CHAPTER XXXI.

1805

Napoleon and Voltaire--Demands of the Holy See--Coolness between the

pope and the Emperor--Napoleon's departure for Italy--Last interview

between the Pope and the Emperor at Turin--Alessandria--The field of

Marengo--The last Doge of Genoa--Bonaparte's arrival at Milan--Union

of Genoa to the French Empire--Error in the Memorial of St. Helen--

Bonaparte and Madam Grassini--Symptoms of dissatisfaction on the

part of Austria and Russia--Napoleon's departure from Milan--

Monument to commemorate the battle of Marengo--Napoleon's arrival in

Paris and departure for Boulogne--Unfortunate result of a naval

engagement--My visit to Fouché's country seat--Sieyès, Barras, the

Bourbons, and Bonaparte--Observations respecting Josephine.

Voltaire says that it is very well to kiss the feet of Popes provided

their hands are tied. Notwithstanding the slight estimation in which

Bonaparte held Voltaire, he probably, without being aware of this

irreverent satire, put it into practice. The Court of Rome gave him

the opportunity of doing so shortly after his Coronation. The Pope, or

rather the Cardinals, his advisers' conceiving that so great an instance

of complaisance as the journey of His Holiness to Paris ought not to

go for nothing; demanded a compensation, which, had they been better

acquainted with Bonaparte's character and policy, they would never have

dreamed of soliciting. The Holy see demanded the restitution of Avignon,

Bologna, and some parts of the Italian territory which had formerly been

subject to the Pope's dominion. It may be imagined how such demands were

received by Napoleon, particularly after he had obtained all he wanted

from the Pope. It was, it must be confessed, a great mistake of the

Court of Rome, whose policy is usually so artful and adroit, not to make

this demand till after the Coronation. Had it been made the condition of

the Pope's journey to France perhaps Bonaparte would have consented to

give up, not Avignon, certainly, but the Italian territories, with the

intention of taking them back again. Be this as it may, these tardy

claims, which were peremptorily rejected, created an extreme coolness

between Napoleon and Pius VII. The public did not immediately perceive

it, but there is in the public an instinct of reason which the most able

politicians never can impose upon; and all eyes were opened when it was

known that the Pope, after having crowned Napoleon as Emperor of France,

refused to crown him as sovereign of the regenerated kingdom of Italy.

Napoleon left Paris on the 1st of April to take possession of the

Iron Crown at Milan. The Pope remained some time longer in the French

capital. The prolonged presence of His Holiness was not without its

influence on the religious feelings of the people, so great was the

respect inspired by the benign countenance and mild manners of the Pope.

When the period of his persecutions arrived it would have been well for

Bonaparte had Pius VII. never been seen in Paris, for it was impossible

to view in any other light than as a victim the man whose truly

evangelic meekness had been duly appreciated.

Bonaparte did not evince great impatience to seize the Crown of Italy,

which he well knew could not escape him. He stayed a considerable time

at Turin, where he resided in the Stupinis Palace, which may be

called the St. Cloud of the Kings of Sardinia. The Emperor cajoled the

Piedmontese. General Menou, who was made Governor of Piedmont, remained

there till Napoleon founded the general government of the Transalpine

departments in favour of his brother-in-law, the Prince Borghese, of

whom he would have, found it difficult to make anything else than a

Roman Prince. Napoleon was still at Turin when the Pope passed through

that city on his return to Rome. Napoleon had a final interview with

His Holiness to whom he now affected to show the greatest personal

deference. From Turin Bonaparte proceeded to Alessandria, where he

commenced those immense works on which such vast sums were expended. He

had many times spoken to me of his projects respecting Alessandria, as I

have already observed, all his great measures as Emperor were merely

the execution of projects conceived at a time when his future elevation

could have been only a dream of the imagination. He one day said to

Berthier, in my presence, during our sojurn at Milan after the battle of

Marengo, "With Alessandria in my possession I should always be master

of Italy. It might be made the strongest fortress in the world; it is

capable of containing a garrison of 40,000 men, with provisions for six

months. Should insurrection take place, should Austria send a formidable

force here, the French troops might retire to Alessandria, and stand a

six months' siege. Six months would be more than sufficient, wherever I

might be, to enable me to fall upon Italy, rout the Austrians, and raise

the siege of Alessandria!"

As he was so near the field of Marengo the Emperor did not fail to visit

it, and to add to this solemnity he reviewed on the field all the corps

of French troops which were in Italy. Rapp told me afterwards that the

Emperor had taken with him from Paris the dress and the hat which he

wore on the day of that memorable battle, with the intention of wearing

them on the field where it was fought. He afterwards proceeded by the

way of Casal to Milan.

There the most brilliant reception he had yet experienced awaited him.

His sojourn at Milan was not distinguished by outward demonstrations of

enthusiasm alone. M. Durszzo, the last Doge of Genoa, added another gem

to the Crown of Italy by supplicating the Emperor in the name of

the Republic, of which he was the representative, to permit Genoa to

exchange her independence for the honour of becoming a department of

France. This offer, as may be guessed, was merely a plan contrived

beforehand. It was accepted with an air of protecting kindness, and at

the same moment that the country of Andrea Doria was effaced from the

list of nations its last Doge was included among the number of French

Senators. Genoa, which formerly prided herself in her surname, the

Superb, became the chief station of the twenty-seventh military

division. The Emperor went to take possession of the city in person, and

slept in the Doria Palace, in the bed where Charles V. had lain. He left

M. le Brun at Genoa as Governor-General.

At Milan the Emperor occupied the Palace of Monza. The old Iron Crown

of the Kings of Lombardy was brought from the dust in which it had been

buried, and the new Coronation took place in the cathedral at Milan, the

largest in Italy, with the exception of St. Peter's at Rome. Napoleon

received the crown from the hands of the Archbishop of Milan, and placed

it on his head, exclaiming, "Dieu me l'a donnee, gare a qui la touche."

This became the motto of the Order of the Iron Crown, which the Emperor

founded in commemoration of his being crowned King of Italy.

Napoleon was crowned in the month of May 1805: and here I cannot avoid

correcting some gross and inconceivable errors into which Napoleon must

have voluntarily fallen at St. Helena. The Memorial states "that the

celebrated singer Madame Grasaini attracted his attention at the time of

the Coronation." Napoleon alleges that Madame Grassini on that occasion

said to him, "When I was in the prime of my beauty and talent all I

wished was that you would bestow a single look upon me. That wish was

not fulfilled, and now you notice me when I am no longer worthy your

attention."

I confess I am at a loss to conceive what could induce Napoleon to

invent such a story. He might have recollected his acquaintance with

Madame Grassini at Milan before the battle of Marengo. It was in 1800,

and not in 1805, that I was first introduced to her, and I know that

I several times took tea with her and Bonaparte in the General's

apartments I remember also another circumstance, which is, that on the

night when I awoke Bonaparte to announce to him the capitulation of

Genoa, Madame Grassini also awoke. Napoleon was charmed with Madame

Grasaini's delicious voice, and if his imperious duties had permitted it

he would have listened with ecstasy to her singing for hours together.

Whilst Napoleon was at Milan, priding himself on his double sovereignty,

some schemes were set on foot at Vienna and St. Petersburg which I shall

hereafter have occasion to notice. The Emperor, indeed, gave cause for

just complaint by the fact of annexing Genoa to the Empire within four

months after his solemn declaration to the Legislative Body, in which

he pledged himself in the face of France and Europe not to seek any

aggrandisement of territory. The pretext of a voluntary offer on the

part of Genoa was too absurd to deceive any one. The rapid progress of

Napoleon's ambition could not escape the observation of the Cabinet of

Vienna, which began to allow increased symptoms of hostility. The

change which was effected in the form of the Government of the Cisalpine

Republic was likewise an act calculated to excite remonstrance on the

part of all the powers who were not entirely subject to the yoke of

France. He disguised the taking of Genoa under the name of a gift,

and the possession of Italy under the appearance of a mere change of

denomination. Notwithstanding these flagrant outrages the exclusive

apologists of Napoleon have always asserted that he did not wish for

war, and he himself maintained that assertion at St. Helena. It is said

that he was always attacked, and hence a conclusion is drawn in favour

of his love of peace. I acknowledge Bonaparte would never have fired

a single musket-shot if all the powers of Europe had submitted to be

pillaged by him one after the other without opposition. It was in fact

declaring war against them to place them under the necessity of breaking

a peace, during the continuance of which he was augmenting his power,

and gratifying his ambition, as if in defiance of Europe. In this

way Napoleon commenced all the wars in which he was engaged, with

the exception of that which followed the peace of Marengo, and which

terminated in Moreau's triumph at Hohenlinden. As there was no liberty

of the press in France he found it easy to deceive the nation. He was in

fact attacked, and thus he enjoyed the pleasure of undertaking his great

military expeditions without being responsible in the event of failure.

During the Emperor's stay in the capital of the new kingdom of Italy he

received the first intelligence of the dissatisfaction of Austria and

Russia. That dissatisfaction was not of recent date. When I entered on

my functions at Hamburg I learned some curious details (which I will

relate in their proper place) respecting the secret negotiations

which had been carried on for a considerable time previously to the

commencement of hostilities. Even Prussia was no stranger to the

dissatisfaction of Austria and Russia; I do not mean the King, but

the Cabinet of Berlin, which was then under the control of Chancellor

Hardenberg; for the King of Prussia had always personally declared

himself in favour of the exact observance of treaties, even when their

conditions were not honourable. Be that as it may, the Cabinet of

Berlin, although dissatisfied in 1806 with the rapid progress of

Napoleon's ambition, was nevertheless constrained to conceal its

discontent, owing to the presence of the French troops in Hanover.

On returning from Milan the Emperor ordered the erection, of a monument

on the Great St. Bernard in commemoration of the victory of Marengo. M.

Denon who accompanied Napoleon, told me that he made a useless search to

discover the body of Desaix, which Bonaparte wished to be buried beneath

the monument and that it was at length found by General Savary. It

is therefore certain that the ashes of the brave Desaix repose on the

summit of the Alps.

The Emperor arrived in Paris about the end of June and instantly set off

for the camp at Boulogne. It was now once more believed that the project

of invading England would be accomplished. This idea obtained the

greater credit because Bonaparte caused some experiments for embarkation

to be made, in his presence. These experiments, however, led to no

result. About this period a fatal event but too effectually contributed

to strengthen the opinion of the inferiority of our navy. A French

squadron consisting of fifteen ships, fell in with the English fleet

commanded by Admiral Calder, who had only nine vessels under his

command, and in an engagement, which there was every reason to expect

would terminate in our favour, we had the misfortune to lose two ships.

The invasion of England was as little the object of this as of the

previous journey to Boulogne; all Napoleon had in view was to stimulate

the enthusiasm of the troops, and to hold out those threats against

England when conceived necessary for diverting attention from the real

motive of his hostile preparations, which was to invade Germany and

repulse the Russian troops, who had begun their march towards Austria.

Such was the true object of Napoleons last journey to Boulogne.

I had been some time at Hamburg when these events took place, and it was

curious to observe the effect they produced. But I must not forget one

circumstance in which I am personally concerned, and which brings

me back to the time when I was in Paris. My new title of Minister

Plenipotentiary obliged me to see a little more of society than during

the period when prudence required me to live as it were in retirement.

I had received sincere congratulations from Duroc, Rape, and Lauriston,

the three friends who had shown the greatest readiness to serve my

interests with the Emperor; and I had frequent occasion to see M.

Talleyrand, as my functions belonged to his department. The Emperor,

on my farewell audience, having informed me that I was to correspond

directly with the Minister of the General Police, I called on Fouché,

who invited me to spend some days at his estate of Pont-Carre. I

accepted the invitation because I wanted to confer with him, and I spent

Sunday and Monday, the 28th and 29th of April, at Pont-Carre.

Fouché, like the Emperor, frequently revealed what he intended to

conceal; but he had such a reputation for cunning that this sort of

indiscretion was attended by no inconvenience to him. He was supposed

to be such a constant dissembler that those who did not know him well

looked upon the truth when he spoke it merely as an artful snare laid

to entrap them. I, however, knew that celebrated person too well to

confound his cunning with his indiscretion. The best way to get out

of him more than he was aware of was to let him talk on without

interruption. There were very few visitors at Pont-Carre, and during the

two days I spent there I had several conversations with Fouché. He told

me a great deal about the events of 1804, and he congratulated himself

on having advised Napoleon to declare himself Emperor--"I have no

preference," says Fouché, "for one form of government more than another.

Forms signify nothing. The first object of the Revolution was not the

overthrow of the Bourbons, but merely the reform of abuses and the

destruction of prejudices. However, when it was discovered that Louis

XVI. had neither firmness to refuse what he did not wish to grant, nor

good faith to grant what his weakness had led him to promise, it was

evident that the Bourbons could no longer reign over France and things

were carried to such a length that we were under the necessity of

condemning Louis XVI. and resorting to energetic measures. You know all

that passed up to the 18th Brumaire, and after. We all perceived that

a Republic could not exist in France; the question, therefore, was to

ensure the perpetual removal of the Bourbons; and I believed the only

means for so doing was to transfer the inheritance of their throne to

another family. Some time before the 18th Brumaire I had a conversation

with Sieyès and Barras, in which it was proposed, in case of the

Directory being threatened, to recall the Duke of Orleans; and I could

see very well that Barras favoured that suggestion, although he alluded

to it merely as a report that was circulated about, and recommended me

to pay attention to it. Sieyès said nothing, and I settled the question

by observing, that if any such thing had been agitated I must have

been informed of it through the reports of my agents. I added, that the

restoration of the throne to a collateral branch of the Bourbons would

be an impolitic act, and would but temporarily change the position of

those who had brought about the Revolution. I rendered an account of

this interview with Barras to General Bonaparte the first time I had

an opportunity of conversing with him after your return from Egypt.

I sounded him; and I was perfectly convinced that in the state of

decrepitude into which the Directory had fallen he was just the man we

wanted. I therefore adopted such measures with the police as tended to

promote his elevation to the First Magistracy. He soon showed himself

ungrateful, and instead of giving me all his confidence he tried to

outwit me. He put into the hands of a number of persons various matters

of police which were worse than useless. Most of their agents, who were

my creatures, obeyed my instructions in their reports; and it often

happened that the First Consul thought he had discovered, through the

medium of others, information that came from me, and of the falsehood

of which I easily convinced him. I confess I was at fault on the 3d

Nivoise; but are there any human means of preventing two men, who have

no accomplices, from bringing a plot to execution? You saw the First

Consul on his return from the opera; you heard all his declamations. I

felt assured that the infernal machine was the work of the Royalists. I

told the Emperor this, and he was, I am sure, convinced of it; but he,

nevertheless, proscribes a number of men on the mere pretence of their

old opinions. Do you suppose I am ignorant of what he said of me and of

my vote at the National Convention? Most assuredly it ill becomes him

to reproach the Conventionists. It was that vote which placed the crown

upon his head. But for the situation in which we were placed by that

event, which circumstances had rendered inevitable, what should we

have cared for the chance of seeing the Bourbons return? You must have

remarked that the Republicans, who were not Conventionists, were in

general more averse than we to the proceedings of the 18th Brumaire, as,

for example, Bernadotte and Moreau. I know positively that Moreau was

averse to the Consulate; and that it was only from irresolution that

he accepted the custody of the Directory. I know also that he excused

himself to his prisoners for the duty which had devolved upon him. They

themselves told me this."

Fouché entered further into many details respecting his conduct, and

the motives which had urged him to do what he did in favour of the First

Consul. My memory does not enable me to report all he told me, but I

distinctly recollect that the impression made on my mind by what fell

from him was, that he had acted merely with a view to his own interests.

He did not conceal his satisfaction at having outwitted Regnier, and

obliged Bonaparte to recall him, that he set in motion every spring

calculated to unite the conspirators, or rather to convert the

discontented into conspirators, is evident from the following remarks

which fell from him: "With the information I possessed, had I remained

in office it is probable that I might have prevented the conspiracy, but

Bonaparte would still have had to fear the rivalry of Moreau. He would

not have been Emperor; and we should still have had to dread the return

of the Bourbons, of which, thank God, there is now no fear."

During my stay at Pont-Carry I said but little to Fouché about my long

audience with the Emperor. However, I thought I might inform him that

I was authorised to correspond directly with his Majesty. I thought it

useless to conceal this fact, since he would soon learn it through his

agents. I also said a few words about Bonaparte's regret at not having

children. My object was to learn Fouché's opinion on this subject, and

it was not without a feeling of indignation that I heard him say, "It

is to be hoped the Empress will soon die. Her death will remove many

difficulties. Sooner or later he must take a wife who will bear him a

child; for as long as he has no direct heir there is every chance

that his death will be the signal for a Revolution. His brothers are

perfectly incapable of filling his place, and a new party would rise up

in favour of the Bourbons; which must be prevented above all things.

At present they are not dangerous, though they still have active and

devoted agents. Altona is full of them, and you will be surrounded by

them. I beg of you to keep a watchful eye upon them, and render me a

strict account of all their movements, and even of their most trivial

actions. As they have recourse to all sorts of disguises, you cannot

be too vigilant; therefore it will be advisable, in the first place, to

establish a good system of espionage; but have a care of the spies who

serve both sides, for they swarm in Germany."

This is all I recollect of my conversations with Fouché at Pont-Carre. I

returned to Paris to make preparations for my journey to Hamburg.