CHAPTER XVIII.
1803.
Vast works undertaken--The French and the Roman soldiers--Itinerary
of Bonaparte's journeys to the coast--Twelve hours on horseback--
Discussions in Council--Opposition of Truguet--Bonaparte'a opinion
on the point under discussion--Two divisions of the world--Europe a
province--Bonaparte's jealousy of the dignity of France--The
Englishman in the dockyard of Brest--Public audience at the
Tuilleries--The First Consul's remarks upon England--His wish to
enjoy the good opinion of the English people--Ball at Malmaison--
Lines on Hortense's dancing--Singular motive for giving the ball.
At the time of the rupture with England Bonaparte was, as I have
mentioned, quite unprepared in most branches of the service; yet
everything was created as if by magic, and he seemed to impart to others
a share of his own incredible activity. It is inconceivable how many
things had been undertaken and executed since the rupture of the peace.
The north coast of France presented the appearance of one vast arsenal;
for Bonaparte on this occasion employed his troops like Roman soldiers,
and made the tools of the artisan succeed to the arms of the warrior.
On his frequent journeys to the coast Bonaparte usually set off at
night, and on the following morning arrived at the post office of
Chantilly, where he breakfasted. Rapp, whom I often saw when he was
in Paris, talked incessantly of these journeys, for he almost always
accompanied the First Consul, and it would have been well had he always
been surrounded by such men. In the evening the First Consul supped at
Abbeville, and arrived early next day at the bridge of Brique. "It would
require constitutions of iron to go through what we do," said Rapp.
"We no sooner alight from the carriage than we mount on horseback, and
sometimes remain in our saddles for ten or twelve hours successively.
The First Consul inspects and examines everything, often talks with the
soldiers. How he is beloved by them! When shall we pay a visit to London
with those brave fellows?"
Notwithstanding these continual journeys the First Consul never
neglected any of the business of government, and was frequently present
at the deliberations of the Council. I was still with him when the
question as to the manner in which the treaties of peace should be
concluded came under the consideration of the Council. Some members,
among whom Truguet was conspicuous, were of opinion that, conformably
with an article of the Constitution, the treaties should be proposed by
the Head of the Government, submitted to the Legislative Body, and
after being agreed to promulgated as part of the laws. Bonaparte thought
differently. I was entirely of his opinion, and he said to me, "It
is for the mere pleasure of opposition that they appeal to the
Constitution, for if the Constitution says so it is absurd. There are
some things which cannot become the subject of discussion in a public
assembly; for instance, if I treat with Austria, and my Ambassador
agrees to certain conditions, can those conditions be rejected by the
Legislative Body? It is a monstrous absurdity! Things would be brought
to a fine pass in this way! Lucchesini and Markow would give dinners
every day like Cambacérès; scatter their money about, buy men who are to
be sold, and thus cause our propositions to be rejected. This would be a
fine way to manage matters!"
When Bonaparte, according to his custom, talked to me in the evening of
what had passed in the Council, his language was always composed of a
singular mixture of quotations from antiquity, historical references,
and his own ideas. He talked about the Romans, and I remember when
Mr. Fox was at Paris that he tried to distinguish himself before that
Foreign Minister, whom he greatly esteemed. In his enlarged way of
viewing the world Bonaparte divided it into two large states, the East
and the West: "What matters," he would often say, "that two countries
are separated by rivers or mountains, that they speak different
languages? With very slight shades of variety France, Spain, England,
Italy, and Germany, have the same manners and customs, the same
religion, and the same dress. In them a man can only marry one wife;
slavery is not allowed; and these are the great distinctions which
divide the civilised inhabitants of the globe. With the exception of
Turkey, Europe is merely a province of the world, and our warfare is but
civil strife. There is also another way of dividing nations, namely,
by land and water." Then he would touch on all the European interests,
speak of Russia, whose alliance he wished for, and of England, the
mistress of the seas. He usually ended by alluding to what was then his
favourite scheme--an expedition to India.
When from these general topics Bonaparte descended to the particular
interests of France, he still spoke like a sovereign; and I may truly
say that he showed himself more jealous than any sovereign ever was of
the dignity of France, of which he already considered himself the sole
representative. Having learned that a captain of the English navy had
visited the dockyard of Brest passing himself off as a merchant,
whose passport he had borrowed, he flew into a rage because no one had
ventured to arrest him.--[see James' Naval History for an account of Sir
Sidney Smith's daring exploit.]--Nothing was lost on Bonaparte, and he
made use of this fact to prove to the Council of State the necessity of
increasing the number of commissary-generals of police. At a meeting of
the Council he said, "If there had been a commissary of police at Brest
he would have arrested the English captain and sent him at once to
Paris. As he was acting the part of a spy I would have had him shot as
such. No Englishman, not even a nobleman, or the English Ambassador,
should be admitted into our dockyards. I will soon regulate all this."
He afterwards said to me, "There are plenty of wretches who are selling
me every day to the English without my being subjected to English
spying."
--[During the short and hollow peace of Amiens Bonaparte sent over
to England as consuls and vice-consuls, a number of engineers and
military men, who were instructed to make plans of all the harbours
and coasts of the United Kingdom. They worked in secrecy, yet not
so secretly but that they were soon suspected: the facts were
proved, and they were sent out of the country without ceremony.--
Editor of 1836 edition.]--
He had on one occasion said before an assemblage of generals, senators,
and high officers of State, who were at an audience of the Diplomatic
Body, "The English think that I am afraid of war, but I am not." And
here the truth escaped him, in spite of himself. "My power will lose
nothing by war. In a very short time I can have 2,000,000 of men at
my disposal. What has been the result of the first war? The union of
Belgium and Piedmont to France. This is greatly to our advantage; it
will consolidate our system. France shall not be restrained by foreign
fetters. England has manifestly violated the treaties! It would be
better to render homage to the King of England, and crown him King of
France at Paris, than to submit to the insolent caprices of the English
Government. If, for the sake of preserving peace, at most for only
two months longer, I should yield on a single point, the English would
become the more treacherous and insolent, and would enact the more in
proportion as we yield. But they little know me! Were we to yield to
England now, she would next prohibit our navigation in certain parts of
the world. She would insist on the surrender of our ships. I know
not what she would not demand; but I am not the man to brook such
indignities. Since England wishes for war she shall have it, and that
speedily!"
On the same day Bonaparte said a great deal more about the treachery
of England. The gross calumnies to which he was exposed in the London
newspapers powerfully contributed to increase his natural hatred of the
liberty of the press; and he was much astonished that such attacks
could be made upon him by English subjects when he was at peace with the
English Government.
I had one day a singular proof of the importance which Bonaparte
attached to the opinion of the English people respecting any misconduct
that was attributed to him. What I am about to state will afford another
example of Bonaparte's disposition to employ petty and roundabout means
to gain his ends. He gave a ball at Malmaison when Hortense was in the
seventh month of her pregnancy.
--[This refers to the first son of Louis and of Hortense, Napoleon
Charles, the intended successor of Napoleon, who was born 1802, died
1807, elder brother of Napoleon III.]--
I have already mentioned that he disliked to see women in that
situation, and above all could not endure to see them dance. Yet, in
spite of this antipathy, he himself asked Hortense to dance at the
ball at Malmaison. She at first declined, but Bonaparte was exceedingly
importunate, and said to her in a tone of good-humoured persuasion, "Do,
I beg of you; I particularly wish to see you dance. Come, stand up,
to oblige me." Hortense at last consented. The motive for this
extraordinary request I will now explain.
On the day after the ball one of the newspapers contained some verses
on Hortense's dancing. She was exceedingly annoyed at this, and when
the paper arrived at Malmaison she expressed, displeasure at it.
Even allowing for all the facility of our newspaper wits, she was
nevertheless at a loss to understand how the lines could have been
written and printed respecting a circumstance which only occurred the
night before. Bonaparte smiled, and gave her no distinct answer. When
Hortense knew that I was alone in the cabinet she came in and asked me
to explain the matter; and seeing no reason to conceal the truth, I told
her that the lines had been written by Bonaparte's direction before the
ball took place. I added, what indeed was the fact, that the ball
had been prepared for the verses, and that it was only for the
appropriateness of their application that the First Consul had pressed
her to dance. He adopted this strange contrivance for contradicting an
article which appeared in an English journal announcing that Hortense
was delivered. Bonaparte was highly indignant at that premature
announcement, which he clearly saw was made for the sole purpose of
giving credit to the scandalous rumours of his imputed connection with
Hortense. Such were the petty machinations which not unfrequently found
their place in a mind in which the grandest schemes were revolving.