat of you,

Bonaparte, do not make yourself a King! It is that wretch Lucien who

urges you to it. Do not listen to him!" Bonaparte replied, without

anger, and even smiling as he pronounced the last words, "You are mad,

my poor Josephine. It is your old dowagers of the Faubourg St. Germain,

your Rochefoucaulds, who tell you all these fables!... Come now, you

interrupt me--leave me alone."

What Bonaparte said that day good-naturedly to his wife I have often

heard him declare seriously. I have been present at five or six

altercations on the subject. That there existed, too, an enmity

connected with this question between the family of BEAUHARNAIS and the

family of Bonaparte cannot be denied.

Fouché, as I have stated, was in the interest of Josephine, and Lucien

was the most bitter of her enemies. One day Raederer inveighed with so

much violence against Fouché in the presence of Madame Bonaparte that

she replied with extreme warmth, "The real enemies of Bonaparte are

those who feed him with notions of hereditary descent, of a dynasty, of

divorce, and of marriage!" Josephine could not check this exclamation,

as she knew that Roederer encouraged those ideas, which he spread abroad

by Lucien's direction. I recollect one day when she had been to see us

at our little house at Ruel: as I walked with her along the high road

to her carriage, which she had sent forward, I acknowledged too

unreservedly my fears on account of the ambition of Bonaparte, and of

the perfidious advice of his brothers. "Madame," said I, "if we cannot

succeed in dissuading the General from making himself a King, I dread

the future for his sake. If ever he re-establishes royalty he will in

all probability labour for the Bourbons, and enable them one day to

re-ascend the throne which he shall erect. No one, doubtless, without

passing for a fool, can pretend to say with certainty what series of

chances and events such a proceeding will produce; but common sense

alone is sufficient to convince any one that unfavourable chances must

long be dreaded. The ancient system being re-established, the occupation

of the throne will then be only a family question, and not a question of

government between liberty and despotic power. Why should not France, if

it ceases to be free, prefer the race of her ancient kings? You surely

know it. You had not been married two years when, on returning from

Italy, your husband told me that he aspired to royalty. Now he is Consul

for life. Would he but resolve to stop there! He already possesses

everything but an empty title. No sovereign in Europe has so much power

as he has. I am sorry for it, Madame, but I really believe that, in

spite of yourself, you will be made Queen or Empress."

Madame Bonaparte had allowed me to speak without interruption, but

when I pronounced the words Queen and Empress she exclaimed, "My God!

Bourrienne, such ambition is far from my thoughts. That I may always

continue the wife of the First Consul is all I desire. Say to him

all that you have said to me. Try and prevent him from making himself

King."--"Madame," I replied, "times are greatly altered. The wisest

men, the strongest minds, have resolutely and courageously opposed his

tendency to the hereditary system. But advice is now useless. He

would not listen to me. In all discussions on the subject he adheres

inflexibly to the view he has taken. If he be seriously opposed his

anger knows no bounds; his language is harsh and abrupt, his tone

imperious, and his authority bears down all before him."--"Yet,

Bourrienne, he has so much confidence in you that of you should try once

more!"--"Madame, I assure you he will not listen to me. Besides, what

could I add to the remarks I made upon his receiving the letters of

Louis XVIII., when I fearlessly represented to him that being without

children he would have no one to whom to bequeath the throne--that,

doubtless, from the opinion which he entertained of his brothers, he

could not desire to erect it for them?" Here Josephine again interrupted

me by exclaiming, "My kind friend, when you spoke of children did he

say anything to you? Did he talk of a divorce?"--"Not a word, Madame, I

assure you."--"If they do not urge him to it, I do not believe he will

resolve to do such a thing. You know how he likes Eugène, and Eugène

behaves so well to him. How different is Lucien. It is that wretch

Lucien, to whom Bonaparte listens too much, and of whom, however, he

always speaks ill to me."--"I do not know, Madame, what Lucien says to

his brother except when he chooses to tell me, because Lucien always

avoids having a witness of his interviews with your husband, but I can

assure you that for two years I have not heard the word 'divorce' from

the General's mouth."--"I always reckon on you, my dear Bourrienne; to

turn him away from it; as you did at that time."--"I do not believe he

is thinking of it, but if it recurs to him, consider, Madame, that it

will be now from very different motives: He is now entirely given up to

the interests of his policy and his ambition, which dominate every other

feeling in him. There will not now be any question of scandal, or of a

trial before a court, but of an act of authority which complaisant laws

will justify and which the Church perhaps will sanction."--"That's true.

You are right. Good God! how unhappy I am."

--[When Bourrienne complains of not knowing what passed between

Lucien and Napoleon, we can turn to Lucien's account of Bourrienne,

apparently about this very time. "After a stormy interview with

Napoleon," says Lucien, "I at once went into the cabinet where

Bourrienne was working, and found that unbearable busybody of a

secretary, whose star had already paled more than once, which made

him more prying than ever, quite upset by the time the First Consul

had taken to come out of his bath. He must, or at least might, have

heard some noise, for enough had been made. Seeing that he wanted

to know the cause from me, I took up a newspaper to avoid being

bored by his conversation" (Iung's Lucien, tome ii. p.156)]--

Such was the nature of one of the conversations I had with Madame

Bonaparte on a subject to which she often recurred. It may not perhaps

be uninteresting to endeavour to compare with this what Napoleon said

at St. Helena, speaking of his first wife. According to the Memorial

Napoleon there stated that when Josephine was at last constrained to

renounce all hope of having a child, she often let fall allusions to a

great political fraud, and at length openly proposed it to him. I

make no doubt Bonaparte made use of words to this effect, but I do not

believe the assertion. I recollect one day that Bonaparte, on entering

our cabinet, where I was already seated, exclaimed in a transport of

joy impossible for me to describe, "Well, Bourrienne, my wife is at last

enceinte!" I sincerely congratulated him, more, I own, out of courtesy

than from any hope of seeing him made a father by Josephine, for I well

remembered that Corvisart, who had given medicines to Madame Bonaparte,

had nevertheless assured me that he expected no result from them.

Medicine was really the only political fraud to which Josephine had

recourse; and in her situation what other woman would not have done as

much? Here, then, the husband and the wife are in contradiction, which

is nothing uncommon. But on which side is truth? I have no hesitation in

referring it to Josephine. There is indeed an immense difference between

the statements of a women--trusting her fears and her hopes to the sole

confidant of her family secrets, and the tardy declaration of a man who,

after seeing the vast edifice of his ambition leveled with the dust, is

only anxious, in his compulsory retreat, to preserve intact and spotless

the other great edifice of his glory. Bonaparte should have recollected

that Caesar did not like the idea of his wife being even suspected.