CHAPTER VI.

1797.

Napoleon's correspondence--Release of French prisoners at Olmutz--

Negotiations with Austria--Bonaparte's dissatisfaction--Letter of

complaint from Bonaparte to the Executive Directory--Note respecting

the affairs of Venice and the Club of Clichy, written by Bonaparte

and circulated in the army--Intercepted letter of the Emperor

Francis.

During the time when the preliminaries of Leoben suspended military

operations, Napoleon was not anxious to reply immediately to all

letters. He took a fancy to do, not exactly as Cardinal Dubois did, when

he threw into the fire the letters he had received, saying, "There! my

correspondents are answered," but something of the same kind. To satisfy

himself that people wrote too much, and lost, in trifling and useless

answers, valuable time, he told me to open only the letters which came

by extraordinary couriers, and to leave all the rest for three weeks

in the basket. At the end of that time it was unnecessary to reply to

four-fifths of these communications. Some were themselves answers; some

were acknowledgments of letters received; others contained requests

for favours already granted, but of which intelligence had not been

received. Many were filled with complaints respecting provisions, pay,

or clothing, and orders had been issued upon all these points before

the letters were written. Some generals demanded reinforcements, money,

promotion, etc. By not opening their letters Bonaparte was spared the

unpleasing office of refusing. When the General-in-Chief compared the

very small number of letters which it was necessary to answer with the

large number which time alone had answered, he laughed heartily at his

whimsical idea. Would not this mode of proceeding be preferable to that

of causing letters to be opened by any one who may be employed, and

replying to them by a circular to which it is only necessary to attach a

date?

During the negotiations which followed the treaty of Leoben, the

Directory ordered General Bonaparte to demand the liberty of MM. de La

Fayette, Latour-Marbourg, and Bureau de Puzy, detained at Olmutz

since 1792 as prisoners of state. The General-in-Chief executed

this commission with as much pleasure as zeal, but he often met with

difficulties which appeared to be insurmountable. It has been very

incorrectly stated that these prisoners obtained their liberty by one

of the articles of the preliminaries of Leoben. I wrote a great deal

on this subject to the dictation of General Bonaparte, and I joined him

only on the day after the signature of these preliminaries. It was

not till the end of May of the year 1797 that the liberation of these

captives was demanded, and they did not obtain their freedom till the

end of August. There was no article in the treaty, public or secret,

which had reference to them. Neither was it at his own suggestion that

Bonaparte demanded the enlargement of the prisoners, but by order of the

Directory. To explain why they did not go to France immediately after

their liberation from Olmutz, it is necessary to recollect that the

events of the 18th Fructidor occurred between the period when the

first steps were taken to procure their liberty and the date of their

deliverance. It required all Bonaparte's ascendency and vigour of

character to enable him to succeed in his object at the end of three

months.

We had arrived at the month of July, and the negotiations were tediously

protracted. It was impossible to attribute the embarrassment which was

constantly occurring to anything but the artful policy of Austria:

Other affairs occupied Bonaparte. The news from Paris engrossed all

his attention. He saw with extreme displeasure the manner in which the

influential orators of the councils, and pamphlets written in the same

spirit as they spoke, criticised him, his army, his victories, the

affairs of Venice, and the national glory. He was quite indignant at

the suspicions which it was sought to create respecting his conduct and

ulterior views.

The following excerpts, attributed to the pens of Dumouriez or Rivarol,

are specimens of some of the comments of the time:

EXTRACTS OF LETTERS IN "LE SPECTATUER DU NORD" of 1797.

General Bonaparte is, without contradiction, the most brilliant

warrior who has appeared at the head of the armies of the French

Republic. His glory is incompatible with democratic equality, and

the services he has rendered are too great to be recompensed except

by hatred and ingratitude. He is very young, and consequently has

to pursue a long career of accusations and of persecutions.

........Whatever may be the crowning event of his military career,

Bonaparte is still a great man. All his glory is due to himself

alone; because he alone has developed a character and a genius of

which no one else has furnished an example.

EXTRACT OF LETTER OR 18TH APRIL 1797 in "THE SPECTATEUR DU NORD."

Regard, for instance, this wretched war. Uncertain in Champagne, it

becomes daring under Dumouriez, unbridled under the brigands who

fought the Vendeeans, methodic under Pichegru, vulgar under Jourdan,

skilled under Moreau, rash under Bonaparte. Each general has put

the seal of his genius on his career, and has given life or death to

his army. From the commencement of his career Bonaparte has

developed an ardent character which is irritated by obstacles, and a

quickness which forestalls every determination of the enemy. It is

with heavier and heavier blows that, he strikes. He throws his army

on the enemy like an unloosed torrent. He is all action, and he is

so in everything. See him fight, negotiate, decree, punish, all is

the matter of a moment. He compromises with Turin as with Rome. He

invades Modena as he burns Binasco. He never hesitates; to cut the

Gordian knot is always his method.

Bonaparte could not endure to have his conduct predicated; and enraged

at seeing his campaigns depreciated, his glory and that of his army

disparaged,

--[The extraordinary folly of the opposition to the Directory in

throwing Bonaparte on to the side of the Directory, will be seen by

reading the speech of Dumolard, so often referred to by Bourrienne

(Thiers, vol. v. pp. 110-111), and by the attempts of Mathieu Dumas

to remove the impression that the opposition slighted the fortunate

General. (See Dumas, tome iii. p. 80; see also Lanfrey, tome i.

pp. 257-299).]--

and intrigues formed against him in the Club of Clichy, he wrote the

following letter to the Directory:--

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY.

I have just received, Citizens-Directors, a copy of the motion of

Dumolard (23d June 1797).

This motion, printed by order of the Assembly, it is evident, is

directed against me. I was entitled, after, having five times

concluded peace, and given a death-blow to the coalition, if not to

civic triumphs, at least to live tranquilly under the protection of

the first magistrates of the Republic. At present I find myself

ill-treated, persecuted, and disparaged, by every shameful means,

which their policy brings to the aid of persecution. I would have

been indifferent to all except that species of opprobrium with which

the first magistrates of the Republic endeavour to overwhelm me.

After having deserved well of my country by my last act, I am not

bound to hear myself accused in a manner as absurd as atrocious.

I have not expected that a manifesto, signed by emigrants, paid by

England, should obtain more credit with the Council of Five Hundred

than the evidence of eighty thousand men--than mine! What! we were

assassinated by traitors--upwards of four hundred men perished; and

the first magistrates of the Republic make it a crime to have

believed the statement for a moment. Upwards of four hundred

Frenchmen were dragged through the streets. They were assassinated

before the eyes of the governor of the fort. They were pierced with

a thousand blows of stilettos, such as I sent you and the

representatives of the French people cause it to be printed, that if

they believed this fact for an instant, they were excusable. I know

well there are societies where it is said, "Is this blood, then, so

pure?"

If only base men, who are dead to the feeling of patriotism and

national glory, had spoken of me thus, I would not have complained.

I would have disregarded it; but I have a right to complain of the

degradation to which the first magistrates of the Republic reduce

those who have aggrandised, and carried the French name to so high a

pitch of glory. Citizens-Directors, I reiterate the demand I made

for my dismissal; I wish to live in tranquillity, if the poniards of

Clichy will allow me to live. You have employed me in negotiations.

I am not very fit to conduct them.

About the same time he drew up the following note respecting the affairs

of Venice, which was printed without the author's name, and circulated

through the whole army:--

NOTE.

Bonaparte, pausing before the gates of Turin, Parma, Rome, and

Vienna, offering peace when he was sure of obtaining nothing but

fresh triumphs--Bonaparte, whose every operation exhibits respect

for religion, morality, and old age; who, instead of heaping, as he

might have done, dishonour upon the Venetians, and humbling their

republic to the earth, loaded her with acts of kindness, and took

such great interest in her glory--is this the same Bonaparte who is

accused of destroying the ancient Government of Venice, and

democratising Genoa, and even of interfering in the affairs of the

prudent and worthy people of the Swiss Cantons? Bonaparte had

passed the Tagliamento, and entered Germany, when insurrections

broke out in the Venetian States; these insurrections were,

therefore, opposed to Bonaparte's project; surely, then, he could

not favour them. When he was in the heart of Germany the Venetians

massacred more than four hundred French troops, drove their quarters

out of Verona, assassinated the unfortunate Laugier, and presented

the spectacle of a fanatical party in arms. He returned to Italy;

and on his arrival, as the winds cease their agitation at the

presence of Neptune, the whole of Italy, which was in commotion,

which was in arms, was restored to order.

However, the deputies from Bonaparte drew up different articles

conformable to the situation of the country, and in order to

prevent, not a revolution in the Government, for the Government was

defunct, and had died a natural death, but a crisis, and to save the

city from convulsion, anarchy, and pillage. Bonaparte spared a

division of his army to save Venice from pillage and massacre. All

the battalions were in the streets of Venice, the disturbers were

put down, and the pillage discontinued. Property and trade were

preserved, when General Baragney d'Hilliers entered Venice with his

division. Bonaparte, as usual, spared blood, and was the protector

of Venice. Whilst the French troops remained they conducted

themselves peaceably, and only interfered to support the provisional

Government.

Bonaparte could not say to the deputies of Venice, who came to ask

his protection and assistance against the populace, who wished to

plunder them, "I cannot meddle with your affairs." He could not say

this, for Venice, and all its territories, had really formed the

theatre of war; and, being in the rear of the army of Italy, the

Republic of Venice was really under the jurisdiction of that army.

The rights of war confer upon a general the powers of supreme police

over the countries which are the seat of war. As the great

Frederick said, "There are no neutrals where there is war."

Ignorant advocates and babblers have asked, in the Club of Clichy,

why we occupy the territory of Venice. These declaimers should

learn war, and they would know that the Adige, the Brenta, and the

Tagliamento, where we have been fighting for two years, are within

the Venetian States. But, gentlemen of Clichy, we are at no loss to

perceive your meaning. You reproach the army of Italy for having

surmounted all difficulties--for subduing all Italy for having twice

passed the Alps--for having marched on Vienna, and obliged Austria

to acknowledge the Republic that, you, men of Clichy, would destroy.

You accuse Bonaparte, I see clearly, for having brought about peace.

But I know you, and I speak in the name of eighty thousand soldiers.

The time is gone when base advocates and wretched declaimers could

induce soldiers to revolt. If, however, you compel them, the

soldiers of the army of Italy will soon appear at the Barrier of

Clichy, with their General. But woe unto you if they do!

Bonaparte having arrived at Palma-Nova, issued a manifesto on the 2d

of May 1797. Arrived at Mestre, where he posted his troops, the

Government sent three deputies to him, with a decree of the Great

Council, without Bonaparte having solicited it and without his

having thought of making any change in the Government of that

country: The governor of Venice was an old man, ninety-nine years-of

age, confined by illness to his apartment. Everyone felt the

necessity of renovating this Government of twelve hundred years'

existence, and to simplify its machinery, in order to preserve its

independence, honour, and glory. It was necessary to deliberate,

first, on the manner of renovating the Government; secondly, on the

means of atoning for the massacre of the French, the iniquity of

which every one was sensible..

Bonaparte, after having received the deputation at Mestre, told them

that in order to obtain satisfaction, for the assassination of his

brethren is arms, he wished the Great Council to arrest the

inquisitors. He afterwards granted them an armistice, and appointed

Milan as the place of conference. The deputies arrived at Milan on

the . . . A negotiation commenced to re-establish harmony between

the Governments. However, anarchy, with all its horrors, afflicted

the city of Venice. Ten thousand Sclavonians threatened to pillage

the shops. Bonaparte acquiesced in the proposition submitted by the

deputies, who promised to verify the loss which had been sustained

by pillage.

Bonaparte also addressed a manifesto to the Doge, which appeared in all

the public papers. It contained fifteen articles of complaint, and was

followed by a decree ordering the French Minister to leave Venice, the

Venetian agents to leave Lombard, and the Lion of St. Mark to be pulled

down in all the Continental territories of Venice.

The General-in-Chief now openly manifested his resolution of marching on

Paris; and this disposition, which was well known in the army, was soon

communicated to Vienna. At this period a letter from the Emperor Francis

II. to his brother, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, was intercepted by

Bonaparte. I translated the letter, which proved to him that Francis

II. was acquainted with his project. He likewise saw with pleasure the

assurances which the Emperor gave his brother of his love of peace,

as well as the wavering of the imperial resolves, and the incertitude

respecting the fate of the Italian princes, which the Emperor easily

perceived to depend on Bonaparte. The Emperor's letter was as follows:--

MY DEAR BROTHER--I punctually received your third letter, containing

a description of your unhappy and delicate situation. You may be

assured that I perceive it as clearly as you do yourself; and I pity

you the more because, in truth, I do not know what advice to give

you. You are, like me, the victim of the former inactivity of the

princes of Italy, who ought, at once, to have acted with all their

united forces, while I still possessed Mantua. If Bonaparte's

project be, as I learn, to establish republics in Italy, this is

likely to end in spreading republicanism over the whole country. I

have already commenced negotiations for peace, and the preliminaries

are ratified. If the French observe them as strictly as I do, and

will do, then your situation will be improved; but already the

French are beginning to disregard them. The principal problem which

remains to be solved is, whether the French Directory approve of

Bonaparte's proceedings, and whether the latter, as appears by some

papers distributed through his army, is not disposed to revolt

against his country, which also seems to be probable, from his

severe conduct towards Switzerland, notwithstanding the assurances

of the Directory, that he had been ordered to leave the country

untouched. If this should be the case, new and innumerable

difficulties may arise. Under these circumstances I can, at

present, advise nothing; for, as to myself, it is only time and the

circumstances of the moment which can point out how I am to act.

There is nothing new here. We are all well; but the heat is

extraordinary. Always retain your friendship and love for me.

Make my compliments to your wife, and believe me ever

Your best Friend and Brother,

FRANCIS.

HETZENDORF, July 20, 1797.