volume 18), were approximately 65,000 French against 80,000
allies[63]--the latter in a strong chosen position. Napoleon saved
1500, the wreckage of Augereau's[64] corps, that went astray in the
blizzard (costing the French more than half their loss in the two
days' fight), by a charge of his Horse Guard, but his Foot Guard never
fired a shot. The allies lost 5000 to 6000 dead and 20,000 wounded.
Napoleon told Montholon that his loss at Eylau was 18,000, which
probably included 2000 dead, and 15,000 to 16,000 wounded and
prisoners. As the French remained masters of the field of battle, the
slightly wounded were evidently not counted by Napoleon, who in his
bulletin gives 1900 dead and 5700 wounded. The list of wounded inmates
of the hospital a month later, March 8th, totalled only 4600, which
astonished Napoleon, who sent back for a recount. On receipt of this
he wrote Daru (March 15): "From your advices to hand, I see we are
not far out of count. There were at the battle of Eylau 4000 or 5000
wounded, and 1000 in the combats preceding the battle."
No. 40.
_Corbineau._--Mlle. d'Avrillon (vol. ii. 101) tells how, in haste to
join his regiment at Paris, Corbineau had asked for a seat in her
carriage from St. Cloud. She was delighted, as he was a charming man,
"with no side on like Lauriston and Lemarois." He had just been made
general, and said, "Either I will get killed or deserve the favour
which the Emperor has granted me. M'selle, you shall hear me spoken
of; if I am not killed I will perform some startling deed."
_Dahlmann._--General Nicholas Dahlmann, commanding the chasseurs of
the guard, was killed in the charge on the Russian infantry which
saved the battle. On April 22nd Napoleon wrote Vice-Admiral Decres to
have three frigates put on the stocks to be called Dahlmann,
Corbineau, and Hautpoul, and in each captain's cabin a marble
inscription recounting their brave deeds.
No. 41.
_Young Tascher._--The third of Josephine's cousins-germain of that
name. He was afterwards aide-de-camp of Prince Eugene, and later
major-domo of the Empress Eugenie.
No. 42.
After this letter St. Amand declares that Napoleon's letters to his
wife become "cold, short, banal, absolutely insignificant." "They
consisted of a few remarks about the rain or the fine weather, and
always the same refrain--the invitation to be cheerful.... Napoleon,
occupied elsewhere, wrote no longer to his legitimate wife, but as a
duty, as paying a debt of conscience." He was occupied, indeed, but
barely as the author supposes. It is Bingham (vol. ii. 281) who
reminds us that in the first three months of 1807 we have 1715 letters
and despatches preserved of his work during that period, while he
often rode forty leagues a day, and had instructed his librarian to
send him by each morning's courier two or three new books from Paris.
Aubenas is more just than St. Amand. "If his style is no longer that
of the First Consul, still less of the General of Italy, he was
solicitous, punctilious, attentive, affectionate even although
laconic, in that correspondence (with Josephine) which, in the midst
of his much greater preoccupations, seems for him as much a pleasure
as a duty."
No. 43.
_I am still at Eylau._--It took Napoleon and his army eight days to
bury the dead and remove the wounded. Lejeune says, "His whole time
was given up now to seeing that the wounded received proper care, and
he insisted on the Russians being as well treated as the French" (vol.
i. 48). The Emperor wrote Daru that if more surgeons had been on the
spot he could have saved at least 200 lives; although, to look at the
surgical instruments used on these fields, and now preserved in the
museum of Les Invalides, it is wonderful that the men survived
operations with such ghastly implements of torture. A few days later
Napoleon tells Daru on no account to begrudge money for medicines, and
especially for quinine.
_This country is covered with dead and wounded._--"Napoleon," says
Dumas (vol. i. 18, 41), "having given order that the succour to the
wounded on both sides might be multiplied, rode over the field of
battle, which all eye-witnesses agree to have been the most horrible
field of carnage which war has ever offered. In a space of less than a
square league, the ground covered with snow, and the frozen lakes,
were heaped up with 10,000 dead, and 3000 to 4000 dead horses, debris
of artillery, arms of all kinds, cannon-balls, and shells. Six
thousand Russians, expiring of their wounds, and of hunger and thirst,
were left abandoned to the generosity of the conqueror."
No. 50.
_Osterode._--"A wretched village, where I shall pass a considerable
time." Owing to the messenger to Bernadotte being captured by
Cossacks, the Emperor, if not surprised at Eylau on the second day,
found at least all his own intentions anticipated. He could not
risk the same misfortune again, and at Osterode all his army were
within easy hailing distance, "within two marches at most" (Dumas).
Savary speaks of him there, "working, eating, giving audience, and
sleeping--all in the same room," alone keeping head against the storm
of his marshals, who wished him to retire across the Vistula. He
remained over five weeks at Osterode, and more than two months at
Finckenstein Castle, interesting himself in the affairs of Teheran
and Monte Video, offering prizes for discoveries in electricity
and medicine, giving advice as to the most scientific modes of
teaching history and geography, while objecting to the creation of
poet-laureates or Caesarians whose exaggerated praises would be sure to
awaken the ridicule of the French people, even if it attained its
object of finding a place of emolument for poets. Bignon says
(vol. vi. 227): "From Osterode or from Finckenstein he supervised,
as from Paris or St. Cloud, the needs of France; he sought means to
alleviate the hindrances to commerce, discussed the best ways to
encourage literature and art, corresponded with all his ministers,
and while awaiting the renewal of the fray, having a war of
figures with his Chancellor of Exchequer."
_It is not as good as the great city._--The day before he had written
his brother Joseph that neither his officers nor his staff had taken
their clothes off for two months; that he had not taken his boots off
for a fortnight; that the wounded had to be moved 120 miles in
sledges, in the open air; that bread was unprocurable; that the
Emperor had been living for weeks upon potatoes, and the officers upon
mere meat. "After having destroyed the Prussian monarchy, we are
fighting against the remnant of the Prussians, against Russians,
Cossacks, and Kalmucks, those roving tribes of the north, who formerly
invaded the Roman Empire."
_I have ordered what you wish for Malmaison._--About this time he also
gave orders for what afterwards became the Bourse and the Madeleine,
and gave hints for a new journal (March 7th), whose "criticism should
be enlightened, well-intentioned, impartial, and robbed of that
noxious brutality which characterises the discussions of existing
journals, and which is so at variance with the true sentiments of the
nation."
No. 54.
_Minerva._--In a letter of March 7th Josephine writes to Hortense: "A
few days ago I saw a frightful accident at the Opera. The actress who
represented Minerva in the ballet of 'Ulysses' fell twenty feet and
broke her arm. As she is poor, and has a family to support, I have
sent her fifty louis." This was probably the ballet, "The Return of
Ulysses," a subject given by Napoleon to Fouche as a suitable subject
for representation. In the same letter Josephine writes: "All the
private letters I have received agree in saying that the Emperor was
very much exposed at the battle of Eylau. I get news of him very
often, sometimes two letters a day, but that does not replace him."
This special danger at Eylau is told by Las Cases, who heard it from
Bertrand. Napoleon was on foot, with only a few officers of his staff;
a column of four to five thousand Russians came almost in contact with
him. Berthier instantly ordered up the horses. The Emperor gave him a
reproachful look; then sent orders to a battalion of his guard to
advance, which was a good way behind, and standing still. As the
Russians advanced he repeated several times, "What audacity, what
audacity!" At the sight of his Grenadiers of the Guard the Russians
stopped short. It was high time for them to do so, as Bertrand said.
The Emperor had never stirred; all who surrounded him had been much
alarmed.
No. 55.
"It is the first and only time," says Aubenas, "that, in these two
volumes of letters (_Collection Didot_), Napoleon says _vous_ to his
wife. But his vexation does not last more than a few lines, and this
short letter ends, '_Tout a toi_.' Not content with this softening,
and convinced how grieved Josephine will be at this language of cold
etiquette, he writes to her the same day, at ten o'clock at night,
before going to bed, a second letter in his old style, which ends,
'_Mille et mille amities_.'" It is a later letter (March 25th) which
ends as described, but No. 56 is, nevertheless, a kind letter.
No. 56.
_Dupuis._--Former principal of the Brienne Military School. Napoleon,
always solicitous for the happiness of those whom he had known in his
youth, had made Dupuis his own librarian at Malmaison. His brother,
who died in 1809, was the learned Egyptologist.
No. 58.
_M. de T----_, _i.e._ M. de Thiard. In _Lettres Inedites de Napoleon
I._ (Brotonne), No. 176, to Talleyrand, March 22nd, the Emperor
writes: "I have had M. de Thiard effaced from the list of officers. I
have sent him away, after having testified all my displeasure, and
told him to stay on his estate. He is a man without military honour
and civic fidelity.... My intention is that he shall also be struck
off from the number of my chamberlains. I have been poignantly grieved
at such black ingratitude, but I think myself fortunate to have found
out such a wicked man in time." De Thiard seems to have been
corresponding with the enemy from Warsaw.
No. 60.
_Marshal Bessieres._--His chateau of Grignon, now destroyed, was one
of the most beautiful of Provence. Madame de Sevigne lived and was
buried in the town of Grignon.
_No. 63._
This was printed April 24th in the French editions, but April 14th is
evidently the correct date.
No. 67.
"_Sweet, pouting, and capricious._"--Aubenas speaks of these lines "in
the style of the Italian period, which seemed in fact to calm the
fears of the Empress."
No. 68.
_Madame ----._ His own sister, Madame Murat, afterwards Queen of
Naples. See note to Letter 35 for her influence over Junot. The latter
was severely reprimanded by Napoleon on his return and banished from
Paris. "Why, for example, does the Grand Duchess occupy your boxes at
the theatres? Why does she go thither in your carriage? Hey! M. Junot!
you are surprised that I am so well acquainted with your affairs and
those of that little fool, Madame Murat?" ("Memoirs of the Duchess
d'Abrantes," vol. iii. 328.)
_Measles._--As the poor child was ill four days, it was probably
laryngitis from which he died--an ailment hardly distinguishable from
croup, and one of the commonest sequelae of measles. He died on May
5th.
The best account is the Memoirs of Stanislaus Giraudin. They had
applied leeches to the child's chest, and had finally recourse to some
English powders of unknown composition, which caused a rally, followed
by the final collapse. King Louis said the child's death was caused by
the Dutch damp climate, which was bad for his own health. Josephine
hastens to join her daughter, but breaks down at Lacken, where
Hortense, more dead than alive, joins her, and returns to Paris with
her.
No. 69.
_I trust I may hear you have been rational in your sorrow._--As a
matter of fact he had heard the opposite, for the following day
(May 15th) he writes to his brother Jerome: "Napoleon died in three
days at the Hague; I know not if the King has advised you of it.
This event gives me the more pain insomuch as his father and mother
are not rational, and are giving themselves up to all the transports
of their grief." To Fouche he writes three days later: "I have
been very much afflicted by the misfortune which has befallen me.
I had hoped for a more brilliant destiny for that poor child;" and on
May 20th, "I have felt the loss of the little Napoleon very acutely.
I would have wished that his father and mother should have received
from their temperament as much courage as I for knowing how to bear
all the ills of life. But they are younger, and have reflected less on
the frailty of our worldly possessions." It is typical of Napoleon
that the only man to whom, as far as we know, he unbosomed his
sorrow should be one of his early friends, even though that friend
should be the false and faithless Fouche, who requited his confidence
later by vile and baseless allegations respecting the parentage of
this very child. In one respect only did Napoleon resemble David in
his supposititious sin, which was, that when the child was dead, he
had neither time nor temperament to waste in futile regrets. As he
said on another occasion, if his wife had died during the Austerlitz
Campaign it would not have delayed his operations a quarter of an
hour. But he considers practical succour to the living as the most
fitting memorial to the dead, and writes on June 4th to De Champagny:
"Twenty years ago a malady called croup showed itself in the north
of Europe. Some years ago it spread into France. I require you to
offer a prize of L500 (12,000 francs), to be given to the doctor who
writes the best essay on this malady and its mode of treatment."
Commenting on this letter Bignon (vol. vi. p. 262) adds, "It is,
however, fortunate when, on the eve of battles, warlike princes are
pondering over ways of preserving the population of their states."
No. 71.
_May 20th._--On this date he writes Hortense: "My daughter, all the
news I get from the Hague tells me that you are not rational. However
legitimate your grief, it must have limits: never impair your health;
seek distractions, and know that life is strewn with so many rocks,
and may be the source of so many miseries, that death is not the
greatest of all.--Your affectionate father, NAPOLEON."
No. 74.
_I am vexed with Hortense._--The same day he encloses with this a
letter to Hortense. "My daughter, you have not written me a line
during your great and righteous grief. You have forgotten everything,
as if you had nothing more to lose. They say you care no longer for
any one, that you are callous about everything; I note the truth of it
by your silence. This is not well, Hortense, it is not what you
promised me. Your son was everything for you. Are your mother and
myself nothing? Had I been at Malmaison I should have shared your
grief, but I should have wished you at the same time to turn to your
best friends. Good-bye, my daughter, be cheerful; it is necessary to
be resigned; keep well, in order to fulfil all your duties. My wife is
utterly miserable about your condition; do not increase her
sorrow.--Your affectionate father, NAPOLEON."
Hortense had been on such bad terms with her husband for several
months past that Napoleon evidently thinks it wiser not to allude to
him, although he had written Louis a very strong letter on his
treatment of his wife two months earlier (see letter 12,294 of the
_Correspondence_, April 4th). There is, however, a temporary reunion
between husband and wife in their common sorrow.
No. 78.
_Friedland._--On this day he wrote a further letter to the Queen of
Holland (No. 12,761 of the _Correspondence_): "My daughter, I have
your letter dated Orleans. Your grief pains me, but I should like you
to possess more courage; to live is to suffer, and the true man is
always fighting for mastery over himself. I do not like to see you
unjust towards the little Napoleon Louis, and towards all your
friends. Your mother and I had hoped to be more to you than we are."
She had been sent to take the waters of Cauterets, and had left her
child Napoleon Louis (who died at Forli, 1831) with Josephine, who
writes to her daughter (June 11th): "He amuses me much; he is so
gentle. I find he has all the ways of that poor child that we mourn."
And a few days later: "There remains to you a husband, an interesting
child, and a mother whose love you know." Josephine had with women the
same tact that her husband had with men, but the Bonaparte family,
with all its good qualities, strained the tact and tempers of both to
the utmost.
No. 79.
_Tilsit._--Referring to Napoleon and Alexander at Tilsit, Michaud
says: "Both full of wiles and devices, they affected nevertheless the
most perfect sentiments of generosity, which at the bottom they
scarcely dreamed of practising. Reunited, they were the masters of the
world, but such a union seemed impossible; they would rather share it
among themselves. Allies and rivals, friends and enemies, all were
sacrificed; henceforth there were to be only two powers, that of the
East and that of the West. Bonaparte at this time actually ruled from
the Niemen to the Straits of Gibraltar, from the North Sea to the base
of the Italian Peninsula."
FOOTNOTES
[60] Bouillet, _Dictionnaire Universelle_, &c.
[61] "The Queen of that Court was the fair Madame Tallien. All that
imagination can conceive will scarcely approach the reality;
beautiful after the antique fashion, she had at once grace and
dignity; without being endowed with a superior wit, she
possessed the art of making the best of it, and won people's
hearts by her great kindness."--_Memoirs of Marmont_, vol. i.,
p. 887.
[62] This brave general was mortally wounded in the cavalry charge
which saved the battle, and the friends of Bernadotte assert
that the message was never given--an assertion more credible if
the future king's record had been better on other occasions.
[63] Alison says 75,000 allies, 85,000 French, but admits allies had
100 more cannon.
[64] Augereau, says Meneval, went out of his mind during this battle,
and had to be sent back to France.
SERIES H
No. 1.
_Milan._--Magnificent public works were set on foot by Napoleon at
Milan, and the Cathedral daily adorned with fresh marvels of
sculpture. Arriving here on the morning of the 22nd, Napoleon goes
first to hear the _Te Deum_ at the Cathedral, then to see Eugene's
wife at the Monza Palace; in the evening to the La Scala Theatre, and
finishes the day (to use an Irishism) by working most of the night.
_Mont Cenis._--"The roads of the Simplon and Mont Cenis were kept in
the finest order, and daily attracted fresh crowds of strangers to the
Italian plains." So says Alison, but on the present occasion Napoleon
was overtaken by a storm which put his life in danger. He was
fortunate enough to reach a cave in which he took refuge. This cave
appeared to him, as he afterwards said, "a cave of diamonds"
(Meneval).
_Eugene._--The writer in _Biog. Univ._ (art. Josephine) says: "During
a journey that Napoleon made in Italy (November 1807) he wished, while
loading Eugene with favours, to prepare his mind for his mother's
divorce. The Decree of Milan, by which, in default of male and
legitimate children[65] of _the direct_ _line_, he adopted Eugene for
his son and his successor to the throne of Italy, gave to those who
knew how to read the secret thoughts of the Emperor in his patent acts
the proof that he had excluded him from all inheritance in the
Imperial Crown of France, and that he dreamed seriously of a new
alliance himself."
No. 2.
_Venice._--The Venetians gave Napoleon a wonderful ovation--many
nobles spending a year's income on the fetes. "Innumerable gondolas
glittering with a thousand colours and resounding with the harmony of
instruments, escorted the barges which bore, together with the master
of the world, the Viceroy and the Vice-Queen of Italy, the King and
Queen of Bavaria, the Princess of Lucca, the King of Naples (Joseph,
who stayed six days with his brother), the Grand Duke of Berg, the
Prince of Neufchatel, and the greater part of the generals of the old
army of Italy" (Thiers). While at Venice Napoleon was in easy touch
with the Porte, of which he doubtless made full use, while, _per
contra_, he was expected to give Greece her independence.
_November 30th._--Leaving Milan, Napoleon came straight through
Brescia to Verona, where he supped with the King and Queen of
Bavaria. The next morning he started for Vicenza through avenues of
vine-encircled poplars and broad yellow wheat-fields which "lay all
golden in the sunlight and the breeze" (Constant). The Emperor
went to the theatre at Vicenza, and left again at 2 A.M. Spending the
night at Stra, he met the Venetian authorities early the next morning
at Fusina.
No. 3.
_Udine._--He is here on the 12th, and then hastens to meet his brother
Lucien at Mantua--the main but secret object of his journey to Italy.
It is _most_ difficult to gauge the details--was it a political or a
conjugal question that made the interview a failure? Madame
D'Abrantes, voicing the rumours of the day, thinks the former; Lucien,
writing Memoirs for his wife and children, declares it to be the
latter. Napoleon was prepared to legalise the children of his first
wife, and marry the eldest to Prince Ferdinand, the heir to the
Spanish crown; but Lucien considers the Bourbons to be enemies of
France and of the Bonapartes. These Memoirs of Lucien are not perhaps
very trustworthy, especially where his prejudices overlap his memory
or his judgment, but always instructive and very readable. When the
account of this interview was written (early in 1812), Lucien was an
English prisoner, furious that his brother has just refused to
exchange him for "some English Lords." Speaking of Josephine, the
Emperor tells him that in spite of her reputation for good-nature, she
is more malicious than generally supposed, although for her husband
"she has no nails"; but he adds that rumours of impending divorce have
made life between them very constrained. "Only imagine," continued the
Emperor, "that wife of mine weeps every time she has indigestion,
because she says she thinks herself poisoned by those who wish me to
marry some one else. It is perfectly hateful." He said that Joseph
also thought of a divorce, as his wife gave him only daughters, and
that the three brothers might be remarried on the same day. The
Emperor regretted not having taken the Princess Augusta, daughter of
his "best friend, the King of Bavaria," for himself, instead of for
Eugene, who did not know how to appreciate her and was unfaithful. He
was convinced that Russia by invading India would overthrow England,
and that his own soldiers were ready to follow him to the antipodes.
He ends by offering Lucien his choice of thrones--Naples, Italy, "the
brightest jewel of my Imperial crown," or Spain[66] (Madame D'Abrantes
adds _Prussia_), if he will give way about Madame Jouberthon and her
children. "Tout pour Lucien divorce, rien pour Lucien sans divorce."
When Napoleon finds his brother obdurate he makes Eugene Prince of
Venice, and his eldest daughter Princess of Bologna, with a large
appanage. Lucien is in fresh disgrace within less than three months of
the Mantuan interview, for on March 11, 1808, Napoleon writes brother
Joseph, "Lucien is misconducting himself at Rome ... and is more Roman
than the Pope himself. His conduct has been scandalous; he is my open
enemy, and that of France.... I will not permit a Frenchman, and one
of my own brothers, to be the first to conspire and act against me,
with a rabble of priests."
_I may soon be in Paris._--After leaving Milan he visits the
fortifications at Alessandria, and is met by a torchlight procession
at Marengo. Letters for two days (December 27-28th) are dated Turin,
although Constant says he did not stop there. Crossing Mont Cenis on
December 30th he reaches the Tuileries on the evening of New Year's
Day (1808).
FOOTNOTES
[65] The Decree itself says "nos enfants et descendants males,
legitimes et naturels."
[66] On October 11th Prince Ferdinand had written Napoleon for "the
honour of allying himself to a Princess of his august family";
and Lucien's eldest daughter was Napoleon's only choice.
SERIES I
No. 1.
_Bayonne_ is half-way between Paris and Madrid, nearly 600 miles from
each. Napoleon arrived here April 15th, and left July 21st, returning
with Josephine _via_ Pau, Tarbes, Auch, Montauban, Agen, Bordeaux,
Rochefort, Nantes. Everywhere he received a hearty welcome, even, and
especially, in La Vendee. He arrives at Paris August 14th, hearing on
August 3rd at Bordeaux of (what he calls) the "horrible catastrophe"
of General Dupont at Baylen.
No. 2.
_A country-house._--The Chateau of Marrac. Marbot had stayed there in
1803 with Augereau. Bausset informs us that this chateau had been
built either for the Infanta Marie Victoire engaged to Louis XV., or
for the Dowager Queen of Charles II., "the bewitched," when she was
packed off from Madrid to Bayonne (see Hume's _Spain_, 1479-1788).
_Everything is still most primitive._--Nevertheless he enjoyed the
_pamperruque_ which was danced before the chateau by seven men and ten
maidens, gaily dressed--the women armed with tambourines and the men
with castanets. Saint-Amand speaks of thirteen performers (seven men
and six maidens) chosen from the leading families of the town, to
render what for time immemorial had been considered fit homage for the
most illustrious persons.
No. 3.
_Prince of the Asturias._--The Emperor had received him at the chateau
of Marrac, paid him all the honours due to royalty, while evading the
word "Majesty," and insisting the same day on his giving up all claim
to the Crown of Spain. Constant says he was heavy of gait, and rarely
spoke.
_The Queen._--A woman of violent passions. The Prince of the Asturias
had designs on his mother's life, while the Queen openly begged
Napoleon to put the Prince to death. On May 9th Napoleon writes
Talleyrand to prepare to take charge of Ferdinand at Valencay, adding
that if the latter were "to become attached to some pretty woman, whom
we are sure of, it would be no disadvantage." A new experience for a
Montmorency to become the keeper of a Bourbon, rather than his
Constable. Pasquier, with his usual Malvolian decorum, gives fuller
details. Napoleon, he says, "enumerates with care (to Talleyrand) all
the precautions that are to be taken to prevent his escape, and even
goes so far as to busy himself with the distractions which may be
permitted him. And, be it noted, the principal one thrown in his way
was given him by a young person who lived at the time under M. De
Talleyrand's roof. This liaison, of which Ferdinand soon became
distrustful, did not last as long as it was desired to."
No. 4.
_A son has been born._--By a plebiscite of the year XII. (1804-5), the
children of Louis and Hortense were to be the heirs of Napoleon, and
in conformity with this the child born on April 20th at 17 Rue Lafitte
(now the residence of the Turkish Ambassador), was inscribed on the
register of the Civil List destined for princes of the blood. His two
elder brothers had not been so honoured, but in due course the King of
Rome was entered thereon. Had Louis accepted the Crown of Spain which
Napoleon had in vain offered to him, and of which Hortense would have
made an ideal Queen, the chances are that Napoleon would never have
divorced Josephine. St. Amand shows at length that the future Napoleon
III. is truly the child of Louis, and neither of Admiral Verhuell nor
of the Duke Decazes. Louis and Hortense in the present case are
sufficiently agreed to insist that the father's name be preserved by
the child, who is called Charles Louis Napoleon, and not Charles
Napoleon, which was the Emperor's first choice. In either case the
name of the croup-stricken firstborn had been preserved. On April 23rd
Josephine had already two letters from Cambaceres respecting mother
and child, and on this day the Empress writes her daughter: "I know
that Napoleon is consoled for not having a sister."
_Arrive on the 27th._--Josephine, always wishful to humour her
husband's love of punctuality, duly arrived on the day fixed, and took
up her abode with her husband in the chateau of Marrac. Ferdinand
wrote to his uncle in Madrid to beware of the cursed Frenchmen,
telling him also that Josephine had been badly received at Bayonne.
The letter was intercepted, and Napoleon wrote Murat that the writer
was a liar, a fool, and a hypocrite. The Emperor, in fact, never
trusted the Prince henceforward. Bausset, who translated the letter,
tells how the Emperor could scarcely believe that the Prince would use
so strong an adjective, but was convinced on seeing the word
_maldittos_, which he remarked was almost the Italian--_maledetto_.
SERIES J
Leaving St. Cloud September 22nd, Napoleon is at Metz on the 23rd, at
Kaiserlautern on the 24th, where he sends a message to the Empress in
a letter to Cambaceres, and on the 27th is at Erfurt. On the 28th the
Emperors of France and Russia sign a Convention of Alliance. Napoleon
leaves Erfurt October 14th (the anniversary of Jena), travels
incognito, and arrives St. Cloud October 18th.
No. 1.
_I have rather a cold._--Napoleon had insisted on going to explore a
new road he had ordered between Metz and Mayence, and which no one had
ventured to say was not complete. The road was so bad that the
carriage of the _maitre des requetes_, who had been summoned to
account for the faulty work, was precipitated a hundred feet down a
ravine near Kaiserlautern.
_I am pleased with the Emperor and every one here._--Which included
what he had promised Talma for his audience--a _parterre_ of kings.
Besides the two Emperors, the King of Prussia was represented by his
brother Prince William, Austria by General Vincent, and there were
also the Kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Wuertemberg, Westphalia, and Naples,
the Prince Primate, the Princes of Anhalt, Coburg, Saxe-Weimar,
Darmstadt, Baden, and Nassau. Talleyrand, Champagny, Maret, Duroc,
Berthier, and Caulaincourt, with Generals Oudinot, Soult, and
Lauriston accompanied Napoleon. Literature was represented by Goethe,
Wieland, Mueller; and feminine attractions by the Duchess of
Saxe-Weimar and the wily Princess of Tour and Taxis, sister of the
Queen of Prussia. Pasquier and others have proved that at Erfurt
Talleyrand did far more harm than good to his master's cause, and in
fact intended to do so. On his arrival he spent his first evening with
the Princess of Tour and Taxis, in order to meet the Emperor
Alexander, and said: "Sire ... It is for you to save Europe, and the
only way of attaining this object is by resisting Napoleon. The French
people are civilised, their Emperor is not: the sovereign of Russia is
civilised, his people are not. It is therefore for the sovereign of
Russia to be the ally of the French people,"--of whom Talleyrand
declared himself to be the representative. By squaring Alexander this
transcendental (unfrocked) Vicar of Bray, "with an oar in every boat,"
is once more hedging, or, to use his own phrase, guaranteeing the
future, and at the same time securing the daughter of the Duchess of
Courland for his nephew, Edmond de Perigord. "The Arch-apostate"
carried his treason so far as to advise Alexander of Napoleon's
ulterior views, and thus enabled the former to forestall them--no easy
matter in conversations with Napoleon "lasting whole days" (see
Letter No. 3, this Series). Talleyrand had also a grievance. He had
been replaced as Foreign Minister by Champagny. He had accepted the
surrender of his portfolio gladly, as now, becoming Vice-Grand
Elector, he ranked with Cambaceres and Maret. But when he found that
Napoleon, who liked to have credit for his own diplomacy, seldom
consulted him, or allowed Champagny to do so, jealousy and ill-will
naturally resulted.
No. 2.
_Shooting over the battlefield of Jena._--The presence of the Emperor
Alexander on this occasion was considered a great affront to his
recent ally, the King of Prussia, and is severely commented on by Von
Moltke in one of his Essays. In fairness to Alexander, we must
remember that their host, the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, had married his
sister. Von Moltke, by the way, speaks of _hares_ forming the sport in
question, but Savary of a second battle of Jena fought against the
_partridges_. The fact seems to be that all kinds of game, including
stags and deer, were driven by the beaters to the royal sportsmen in
their huts, and the Emperor Alexander, albeit short-sighted, succeeded
in killing a stag, at eight feet distance, _at the first shot_.
_The Weimar ball._--This followed the Jena shoot, and the dancing
lasted all night. The Russian courtiers were scandalised at their
Emperor dancing, but while he was present the dancing was conventional
enough, consisting of promenading two and two to the strains of a
Polish march. "Imperial Waltz, imported from the Rhine," was already
the rage in Germany, and Napoleon, in order to be more worthy of his
Austrian princess, tried next year to master this new science of
tactics, but after a trial with the Princess Stephanie, the lady
declared that her pupil should always give lessons, and never receive
them. He was rather more successful at billiards, pursued under the
same praiseworthy incentive.
_A few trifling ailments._--Mainly a fearful nightmare; a new
experience, in which he imagines his vitals torn out by a bear.
"Significant of much!" As when also the Russian Emperor finds
himself without a sword and accepts that of Napoleon as a gift: and
when, on the last night, the latter orders his comedians to play
"Bajazet,"--little thinking the appointed Tamerlane was by his side.
No. 3.
_I am pleased with Alexander._--For the time being Josephine had most
reason to be pleased with Alexander, who failed to secure his sister's
hand for Napoleon.
_He ought to be with me._--He might have been, had not Napoleon
purposely evaded the Eastern Question. On this subject Savary
writes (vol. ii. 297):--"Since Tilsit, Napoleon had sounded the
personal views of his ambassador at Constantinople, General
Sebastiani, as to this proposition of the Emperor of Russia (_i.e._
the partition of Turkey). This ambassador was utterly opposed to
this project, and in a long report that he sent to the Emperor on his
return from Constantinople, he demonstrated to him that it was
absolutely necessary for France never to consent to the dismemberment
of the Turkish Empire; the Emperor Napoleon adopted his views." And
these Talleyrand knew. The whirligig of time brings about its
revenges, and in less than fifty years Lord Palmerston had to seek
an alliance with France and the house of Napoleon in order to
maintain the fixed policy that sent Napoleon I. to Moscow and to
St. Helena. "Alexander, with justice," says Alison, "looked upon
Constantinople as the back-door of his empire, and was earnest that
its key should be placed in his hands." "Alexander," Napoleon told
O'Meara, "wanted to get Constantinople, which I would not allow,
as it would have destroyed the equilibrium of power in Europe. I
reflected that France would gain Egypt, Syria, and the islands,
which would have been nothing in comparison with what Russia would
have obtained. I considered that the barbarians of the north were
already too powerful, and probably in the course of time would
overwhelm all Europe, as I now think they will. Austria already
trembles: Russia and Prussia united, Austria falls, and England
cannot prevent it."
_Erfurt_ is the meridian of Napoleon's first thirteen years
(1796-1808)--each more glorious; henceforward (1809-1821) ever faster
he "rolls, darkling, down the torrent of his fate."
SERIES K
No. 5.
Written from Aranda.
No. 6.
Written from the Imperial Camp outside Madrid. Neither Napoleon[67]
nor Joseph entered the capital, but King Joseph took up his abode at
the Prado, the castle of the Kings of Spain, two miles away; while the
Emperor was generally at Chamartin, some five miles distant. He had
arrived on the heights surrounding Madrid on his Coronation Day
(December 2nd), and does not fail to remind his soldiers and his
people of this auspicious coincidence. The bulletin concludes with a
tirade against England, whose conduct is "shameful," but her troops
"well disciplined and superb." It declares that Spain has been treated
by them as they have treated Holland, Sardinia, Austria, Russia, and
Sweden. "They foment war everywhere; they distribute weapons like
poison; but they shed their blood only for their direct and personal
interests."
_Parisian weather of the last fortnight in May._--In his bulletin of
the 13th, he says: "Never has such a month of December been known in
this country; one would think it the beginning of spring." But ten
days later all was changed, and the storm of Guadarrama undoubtedly
saved Moore and the English army. "Was it then decreed," groans
Thiers, "that we, who were always successful against combined Europe,
should on no single occasion prevail against those implacable foes?"
No. 8.
Other letters of this date are headed Madrid.
_Kourakin._--Alexander Kourakin was the new Russian Ambassador at
Paris, removed thence from Vienna to please Napoleon, and to replace
Tolstoi, who, according to Savary, was always quarrelling with French
officers on military points, but who could hardly be so narrow-minded
a novice on these points as his namesake of to-day. This matter had
been arranged at Erfurt.
No. 9.
_The English appear to have received reinforcements._--Imagine a
Transvaal with a population of ten millions, and one has a fair idea
of the French difficulties in Spain, even without Portugal. The
Spaniards could not fight a scientific battle like Jena or Friedland,
but they were incomparable at guerilla warfare. The Memoirs of Barons
Marbot and Lejeune have well demonstrated this. The latter, an
accomplished linguist, sent to locate Moore's army, found that to pass
as an Englishman the magic words "Damn it," won him complete success.
No. 10.
_Benavente._--Here they found 600 horses, which had been hamstrung by
the English.
_The English flee panic-stricken._--The next day Napoleon writes
Fouche to have songs written, and caricatures made of them, which are
also to be translated into German and Italian, and circulated in
Germany and Italy.
_The weather is very bad._--Including 18 degrees of frost. Savary says
they had never felt the cold so severe in Poland--and that they ran a
risk of being buried in the snow. The Emperor had to march on foot and
was very much tired. "On these occasions," adds Savary, "the Emperor
was not selfish, as people would have us believe ... he shared his
supper[68] and his fire with all who accompanied him: he went so far
as to make those eat whom he saw in need of it." Napier gives other
details: "Napoleon, on December 22nd, has 50,000 men at the foot of
the Guadarrama. A deep snow choked the passes of the Sierra, and after
twelve hours' toil the advanced guards were still on the wrong side:
the general commanding reported the road impracticable, but Napoleon,
dismounting, placed himself at the head of the column, and amidst
storms of hail and driving snow, led his soldiers over the mountain."
At the passage of the Esla Moore escapes Napoleon by twelve hours.
Marbot, as usual, gives picturesque details. Officers and men marched
with locked arms, the Emperor between Lannes and Duroc. Half-way up,
the marshals and generals, who wore jack-boots, could go no further.
Napoleon, however, got hoisted on to a gun, and bestrode it: the
marshals and generals did the same, and in this grotesque order they
reached, after four hours' toil, the convent at the summit.
_Lefebvre._--As they neared Benavente the slush became frightful, and
the artillery could not keep pace. General Lefebvre-Desnouette went
forward, with the horse regiment of the Guard, forded the Esla with
four squadrons, was outnumbered by the English (3000 to 300), but he
and sixty (Lejeune, who escaped, says a hundred) of his chasseurs were
captured. He was brought in great triumph to Sir John Moore. "That
general," says Thiers, "possessed the courtesy characteristic of all
great nations; he received with the greatest respect the brilliant
general who commanded Napoleon's light cavalry, seated him at his
table, and presented him with a magnificent Indian sabre."
No. 11.
Probably written from Astorga, where he arrived on January 1st, having
brought 50,000 men two hundred miles in ten days.
_Your letters._--These probably, and others received by a courier,
decided him to let Soult follow the English to Corunna--especially as
he knew that transports were awaiting the enemy there. He himself
prepares to return, for Fouche and Talleyrand are in league, the slim
and slippery Metternich is ambassador at Paris, Austria is arming, and
the whole political horizon, apparently bright at Erfurt, completely
overcast. Murat, balked of the Crown of Spain, is now hoping for that
of France if Napoleon is killed or assassinated. It is Talleyrand and
Fouche who have decided on Murat, and on the ultimate overthrow of the
Beauharnais. Unfortunately for their plans Eugene is apprised by
Lavalette, and an incriminating letter to Murat captured and sent
post-haste to Napoleon. This, says Pasquier, undoubtedly hastened the
Emperor's return. Ignoring the complicity of Fouche, the whole weight
of his anger falls on Talleyrand, who loses the post of High
Chamberlain, which he had enjoyed since 1804. For half-an-hour this
"arch-apostate," as Lord Rosebery calls him, receives a torrent of
invectives. "You are a thief, a coward, a man without honour; you do
not believe in God; you have all your life been a traitor to your
duties; you have deceived and betrayed everybody: nothing is sacred to
you; you would sell your own father. I have loaded you down with
gifts, and there is nothing that you would not undertake against me.
Thus, for the past ten months, you have been shameless enough, because
you supposed, rightly or wrongly, that my affairs in Spain were going
astray, to say to all who would listen to you that you always blamed
my undertaking there, whereas it was yourself who first put it into my
head, and who persistently urged it. And that man, _that unfortunate_
(he was thus designating the Duc d'Enghien), by whom was I advised of
the place of his residence? Who drove me to deal cruelly with him?
What then are you aiming at? What do you wish for? What do you hope?
Do you dare to say? You deserve that I should smash you like a
wine-glass. I can do it, but I despise you too much to take the
trouble." This we are assured by the impartial Pasquier, who heard it
from an ear-witness, and second-hand from Talleyrand, is an abstract
of what Napoleon said, and to which the ex-Bishop made no reply.
No. 12.
_The English are in utter rout._--Still little but dead men and horses
fell into his hands. Savary adds the interesting fact that all the
(800) dead cavalry horses had a foot missing, which the English had
to show their officers to prove that they had not sold their horses.
Scott, on barely sufficient evidence perhaps, states, "The very
treasure-chests of the army were thrown away and abandoned. There was
never so complete an example of a disastrous retreat." The fact seems
to have been that the soldiership was bad, but Moore's generalship
excellent. Napier writes, "No wild horde of Tartars ever fell with
more license upon their rich effeminate neighbours than did the
English troops upon the Spanish towns taken by storm." What could be
expected of such men in retreat, when even Lord Melville had just said
in extenuation of our army that the worst men make the best soldiers?
NOS. 13 AND 14.
Written at Valladolid. Here he received a deputation asking that his
brother may reside in Madrid, to which he agrees, and awaits its
arrangement before setting out for Paris.
At Valladolid he met De Pradt, whom he mistrusted; but who, like
Talleyrand, always amused him. In the present case the Abbe told him
that "the Spaniards would never thank him for interfering in their
behalf, and that they were like Sganarelle in the farce, who
quarrelled with a stranger for interfering with her husband when he
was beating her" (Scott's "Napoleon").
He leaves Valladolid January 17th, and is in Paris on January 24th. He
rode the first seventy miles, to Burgos, in five and a half hours,
stopping only to change horses.[69] Well might Savary say, "Never had
a sovereign ridden at such a speed."
_Eugene has a daughter._--The Princess Eugenie-Hortense, born December
23rd at Milan; married the hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern
Hechingen.
_They are foolish in Paris_--if not worse. Talleyrand, Fouche, and
others were forming what amounted to a conspiracy, and the Empress
herself, wittingly or unwittingly, had served as their tool. For the
first time she answers a deputation of the Corps Legislatif, who come
to congratulate her on her husband's victories, and says that
doubtless his Majesty would be very sensible of the homage of an
assembly _which represents the nation_. Napoleon sees in this remark a
germ of aggression on behalf of his House of Commons, more especially
when emphasised by 125 blackballs against a Government Bill. He takes
the effective but somewhat severe step of contradicting his wife in
the _Moniteur_, or rather declaring that the Empress knew the laws too
well not to know that the Emperor was the chief representative of the
People, then the Senate, and last the Corps Legislatif.
"It would be a wild and even criminal assertion to try to represent
the nation before the Emperor."
All through the first half of 1809 another dangerous plot, of which
the centre was the Princess of Tour and Taxis, had its threads far and
wide. Many of Soult's generals were implicated, and in communication
with the English, preventing their commander getting news of
Wellesley's movements (Napier). When they find Soult cannot be
traduced, they lend a willing ear to stirring up strife between the
Emperor and Soult, by suggesting that the latter should be made King
of Portugal. Madame d'Abrantes, who heard in 1814 that the idea had
found favour with English statesmen, thinks such a step would have
seriously injured Napoleon (vol. iv. 53).
FOOTNOTES
[67] Napoleon visited Madrid and its Palais Royal incognito, and (like
Vienna) by night (Bausset).
[68] With Lejeune on one occasion.
[69] _Biographie Universelle._ Michaud says _ponies_.
SERIES L
1809.
The dangers surrounding Napoleon were immense. The Austrian army,
320,000 strong (with her Landwehr, 544,000 men) and 800 cannon, had
never been so great, never so fitted for war. Prussia was already
seething with secret societies, of which as yet the only formidable
one was the Tugendbund, whose headquarters were Konigsburg, and whose
chief members were Stein, Stadion, Blucher, Jahn. Perhaps their most
sensible scheme was to form a united German empire, with the Archduke
Charles[70] as its head. The Archduke Ferdinand invaded the Duchy of
Warsaw, and had he taken Thorn with its park of 100 cannon, Prussia
was to join Austria. In Italy the Carbonari and Adelphes[71] only
waited for the French troops to go north to meet the Austrians to
spread revolt in Italy. Of the former the head lodge was at Capua and
its constitutions written in English, since England was aiding this
_chouanerie religieuse_ as a lever against Napoleon. England had an
army of 40,000 men ready to embark in any direction--to Holland,
Belgium, Naples, or Biscay, while the French troops in Portugal were
being tampered with to receive Moreau as their leader, and to march
with Spaniards and English for the Pyrenees. At Paris Talleyrand was
in partial disgrace, but he and Fouche were still plotting--the
latter, says Pelet, forwarding daily a copy of the private bulletin
(prepared for Napoleon's eye alone) to the Bourbons. After Essling and
the breaking of the Danube bridge, he hesitated between seizing
supreme power himself or offering it to Bernadotte.
Up to the last--up to March 27th--the _Correspondence_ proves that
Napoleon had hoped that war would be averted through the influence of
Russia. "All initiative," he declared, "rested on the heads of the
court of Austria." "Menaced on all sides; warned of the intentions of his
enemies by their movements and by their intercepted correspondence;
seeing from that moment hostilities imminent, he wishes to prove to
France and Europe that all the wrongs are on their side, and awaits in his
capital the news of an aggression that nothing justifies, nothing
warrants. Vain prudence! Europe will accuse him of having been the
instigator on every occasion, even in this."[72] On April 8th the
Austrians violated Bavarian territory, and during his supreme command for
the next five days Berthier endangered the safety of the French empire
in spite of the most elaborate and lucid instructions from Napoleon, which
he failed to comprehend. "Never," says Pelet, "was so much written, never
so little done. Each of his letters (Berthier's) attests the great
difference which existed between his own correspondence and that which
was dictated to him." An ideal chief of staff, he utterly lacked the
decision necessary for a commander-in-chief. The arrival of Napoleon
changed in a moment the position of affairs. "The sudden apparition of the
Emperor produced the effect of the head of Medusa, and paralysed the
enemy."[73] Within five days the Austrians were four times defeated, and
Ratisbon, the _passe-partout_ of Southern Germany and half-way house
between Strasburg and Vienna, is once more in the hands of France and her
allies. Pelet considers these operations as the finest which have been
executed either in ancient or modern times, at any rate those of which the
projects are authentically proved. He foretells that military men from
every country of Europe, but specially young Frenchmen, will religiously
visit the fields of the Laber. They will visit, with Napoleon's
_Correspondence_ in their hands, "much more precious than every other
commentary, the hills of Pfaffenhofen, the bridge of Landshut, and that
of Eckmuehl, the mill of Stangl, and the woods of Roking." A few days
later the Archduke Charles writes a letter to Napoleon, which is a fair
type of those charming yet stately manners which made him at that
moment the most popular man in Europe. "Sire," he writes, "your
Majesty's arrival was announced to me by the thunder of artillery, without
giving me time to compliment you thereon. Scarcely advised of your
presence, I was made sensible of it by the losses which you have caused
me. You have taken many of my men, Sire; my troops also have made some
thousands of prisoners in places where you did not direct the
operations. I propose to your Majesty to exchange them man for man, grade
for grade, and if that offer is agreeable to you, please let me know your
intentions for the place destined for the exchange. I feel flattered,
sire, in fighting against the greatest captain of the age. I should be
more happy if destiny had chosen me to procure for my country the
benefit of a lasting peace. Whichsoever they be, the events of war or
the approach of peace, I beg your Majesty to believe that my desires
always carry me to meet you, and that I hold myself equally honoured in
finding the sword, or the olive branch, in the hand of your Majesty."
No. 1.
_DONAUWERTH._--
n the same day napoleon writes almost an identical
letter to cambaceres, adding, however, the news that the tyrolese are
in full revolt.
On april 20th he placed himself at the head of the wurtembergers and
bavarians at abensberg. he made a stirring speech (no. 15,099 of
_correspondence_), and lejeune tells us that the prince royal of
bavaria translated into german one sentence after another as the
emperor spoke, and officers repeated the translations throughout the
ranks.
On april 24th is issued from Ratisbon his proclamation to the
army:--"Soldiers, you have justified my expectations. You have made
up for your number by your bravery. You have gloriously marked the
difference between the soldiers of Caesar and the armed cohorts of
Xerxes. In a few days we have triumphed in the pitched battles of
Thann, Abensberg, and Eckmuehl, and in the combats of Peising,
Landshut, and Ratisbon. A hundred cannon, forty flags, fifty thousand
prisoners.... before a month we shall be at Vienna." It was within
three weeks! He was specially proud of Eckmuehl, and we are probably
indebted to a remark of Pasquier for his chief but never divulged
reason. "A noteworthy fact in connection with this battle was that
the triumphant army was composed principally of Bavarians and
Wurtembergers. Under his direction, these allies were as greatly to be
feared as the French themselves." At St. Helena was written: "The
battle of Abensberg, the manoeuvres of Landshut, and the battle of
Eckmuehl were the most brilliant and the most skilful manoeuvres of
Napoleon." Eckmuehl ended with a fine exhibition of a "white arm"
melee by moonlight, in which the French proved the superiority of
their double cuirasses over the breastplates of the Austrians.
Pelet gives this useful abstract of the campaign of five days:--
_April 19th._--Union of the french army whilst fighting the Archduke,
whose base is already menaced.
_April 20th._--Napoleon, at Abensberg and on the banks of the Laber,
breaks the Austrian line, totally separating the centre from the left,
which he causes to be turned by Massena.
_April 21st._--He destroys their left wing at Landshut, and captures
the magazines, artillery, and train, as well as the communications of
the enemy's grand army, fixing definitely his own line of operations,
which he already directs on Vienna.
_April 22nd._--He descends the Laber to Eckmuehl, gives the last blow
to the Archduke's army, of which the remnant takes refuge in
Ratisbon.
_april 23rd._--He takes that strong place, and forces the Archduke to
take refuge in the mountains of Bohemia.
No. 2.
_May 6th._--On May 1st Napoleon was still at Braunau, waiting for news
from Davoust. Travelling by night at his usual speed he reached
Lambach at noon on May 2nd, and Wels on the 3rd. The next morning he
heard Massena's cannon at Ebersberg, but reaches the field at the fall
of night--too late to save the heavy cost of Massena's frontal attack.
The French lost at least 1500 killed and wounded; the Austrians (under
Hiller) the same number killed and 7000 prisoners. Pelet defends
Massena, and quotes the bulletin of May 4th (omitted from the
_Correspondence_): "It is one of the finest feats of arms of which
history can preserve the memory! The traveller will stop and say, 'It
is here, it is here, in these superb positions, that an army of 35,000
Austrians was routed by two French divisions'" (Pelet, ii. 225).
Lejeune, and most writers, blame Massena, referring to the Emperor's
letter of May 1st in Pelet's Appendix (vol. ii.), but not in the
_Correspondence_.
Between April 17th and May 6th there is no letter to Josephine
preserved, but plenty to Eugene, and all severe--not so much for
incapacity as for not keeping the Emperor advised of what was really
happening. On May 6th he had received no news for over a week.
_The ball that touched me_--_i.e._ at Ratisbon. This was the second
time Napoleon had been wounded in battle--the first time by an
English bayonet at Toulon. On the present occasion (April 23rd)
Meneval seems to be the best authority: "Napoleon was seated on a
spot from which he could see the attack on the town of Ratisbon. He
was beating the ground with his riding-whip,[74] when a bullet,
supposed to have been fired from a Tyrolean carbine, struck him on the
big toe (Marbot says 'right ankle,' which is correct). The news of
his wound spread rapidly[75] from file to file, and he was forced
to mount on horseback to show himself to his troops. Although his
boot had not been cut the contusion was a very painful one," and in
the first house he went to for a moment's rest, he fainted. The next
day, however, he saw the wounded and reviewed his troops as usual,
and Lejeune has preserved a highly characteristic story, somewhat
similar to an experience of the Great Frederick's: "When he had
reached the seventh or eighth sergeant the Emperor noticed a
handsome young fellow with fine but stern-looking eyes and of
resolute and martial bearing, who made his musket ring again as he
presented arms. 'How many wounds?' inquired the Emperor. 'Thirty,'
replied the sergeant. 'I am not asking you your age,' said the Emperor
graciously; 'I am asking how many wounds you have received.' Raising
his voice, the sergeant again replied with the one word, 'Thirty.'
Annoyed at this reply, the Emperor turned to the colonel and said,
'The man does not understand; he thinks I am asking about his
age.' 'He understands well enough, sire,' was the reply; 'he has been
wounded thirty times.' 'What!' exclaimed the Emperor, 'you have been
wounded so often and have not got the cross!' The sergeant looked
down at his chest, and seeing that the strap of his cartridge-pouch
hid his decoration, he raised it so as to show the cross. He said
to the Emperor, with great earnestness, 'Yes, I've got one; but I've
merited a dozen!' The Emperor, who was always pleased to meet
spirited fellows such as this, pronounced the sacramental words,
'I make you an officer!' 'That's right, Emperor,' said the new
sub-lieutenant as he proudly drew himself up; 'you couldn't have
done better!'"
No. 3.
Almost an exact duplicate of this letter goes on to Paris to
Cambaceres, as also of No. 4. The moment the Emperor had heard that
the Archduke had left Budweiss and was going by the circuitous route
_via_ Krems to Vienna, he left Enns (May 7th) and reached Moelk the
same evening. Seeing a camp of the enemy on the other side of the
river he sends Marbot with a sergeant and six picked men to kidnap a
few Austrians during the night. The foray is successful, and three are
brought before Napoleon, one weeping bitterly. The Emperor asked the
reason, and found it was because he had charge of his master's girdle,
and would be thought to have robbed him. The Emperor had him set free
and ferried across the river, saying, "We must honour and aid virtue
wherever it shows itself." The next day he started for Saint-Polten
(already evacuated by Hiller). On his way he saw the ruins of
Dirnstein Castle, where Richard Coeur de Lion had been imprisoned. The
Emperor's comments were interesting, but are now hackneyed, and are in
most histories and memoirs--the parent source being Pelet (vol. ii.
246).
No. 4.
_Schoenbrunn_, situated a mile from Vienna, across the little river of
that name. Constant thus describes it: "Built in 1754 by the
Empress Marie Therese, Schoenbrunn had an admirable position; its
architecture, if defective and irregular, was yet of a majestic,
imposing type. To reach it one has to cross the bridge across the
little river Vienna. Four stone sphinxes ornament this bridge, which
is very large and well built. Facing the bridge there is a handsome
gate opening on to a large courtyard, spacious enough for seven or
eight thousand men to manoeuvre in. The courtyard is in the form
of a quadrangle surrounded by covered galleries and ornamented with
two large basins, in which are marble statues. On both sides of
the gateway are two huge obelisks of pink stone surmounted by gilt
eagles.
"In German, Schoenbrunn means 'fair spring,' and the name is derived
from a fresh and sparkling spring which is situated in the park. It
wells forth from a little mound on which a tiny grotto has been built,
carved within so as to resemble stalactites. Inside the grotto is a
recumbent naiad holding a horn, from which the water falls down into a
marble basin. In summer this little nook is deliciously cool.
"The interior of the palace merits nothing but praise. The furniture
is sumptuous, and in taste both original and distinguished. The
Emperor's bedroom (the only place in the whole edifice where there was
a chimney) was upholstered in Chinese lacquer-wood of great antiquity,
yet the painting and gilding were still quite fresh. The study
adjoining was decorated in a like way. All these apartments, except
the bedroom, were heated in winter by immense stoves, which sadly
spoilt the effect of the other furniture. Between the study and the
bedroom there was a strange apparatus called a 'flying chair,' a sort
of mechanical seat, which had been constructed for the Empress Marie
Therese, and which served to transport her from one floor to another,
so that she was not obliged to go up and down the staircase like every
one else. The machine was worked in the same way as at theatres, by
cords, pulleys, and a counter-weight." The Emperor drank a glassful
from the beautiful spring, Schoen Brunn, every morning. Napoleon found
the people of Vienna less favourable to the French than in 1805; and
Count Rapp told him "the people were everywhere tired of us and of our
victories." "He did not like these sort of reflections."
_May 12th._--On May 13th is dated the _seventh_ bulletin of the
army of Germany, but none of the Bulletins 2 to 6 are in the
_Correspondence_. It states that on the 10th he is before Vienna; the
Archduke Maximilian refuses to surrender; on the 11th, at 9 P.M., the
bombardment commences, and by daybreak the city capitulated, and the
Archduke fled. In his proclamation Napoleon blamed him and the
house of Austria for the bombardment. "While fleeing from the city,
their adieux to the inhabitants have been murder and arson; like
Medea, they have with their own hands slain their children." The
Viennese had sworn to emulate their ancestors in 1683, and the heroes
of Saragossa. But Alison (than whom none can do the "big bow-wow"
style better) has a thoughtful comment on what really occurred. "All
history demonstrates that there is one stage of civilisation when the
inhabitants of a metropolis are capable of such a sacrifice in defence
of their country, and only one; and that when passed, it is never
recovered. The event has proved that the Russians, in 1812, were in
the state of progress when such a heroic act was possible, but
that the inhabitants of Vienna and Paris had passed it. Most
certainly the citizens of London would never have buried themselves
under the ruins of the Bank, the Treasury, or Leadenhall Street
before capitulating to Napoleon." 1870 and the siege of Paris modify
this judgment; but the Prussian bombardment came only at the last,
and barely reached the centre of the city.
No. 5.
_Ebersdorf._--Written five days after the murderous battle of Essling.
Montgaillard, whose temper and judgment, as Alison remarks, are not
equal to his talents, cannot resist a covert sneer (writing under the
Bourbons) at Napoleon's generalship on this occasion, although he adds
a veneer by reminding us that Caesar was defeated at Dyrrachium,
Turenne at Marienthal, Eugene at Denain, Frederick the Great at Kolin.
The crossing of the river was one which none but a victorious army,
with another[76] about to join it, could afford to risk, but which
having effected, the French had to make the best of. As Napoleon said
in his tenth bulletin, "The passage of a river like the Danube, in
front of an enemy knowing perfectly the localities, and having the
inhabitants on its side, is one of the greatest operations of war
which it is possible to conceive." The Danube hereabouts is a thousand
yards broad, and thirty feet deep. But the rising of its water
fourteen feet in three days was what no one had expected. At Ebersdorf
the first branch of the Danube was 500 yards across to an islet,
thence 340 yards across the main current to Lobau, the vast island
three miles broad and nearly three miles long, separated from the
farther bank by another 150 yards of Danube. Bertrand had made
excellent bridges, but on the 22nd the main one was carried away by a
floating mill.
_Eugene ... has completely performed the task._--At the commencement
of the campaign the Viceroy was taken unprepared. The Archduke John,
exactly his own age (twenty-seven), was burning with hatred of France.
Eugene had the impudence, with far inferior forces, to attack him at
Sacile on April 16th, but was repulsed with a loss (including
prisoners) of 6000 men. It is now necessary to retire, and the
Archduke follows him leisurely, almost within sight of Verona. By the
end of April the news of Eckmuehl has reached both armies, and by May
1st the Austrians are in full retreat. As usual, Napoleon has already
divined their altered plan of campaign, and writes from Braunau on
this very day, "I doubt not that the enemy may have retired before
you; it is necessary to pursue him with activity, whilst coming to
join me as soon as possible _via_ Carinthia. The junction with my army
will probably take place beyond Bruck. It is probable I shall be at
Vienna by the 10th to the 15th of May." It is the successful
performance of this task of joining him and of driving back the enemy
to which Napoleon alludes in the letter. The Viceroy had been reproved
for fighting at Sacile without his cavalry, for his precipitous
retreat on Verona; and only two days earlier the Emperor had told him
that if affairs went worse he was to send for the King of Naples
(Murat) to take command. "I am no longer grieved at the blunders you
have committed, but because you do not write to me, and give me no
chance of advising you, and even of regulating my own affairs here
conformably." On May 8th Eugene defeats the Austrians on the Piave,
and the Archduke John loses nearly 10,000 men and 15 cannon. Harassed
in their retreat, they regain their own territory on May 14th--the day
after the capitulation of Vienna. Henceforward Eugene with part of the
army, and Macdonald with the rest, force their way past all
difficulties, so that when the junction with the Grand Army occurs at
Bruck, Napoleon sends (May 27th) the following proclamation: "Soldiers
of the army of Italy, you have gloriously attained the goal that I
marked out for you.... Surprised by a perfidious enemy before your
columns were united, you had to retreat to the Adige. But when you
received the order to advance, you were on the memorable fields of
Arcola, and there you swore on the manes of our heroes to triumph. You
have kept your word at the battle of the Piave, at the combats of
San-Daniel, Tarvis, and Goritz; you have taken by assault the forts of
Malborghetto, of Prediel, and made the enemy's divisions, entrenched
in Prewald and Laybach, surrender. You had not then passed the Drave,
and already 25,000 prisoners, 60 cannon, and 10 flags signalised your
valour." This is the proclamation alluded to in this letter to
Josephine.
No. 6.
_May 29th._--The date is wrong; it should be May 19th or 24th,
probably the latter. It sets at rest the vexed question how the Danube
bridge was broken, and seems to confirm Marbot's version of a floating
mill on fire, purposely sent down by an Austrian officer of Jaegers,
who won the rare order of Maria Theresa thereby--for performing _more_
than his duty. Bertrand gained his Emperor's lifelong admiration by
his expedients at this time. Everything had to be utilised--anchors
for the boat bridges were made by filling fishermen's baskets with
bullets; and a naval contingent of 1200 bluejackets from Antwerp
proved invaluable.
No. 7.
_I have ordered the two princes to re-enter France._--After so
critical a battle as the battle of Essling the Emperor's first
thoughts were concerning his succession--had he been killed or
captured. He was therefore seriously annoyed that the heir-apparent
and his younger brother had both been taken out of the country without
his permission. He therefore writes the Queen of Holland on May 28th
from Ebersdorf: "My daughter, I am seriously annoyed that you have
left France without my permission, and especially that you have taken
my nephews out of it. Since you are at Baden stay there, but an hour
after receiving the present letter send my two nephews back to
Strasburg to be near the Empress--they ought never to go out of
France. It is the first time I have had reason to be annoyed with
you, but you should not dispose of my nephews without my permission,
you should realise what a bad effect it will have. Since the waters at
Baden are doing you good you can stay there a few days, but, I repeat,
lose not a moment in sending my nephews back to Strasburg. If the
Empress is going to the waters at Plombieres they may accompany her
there, but they must never pass the bridge of Strasburg.--Your
affectionate father, Napoleon." This letter passed through the hands
of Josephine at Strasburg, who was so unhappy at not having heard from
her husband that she opened it, and writes to Hortense on June 1st
when forwarding the letter: "I advise you to write to him immediately
that you have anticipated his intentions, and that your children are
with me: that you have only had them a few days in order to see them,
and to give them a change of air. The page who is announced in
Meneval's letter has not yet arrived. I hope he will bring me a letter
from the Emperor, and that at least he will not be as vexed with me
for your being at Baden. Your children have arrived in excellent
health."
_The Duke of Montebello, who died this morning._--The same day he
writes to La Marechale as follows:--
"_Ma Cousine_,--The Marshal died this morning of the wounds that he
received on the field of honour. My sorrow equals yours. I lose the
most distinguished general in my whole army, my comrade-in-arms for
sixteen years, he whom I looked upon as my best friend. His family and
children will always have a special claim on my protection. It is to
give you this assurance that I wished to write you this letter, for I
feel that nothing can alleviate the righteous sorrow that you will
experience." The following year he bestowed the highest honour on the
Marechale that she could receive.
_Thus everything ends._--The fourteenth bulletin says that the end was
caused by a pernicious fever, and in spite of Dr. Franck, one of the
best physicians in Europe. "Thus ends one of the most distinguished
soldiers France ever possessed."[77] He had received thirteen wounds.
The death of Lannes, and the whole of the Essling period, is best
told by Marbot. The loss of Lannes was a more serious one to Napoleon
than the whole 20,000 men lost in this battle. The master himself has
told us that "in war men are nothing, a man is everything." They could
be replaced: Lannes never. Like Kleber and Desaix, he stood on a
higher platform than the older Marshals--except Massena, who had
serious drawbacks, and who was the only one of Napoleon's best
generals that Wellington met in the Peninsula. Lannes had always the
ear of the Emperor, and always told him facts, not flattery. His life
had been specially crowded the last few weeks. Rebuked by Napoleon for
tardiness in supporting Massena at Ebersberg, his life was saved by
Napoleon himself when he was thrown from his horse into the flooded
Danube; and finally, on the field of Essling, he had under his orders
Bessieres, the man who had a dozen years before prevented his
engagement to Caroline Bonaparte by tittle-tattling to Napoleon.
No. 9.
_Eugene won a battle._--The remnant of the Archduke John's army,
together with Hungarian levies, in all 31,000 men, hold the
entrenched camp and banks of the Raab. Eugene defeats it, with a
loss of 6000 men, of whom 3700 were prisoners. Napoleon, in
commemoration of the anniversary of Marengo (and Friedland) calls it
the little granddaughter of Marengo.
No. 11.
The curtain of the war's final act was rung up in the twenty-fourth
bulletin. "At length there exists no longer the Danube for the French
army; General Count Bertrand has completed works which excite
astonishment and inspire admiration. For 800 yards over the most rapid
river in the world he has, in a fortnight, constructed a bridge of
sixteen arches where three carriages can pass abreast."
_Wagram_ is, according to Pelet, the masterpiece of _tactical_
battles, while the five days' campaign (Thann to Ratisbon) was one
long _strategic_ battle. Nevertheless, respecting Wagram, had the
Archduke John, with his 40,000 men, turned up, as the Archduke had
more right to expect than Wellington had to expect Blucher, Waterloo
might have been antedated six years.
_Lasalle_ was a prime favourite of Napoleon, for his sure eye and
active bearing. His capture of Stettin with two regiments of hussars
was specially noteworthy. Like Lannes he had a strong premonition of
his death. Marbot tells a story of how Napoleon gave him 200,000
francs to get married with. A week later the Emperor asked, "When is
the wedding?" "As soon as I have got some money to furnish with,
sire." "Why, I gave you 200,000 francs to furnish with last week! What
have you done with them?" "Paid my debts with half, and lost the other
half at cards." Such an admission would have ruined any other general.
The Emperor laughed, and merely giving a sharp tug at Lasalle's
moustache, ordered Duroc to give him another 200,000.
_I am sunburnt_, and, as he writes Cambaceres the same day, tired out,
having been sixty out of the previous seventy-two hours in the
saddle.
No. 12.
_Wolkersdorf._--On July 8th he writes General Clarke: "I have the
headquarters lately occupied by the craven Francis II., who contented
himself with watching the whole affair from the top of a tower, ten
miles from the scene of battle." On this day also he dictated his
twenty-fifth bulletin, of which the last portion is so skilfully
utilised in the last scene of Act V. in L'Aiglon. One concluding
sentence is all that can here be quoted: "Such is the recital of the
battle of Wagram, a decisive and ever illustrious battle, where three
to four hundred thousand men, twelve to fifteen hundred guns, fought
for great stakes on a field of battle, studied, meditated on, and
fortified by the enemy for many months."
_A surfeit of bile._--His usual source of relief after extra work or
worry. In this case both. Bernadotte had behaved so badly at Wagram,
that Napoleon sent him to Paris with the stern rebuke, "A bungler like
you is no good to me." But as usual his anger against an old comrade
is short-lived, and he gives General Clarke permission to send
Bernadotte to command at Antwerp against the English.
No. 16.
_My affairs follow my wishes._--In Austria, possibly, but not
elsewhere. Prussia was seething with conspiracy, Russia with
ill-concealed hatred, the English had just landed in Belgium, and
Wellesley had just won Talavera. Soult was apparently no longer
trustworthy, Bernadotte a conceited boaster, who had to be publicly
snubbed (see The Order of the Day, August 5th, No. 15,614). Clarke and
Cambaceres are so slow that Napoleon writes them (August 10th) "not to
let the English come and take you in bed." Fouche shows more energy
than every one else put together, calls out National Guards, and sends
them off to meet the northern invasion. The Minister of the Interior,
M. Cretet, had just died, and the Emperor had wisely put Fouche, the
most competent man available, into his place for the time being.
No. 17.
_August 21st._--The list of birthday honours (August 15th) had been a
fairly long one, Berthier becoming Prince of Wagram, Massena of
Essling, Davoust of Eckmuehl. Marshals Oudinot and Macdonald, Generals
Clarke, Reynier, Gaudin and Champagny, as also M. Maret, became Dukes.
Marmont had already, says Savary, been made delirious with the joy of
possessing a baton.
No. 18.
_Comedians._--Napoleon found relaxation more after his own heart in
conversing with the savants of Germany, including the great mechanic
Maeelzel, with whose automaton chess-player he played a game. Constant
gives a highly-coloured picture of the sequel: "The automaton was
seated before a chess-board, and the Emperor, taking a chair opposite
the figure, said laughingly, 'Now, my friend, we'll have a game.' The
automaton, bowing, made signs for the Emperor to begin. After two or
three moves the Emperor made a wrong one on purpose; the automaton
bowed and replaced the piece on the board. His Majesty cheated again,
when the automaton bowed again, but this time took the pawn. 'Quite
right,' said his Majesty, as he promptly cheated for the third time.
The automaton then shook its head, and with one sweep of its hand
knocked all the chessmen down."
_Women ... not having been presented._--One woman, however, the
mistress of Lord Paget, was quite willing to be presented at a late
hour and to murder him at the same time--at least so says Constant.
No. 19.
_All this is very suspicious._--For perfectly natural reasons Caesar's
wife was now above suspicion, but Caesar himself was not so. Madame
Walewski had been more than a month at Schoenbrunn, and on May 4th,
1810, Napoleon has a second son born, who fifty years later helped to
edit his father's _Correspondence_.
No. 20.
_Krems._--He left here to review Davoust's corps on the field of
Austerlitz. Afterwards all the generals dined with him, and the
Emperor said, "This is the second time I come upon the field of
Austerlitz; shall I come to it a third time?" "Sire," replied one,
"from what we see every day none dare wager that you will not!" It was
this suppressed hatred that probably determined the Emperor to
dismantle the fortifications of Vienna, an act that intensified the
hatred of the Viennese more than his allowing the poor people to help
themselves to wood for the winter in the imperial forests had
mollified them.
_My health has never been better._--His reason for this remark is
found in his letter to Cambaceres of the same date, "They have spread
in Paris the rumour that I was ill, I know not why; I was never
better." The reason of the rumour was that Corvisart had been sent for
to Vienna, as there had been an outbreak of dysentery among the
troops. This was kept a profound secret from France, and Napoleon even
allowed Josephine to think that Corvisart had attended him (see Letter
22).
No. 23.
_October 14th._--Two days before, Stabs, the young Tugendbundist and
an admirer of Joan of Arc, had attempted to assassinate Napoleon on
parade with a carving-knife. The Emperor's letter to Fouche of the
12th October gives the most succinct account:--
"A youth of seventeen, son of a Lutheran minister of Erfurt, sought to
approach me on parade to-day. He was arrested by the officers, and as
the little man's agitation had been noticed, suspicion was aroused; he
was searched, and a dagger found upon him. I had him brought before
me, and the little wretch, who seemed to me fairly well educated, told
me that he wished to assassinate me to deliver Austria from the
presence of the French. I could distinguish in him neither religious
nor political fanaticism. He did not appear to know exactly who or
what Brutus was. The fever of excitement he was in prevented our
knowing more. He will be examined when he has cooled down and fasted.
It is possible that it will come to nothing. He will be arraigned
before a military commission.
"I wished to inform you of this circumstance in order that it may not
be made out more important than it appears to be. I hope it will not
leak out; if it does, we shall have to represent the fellow as a
madman. If it is not spoken of at all, keep it to yourself. The whole
affair made no disturbance at the parade; I myself saw nothing of it.
"_P.S._--I repeat once more, and you understand clearly, that there is
to be no discussion of this occurrence."
Count Rapp saved the Emperor's life on this occasion, and he, Savary,
and Constant, all give detailed accounts. Their narratives are a
remarkable object-lesson of the carelessness of the average
contemporary spectator in recording dates. Savary gives vaguely the
end of September, Constant October 13th, and Count Rapp October 23rd.
In the present case the date of this otherwise trivial incident is
important, for careless historians assert that it influenced Napoleon
in concluding peace. In any case it would have taken twenty such
occurrences to affect Napoleon one hairbreadth, and in the present
instance his letter of October 10th to the Russian Emperor proves that
the Peace was already settled--all but the signing.
No. 24.
_Stuttgard._--General Rapp describes this journey as follows: "Peace
was ratified. We left Nymphenburg and arrived at Stuttgard. Napoleon
was received in a style of magnificence, and was lodged in the palace
together with his suite. The King was laying out a spacious garden,
and men who had been condemned to the galleys were employed to labour
in it. The Emperor asked the King who the men were who worked in
chains; he replied that they were for the most part rebels who had
been taken in his new possessions. We set out on the following day. On
the way Napoleon alluded to the unfortunate wretches whom he had seen
at Stuttgard. 'The King of Wuertemberg,' said he, 'is a very harsh man;
but he is very faithful. Of all the sovereigns in Europe he possesses
the greatest share of understanding.'
"We stopped for an hour at Rastadt, where the Princess of Baden and
Princess Stephanie had arrived for the purpose of paying their
respects to the Emperor. The Grand Duke and Duchess accompanied him as
far as Strasburg. On his arrival in that city he received despatches
which again excited his displeasure against the Faubourg St. Germain.
We proceeded to Fontainebleau; no preparations had been made for the
Emperor's reception; there was not even a guard on duty."
This was on October 26th, at 10 A.M. Meneval asserts that Napoleon's
subsequent bad temper was feigned. In any case, the meeting--that
moment so impatiently awaited--was a very bad _quart d'heure_ for
Josephine, accentuated doubtless by Fouche's report of bad conduct on
the part of the ladies of St. Germain.
FOOTNOTES
[70] This Archduke was the "international man" at this juncture. Louis
Bonaparte speaks of a society at Saragossa, of which the object
was to make the Archduke Charles king of Spain.
[71] These Adelphes or Philadelphes were the socialists or educated
anarchists of that day. They wished for the _statu quo_ before
Napoleon became supreme ruler. They had members in his army,
and it seems quite probable that Bernadotte gave them passive
support. General Oudet was their recognised head, and he died
under suspicious circumstances after Wagram. The society was,
unlike the Carbonari, anti-Catholic.
[72] Pelet, vol. i. 127.
[73] Pelet, vol. i. 282.
[74] "Gaily asking his staff to breakfast with him" (Pelet).
[75] Lejeune says "some hours afterwards."
[76] Eugene's.
[77] "What a loss for France and for me," groaned Napoleon, as he left
his dead friend.
SERIES M
No. 1.
According to the _Correspondence of Napoleon I._, No. 16,058, the date
of this letter is December 17th. It seems, however, possible that it
is the letter written immediately after his arrival at Trianon,
referred to by Meneval, who was, in fact, responsible for it.
Thiers, working from unpublished memoirs of Hortense and Cambaceres,
gives a most interesting account of the family council, held at 9
P.M. on Friday, December 15th, at the Tuileries. Constant also
describes the scene, but gives the Empress credit for showing the
most self-command of those chiefly interested. The next day, 11 A.M.,
Count Lacepede introduced the resolutions of the family council to the
Senatus-Consultus.[78] "It is to-day that, more than ever before,
the Emperor has proved that he wishes to reign only to serve his
subjects, and that the Empress has merited that posterity should
associate her name with that of Napoleon." He pointed out that
thirteen of Napoleon's predecessors had broken the bonds of matrimony
in order to fulfil better those of sovereign, and that among these
were the most admired and beloved of French monarchs--Charlemagne,
Philip Augustus, Louis XII. and Henry IV. This speech and the Decrees
(carried by 76 votes to 7) are found in the _Moniteur_ of December
17th, which Napoleon considers sufficiently authentic to send to his
brother Joseph as a full account of what occurred, and with no
further comment of his own but that it was the step which he thought
it his duty to take. The Decrees of the Committee of the Senate
were:--"(1) The marriage contracted between the Emperor Napoleon and
the Empress Josephine is dissolved. (2) The Empress Josephine will
retain the titles and rank of a crowned Empress-Queen.[79] (3) Her
jointure is fixed at an annual revenue of L80,000 from the public
treasury.[80] (4) Every provision which may be made by the Emperor
in favour of the Empress Josephine, out of the funds of the Civil
List, shall be obligatory on his successors." They added separate
addresses to the Emperor and Empress, and that to the latter seems
worthy of quotation:--"Your Imperial and Royal Majesty is about
to make for France the greatest of sacrifices; history will preserve
the memory of it for ever. The august spouse of the greatest of
monarchs cannot be united to his immortal glory by more heroic
devotion. For long, Madame, the French people has revered your
virtues; it holds dear that loving kindness which inspires your every
word, as it directs your every action; it will admire your sublime
devotion; it will award for ever to your Majesty, Empress and
Queen, the homage of gratitude, respect, and love."
From a letter of Eugene's to his wife, quoted by Aubenas, it
appears that he, with his mother, arrived at Malmaison on Saturday
evening,[81] December 16th, and that it never ceased raining all
the next day, which added to the general depression, in spite of, or
because of, Eugene's bad puns. On the evening of the 16th Napoleon
was at Trianon, writing letters, and we cannot think that if the
Emperor had been to Malmaison on the Sunday,[82] Eugene would have
included this without comment in the "some visits" they had
received. The Emperor, as we see from the next letter, paid
Josephine a visit on the Monday.
No. 2.
The date of this is Tuesday, December 19th, while No. 3 is Wednesday
the 20th.
_Savary_, always unpopular with the Court ladies, has now nothing but
kind words for Josephine. "She quitted the Court, but the Court did
not quit her; it had always loved her, for never had any one been so
kind.... She never injured any one in the time of her power; she
protected even her enemies"--such as Fouche at this juncture, and
Lucien earlier. "During her stay at Malmaison, the highroad from Paris
to this chateau was only one long procession, in spite of the bad
weather; every one considered it a duty to present themselves at least
once a week." Later, Marie Louise became jealous of this, and poor
Josephine had to go to the chateau of Navarre, and finally to leave
France.
_Queen of Naples._--For some reason Napoleon had not wanted this
sister at Paris this winter, and had written her to this effect from
Schoenbrunn on October 15th. "If you were not so far off, and the
season so advanced, I would have asked Murat to spend two months in
Paris. But you cannot be there before December, which is a horrible
season, especially for a Neapolitan."[83] But sister Caroline, "with
the head of a Cromwell on the shoulders of a pretty woman," was not
easy to lead; and her husband had in consequence to bear the full
weight of the Emperor's displeasure. Murat's finances were in
disorder, and Napoleon wrote Champagny on December 30th to tell Murat
plainly that if the borrowed money was not returned to France, it
would be taken by main force.[84]
_The hunt._--In pouring rain, in the forest of St. Germain.
No. 4.
Thursday, December 21st, is the date.
_The weather is very damp._--Making Malmaison as unhealthy as its
very name warranted, and rendering more difficult the task which
Madame de Remusat had set herself of resting Josephine mentally by
tiring her physically. This typical toady--Napoleon's Eavesdropper
Extraordinary--had arrived at Malmaison on December 18th. She
writes on the Friday (December 22nd), beseeching her husband to
advise the Emperor to moderate the tone of his letters, especially
this one (Thursday, December 21st), which had upset Josephine
frightfully. Surely a more harmless letter was never penned. But
it is the Remusat all over; she lives in a chronic atmosphere of
suspicion that all her letters are read by the Emperor, and
therefore, like Stevenson's nursery rhymes, they are always written
with "one eye on the grown-up person"[85]--on the grown-up person
_par excellence_ of France and the century. The opening of letters by
the government was doubtless a blemish, which, however, Napoleon
tried to neutralise by entrusting the Post Office to his wife's
relative, Lavalette, a man whose ever-kind heart prevented this
necessary espionage degenerating into unnecessary interference
with individual rights.
No. 5.
Date probably Sunday, December 24th.
_King of Bavaria._--Eugene had gone to Meaux to meet his father-in-law,
who had put off the "dog's humour" which he had shown since the 16th.
No. 6.
Josephine had gone by special invitation to dine at the little Trianon
with Napoleon on Christmas Day, and Madame d'Avrillon says she had a
very happy day there. "On her return she told me how kind the Emperor
had been to her, that he had kept her all the evening, saying the
kindest things to her." Aubenas says, "The repast was eaten in silence
and gloom," but does not give his authority. Eugene, moreover,
confirms Madame d'Avrillon in his letter to his wife of December 26th:
"My dear Auguste, the Emperor came on Sunday to see the Empress.
Yesterday she went to Trianon to see him, and stayed to dinner. The
Emperor was very kind and amiable to her, and she seemed to be much
better. Everything points to the Empress being more happy in her new
position, and we also." On this Christmas Day Napoleon had his last
meal with Josephine.
No. 7.
_Tuileries._--His return from Trianon to this, his official residence,
made the divorce more apparent to every one.
No. 8.
_A house vacant in Paris._--This seems a hint for Josephine. She
wishes to come to Paris, to the Elysee, and to try a little diplomacy
of her own in favour of the Austrian match, and she sends secretly to
Madame de Metternich--whose husband was absent. Eugene more officially
is approaching Prince Schwartzenberg, the ambassador. Josephine, like
Talleyrand, wished to heal the schism with Rome by an Austrian
alliance; while Cambaceres, foreseeing a war with the power not allied
by marriage, would have preferred the Russian match.
No. 9.
Thursday, January 4th.
_Hortense._--Louis had tried to obtain a divorce. Cambaceres was
ordered on December 22nd to summon a family council (_New Letters of
Napoleon I._, No. 234); but the wish of the King was refused
(verbally, says Louis in his _Historical Documents of Holland_),
whereupon he refused to agree to Josephine's divorce, but had to give
way, and was present at what he calls the farewell festival given by
the city of Paris to the Empress Josephine on January 1st. The
ecclesiastical divorce was pronounced on January 12th.
No. 10.
January 5th. He duly visits Josephine the next day.
No. 11.
January 7th is the date.
_What charms your society has._--Her repertoire of small talk and
scandal. He had also lost in her his Agenda, his Journal of Paris.
Still the visits are growing rarer. This long kind letter was
doubtless intended to be specially so, for two days later the clergy
of Paris pronounced the annulment of her marriage. This was far worse
than the pronouncement by the Senate in December, as it meant to her
that she and Napoleon had never been properly married at all. The
Emperor, who hated divorces, and especially _divorcees_, had found
great difficulty in breaking down the barriers he had helped to build,
for which purpose _he_ had to be subordinated to his own Senate, _the
Pope_ to his own bishops. Seven of them allowed the annulment of the
marriage of 1804 on account of (1) its secrecy, (2) the insufficiency
of consent of the contracting parties, and (3) the absence of the
local parish priest at the ceremony. The last reason was merely a
technical one; but with respect to the first two it is only fair to
admit that Napoleon had undoubtedly, and perhaps for the only time in
his life, been completely "rushed," _i.e._ by the Pope and Josephine.
The coronation ceremony was waiting, and the Pope, secretly solicited
by Josephine, insisted on a religious marriage first and foremost. The
Pope suffered forthwith, but the other bill of costs was not exacted
till five years after date.
No. 12.
Wednesday, January 12th.
_King of Westphalia._--Madame Durand (_Napoleon and Marie Louise_)
says that, forced to abandon his wife (the beautiful and energetic
Miss Paterson) and child, Jerome "had vowed he would never have any
relations with a wife who had been thus forced upon him." For three
years he lavished his attentions upon almost all the beauties of the
Westphalian court. The queen, an eye-witness of this conduct, bore it
with mild and forbearing dignity; she seemed to see and hear nothing;
in short, her demeanour was perfect. The king, touched by her
goodness, weary of his conquests, and repentant of his behaviour, was
only anxious for an opportunity of altering the state of things.
Happily the propitious moment presented itself. The right wing of the
palace of Cassel, in which the queen's apartments were situated, took
fire; alarmed by the screams of her women the queen awoke and sprang
out of her bed, to be caught in the arms of the king and carried to a
place of safety. From that time forth the royal couple were united and
happy.
No. 13.
Saturday, January 13th.
_Sensible._--This was now possible after a month's mourning. In the
early days, according to Madame Remusat, her mind often wandered, But
Napoleon himself encouraged the Court to visit her, and the road to
Malmaison was soon a crowded one. As the days passed, however, life
became sadly monotonous. Reading palled on Josephine, as did whist and
the daily feeding of her golden pheasants and guinea-fowls. Remained
"Patience"! Was it the "General" she played or the "Emperor," or did
she find distraction in the "Demon"?
No. 14.
_D'Audenarde._--Napoleon's handsome equerry, whom Mlle. d'Avrillon
calls "un homme superbe." His mother was Josephine's favourite _dame
du palais_. Madame Lalaing, Viscountess d'Audenarde, _nee_ Peyrac, was
one of the old regime who had been ruined by the Revolution.
No. 16.
Tuesday, January 23rd.
On January 21st a Privy Council was summoned to approve of Marie
Louise as their "choice of a consort, who may give an heir to the
throne" (Thiers). Cambaceres, Fouche, and Murat wished for the Russian
princess; Lebrun, Cardinal Fesch, and King Louis for a Saxon one; but
Talleyrand, Champagny, Maret, Berthier, Fontanes were for Austria.
No. 17.
Sunday, January 28th.
No. 18.
Josephine had heard she was to be banished from Paris, and so had
asked to come to the Elysee to prove the truth or otherwise of the
rumour.
_L'Elysee._--St. Amand gives the following interesting _precis_:
"Built by the Count d'Evreux in 1718, it had belonged in succession to
the Marchioness de Pompadour, to the financier Beaujon, a Croesus of
the eighteenth century, and to the Duchesse de Bourbon. Having, under
the Revolution, become national property, it had been hired by the
caterers of public entertainments, who gave it the name of L'Elysee.
In 1803 it became the property of Murat, who, becoming King of Naples,
ceded it to Napoleon in 1808. Here Napoleon signed his second
abdication, here resided Alexander I. in 1815, and here Josephine's
grandson effected the _Coup d'Etat_ (1851). When the Senatus-Consultus
fixed the revenue of Josephine, Napoleon not only gave her whatever
rights he had in Malmaison, viz., at least 90 per cent. of the total
cost, but the palace of the Elysee, its gardens and dependencies, with
the furniture then in use." The latter residence was, however, for her
life only.
No. 19.
February 3rd is the date.
_L'Elysee._--After the first receptions the place is far worse than
Malmaison. Schwartzenberg, Talleyrand, the Princess Pauline, Berthier,
even her old friend Cambaceres are giving balls,[86] while the Emperor
goes nearly every night to a theatre. The carriages pass by the
Elysee, but do not stop. "It is as if the palace were in quarantine,
with the yellow flag floating."
No. 20.
_Bessieres' country-house._--M. Masson says Grignon, but unless this
house is called after the chateau of that name in Provence, he must be
mistaken.
No. 21.
_Rambouillet._--He had taken the Court with him, and was there from
February 19th to the 23rd, the date of this letter. While there he had
been in the best of humours. On his return he finds it necessary to
write his future wife and to her father--and to pen a legible letter
to the latter gives him far more trouble than winning a battle against
the Austrians, if not assisted by General Danube.
_Adieu._--Sick and weary, Josephine returns to Malmaison, Friday,
March 9th, and even this is not long to be hers, for the new Empress
is almost already on her way. The marriage at Vienna took place on
March 11th, with her uncle Charles,[87] the hero of Essling, for
Napoleon's proxy; on the 13th she leaves Vienna, and on the 23rd
reaches Strasbourg. On the 27th she meets Napoleon at Compiegne,
spends three days with him in the chateau there, and arrives at St.
Cloud on April 1st, where the civil marriage is renewed, followed by
the triumphal entry into Paris, and the religious ceremony on April
2nd. This day Josephine reaches the chateau of Navarre.
FOOTNOTES
[78] By here subordinating himself to the Senate, the Emperor was
preparing a rod for his own back hereafter.
[79] This clause gives considerable trouble to Lacepede and Regnauld.
They cannot even find a precedent whether, if they met,
Josephine or Marie Louise would take precedence of the other.
[80] In addition to this, Napoleon gives her L40,000 a year from his
privy purse, but keeps most of it back for the first two years
to pay her 120 creditors. (For interesting details see Masson,
_Josephine Repudiee_.)
[81] Which agrees with Madame d'Avrillon, who says they left the
Tuileries at 2.30. Meneval says Napoleon left for Trianon a few
hours later. Savary writes erroneously that they left the
following morning.
[82] M. Masson seems to indicate a visit on December 16th, but does
not give his authority (_Josephine Repudiee_, 114).
[83] _Correspondence of Napoleon I._, No. 15,952.
[84] _New Letters of Napoleon_, 1898.
[85] Canon Ainger's comparison.
[86] See Baron Lejeune for an interesting account of a chess quadrille
at a dance given by the Italian Minister, Marescalchi.
SERIES N
_Navarre_, on the site of an old dwelling of Rollo the Sea-King, was
built by Jeanne of France, Queen of Navarre, Countess of Evreux. At
the time of the Revolution it belonged to the Dukes of Bouillon, and
was confiscated. In February 1810, Napoleon determined to purchase it,
and on March 10th instructed his secretary of state, Maret, to confer
the Duchy of Navarre, purchased by letters patent, on Josephine and
her heirs male. The old square building was, however, utterly unfit to
be inhabited: not a window would shut, there was neither paper nor
tapestry, all the wainscoting was rotten, draughts and damp
everywhere, and no heating apparatus.[88] What solace to know its
beautiful situation, its capabilities? No wonder if her household,
banished to such a place, sixty-five miles from the "capital of
capitals," should rebel, and secessions headed by Madame Ney become
for a time general. Whist and piquet soon grow stale in such a house
and with such surroundings, and even _trictrac_ with the old bishop of
Evreux becomes tedious. Eugene as usual brings sunshine in his path,
and helps to dispel the gloom caused by the idle gossip imported from
Paris--that Josephine is not to return to Malmaison, and the like.
No. 1.
This was Josephine's second letter, says D'Avrillon, the first being
answered _viva voce_ by Eugene.
_To Malmaison._--Napoleon had promised Josephine permission to return
to Malmaison, and would not recant: his new wife was, however, very
jealous of Josephine, and very much hurt at her presence at Malmaison.
Napoleon managed to be away from Paris for six weeks after Josephine's
arrival at Malmaison.
No. 1A.
_It is written in a bad style._--M. Masson, however, is loud in
its praises, and adds, "Voila donc le protocol du tutoiement"
re-established between them in spite of the second marriage, and
their correspondence re-established on the old terms.
No. 2.
This letter seems to have been taken by Eugene to Paris, and thence
forwarded to the Emperor with a letter from that Prince in which he
enumerates Josephine's suggestions and wishes--(1) that she will not
go to Aix-la-Chapelle if other waters are suggested by Corvisart;
(2) that after stopping a few days at Malmaison she will go in June
for three months to the baths, and afterwards to the south of
France; visit Rome, Florence, and Naples incognito, spend the winter
at Milan, and return to Malmaison and Navarre in the spring of
1811; (3) that in her absence Navarre shall be made habitable, for
which fresh funds are required; (4) that Josephine wishes her
cousins the Taschers to marry, one a relative of King Joseph, the
other the Princess Amelie de la Leyen, niece of the Prince Primate.
To this Napoleon replies from Compiegne, April 26th, that the De Leyen
match with Louis Tascher may take place,[89] but that he will not
interest himself in the other (Henry) Tascher, who is giddy-headed
and bad-tempered. "I consent to whatever the Empress does, but I will
not confer any mark of my regard on a person who has behaved ill
to me. I am very glad that the Empress likes Navarre. I am giving
orders to have L12,000 which I owe her for 1810, and L12,000 for 1811
advanced to her. She will then have only the L80,000 from the public
treasury to come in.... She is free to go to whatever spa she cares
for, and even to return to Paris afterwards." He thinks, however, she
would be happier in new scenes which they had never visited together,
as they had Aix-la-Chapelle. If, however, the last are the best she
may go to them, for "what I desire above all is that she may keep
calm, and not allow herself to be excited by the gossip of Paris."
This letter goes far to soothe the poor chatelaine of Navarre.
No. 2A.
_Two letters._--The other, now missing, may have some reference to the
pictures to which he refers in his letter to Fouche the next day. "Is
it true that engravings are being published with the title of
_Josephine Beauharnais nee La Pagerie_? If this is true, have the
prints seized, and let the engravers be punished" (_New Letters_, No.
253).
No. 3.
Probably written from Boulogne about the 25th. His northern tour
with Marie Louise had been very similar to one taken in 1804,
but his _entourage_ found the new bride very cold and callous
compared to Josephine. Leaving Paris on April 29th Napoleon's
_Correspondence_ till June is dated Laeken (April 30th); Antwerp
(May 3rd); Bois-le-Duc; Middleburg, Gand, Bruges, Ostend (May
20th); Lille, Boulogne, Dieppe, Le Havre, Rouen (May 31st). He
takes the Empress in a canal barge from Brussels to Malines and
himself descends the subterranean vault of the Escaut-Oise canal,
between St. Quentin and Cambrai. He is at St. Cloud on June 2nd.
Josephine has felt his wanderings less, as she has the future
Emperor, her favourite grandson, with her, the little Oui-Oui, as she
calls him, and for whom the damp spring weather of Holland was
dangerous. She was also at Malmaison from the middle of May to June
18th. The original collection of _Letters_ (Didot Freres, 1833) heads
the letter correctly to the Empress Josephine at _Malmaison_, but the
_Correspondence_, published by order of Napoleon III., gives it
erroneously, to the Empress Josephine, _at the Chateau of Navarre_
(No. 16,537).
_I will come to see you._--He comes for two hours on June 13th, and
makes himself thoroughly agreeable. Poor Josephine is light-headed
with joy all the evening after. The meeting of the two Empresses
is, however, indefinitely postponed, and Josephine had now no
further reason to delay her departure. Leaving her little grandson
Louis behind, she travels under the name of the Countess d'Arberg,
and she is accompanied by Madame d'Audenarde and Mlle. de Mackau, who
left the Princess Stephanie to come to Navarre. M. Masson notes that
Madame de Remusat needs the Aix waters, and will rejoin Josephine
(within a week), under pretext of service, and thus obtain her
cure gratuitously. They go _via_ Lyons and Geneva to Aix-les-Bains.
M. Masson, who has recently made a careful and complete study of
this period, describes the daily round. "Josephine, on getting out
of bed, takes conscientiously her baths and douches, then, as usual,
lies down again until _dejeuner_, 11 A.M., for which the whole of the
little Court are assembled at _The Palace_--wherever she lives, and
however squalid the dwelling-place, her abode always bears this name.
Afterwards she and her women-folk ply their interminable tapestry,
while the latest novel or play (sent by Barbier from Paris) is read
aloud. And so the day passes till five, when they dress for dinner at
six; after dinner a ride. At nine the Empress's friends assemble in
her room, Mlle. de Mackau sings; at eleven every one goes to bed."
This programme, however, varies with the weather. Here is St.
Amand's version (_Dernieres Annees de l'Imperatrice Josephine_, p.
237): "A little reading in the morning, an airing (_le promenade_)
afterwards, dinner at eight on account of the heat, games afterwards,
and some little music; so passed existence."
No. 4.
_July 8th._--On July 5th, driving along the Chambery road, Josephine
met the courier with a letter from Eugene describing the terrible fire
at Prince Schwartzenberg's ball, where the Princess de la Leyen,
mother of young Taschre's bride-elect, was burnt. It is noteworthy
that the Emperor makes no allusion to the conflagration. As, however,
this is the first letter since the end of May, others may have been
lost or destroyed.
_You will have seen Eugene_--_i.e._ on his way to Milan, who arrived
at Aix on July 10th. He had just been made heir to the Grand Duchy of
Frankfort--a broad hint to him and to Europe that Italy would be
eventually united to France under Napoleon's dynasty. This was the
nadir of the Beauharnais family--Josephine _repudiee_, Hortense
unqueened and unwed,[90] and Eugene's expectations dissipated, and all
within a few short months. Eugene had left his wife ill at Geneva,
whither Josephine goes to visit her the next day, duly reporting her
visit to Napoleon in her letter of July 14th (see No. 5). Geneva was
always the home of the disaffected, and so the Empress had to be
specially tactful, and the De Remusat reports: "She speaks of the
Emperor as of a brother, of the new Empress as the one who will give
children to France, and if the rumours of the latter's condition be
correct, I am certain she will be delighted about it."
_That unfortunate daughter is coming to France_--_i.e._ to reside when
she is not at St. Leu (given to her by Napoleon) or at the waters. On
the present occasion she has been at Plombieres a month or more. On
July 10th Napoleon instructs the Countess de Boubers to bring the
Grand Duke of Berg to Paris, "whom he awaits with impatience"
(_Brotonne_, 625).
No. 5.
_The conduct of the King of Holland has worried me._--This was in
March, and by May the crisis was still more acute and Napoleon's
patience exhausted. On May 20th he writes: "Before all things be a
Frenchman and the Emperor's brother, and then you may be sure you are
in the path of the true interests of Holland. Good sense and policy
are necessary to the government of states, not sour unhealthy bile."
And three days later: "Write me no more of your customary twaddle;
three years now it has been going on, and every instant proves its
falsehood! This is the last letter I shall ever write you in my
life."
Louis at one time determined on war, and rather than surrender
Amsterdam, to cut the dykes. The Emperor hears of this, summons his
brother, and practically imprisons him until he countermands the
defence of Amsterdam.
On July 1st Louis abdicated and fled to Toeplitz in Bohemia. Napoleon
is terribly grieved at the conduct of his brother, who would never
realise that the effective Continental blockade was Napoleon's last
sheet-anchor to force peace upon England.
No. 6.
_To die in a lake_--_i.e._ the Lake of Bourget, shut in by the Dent du
Chat, where a white squall had nearly capsized the sailing boat.
Josephine had been on July 26th to visit the abbey Haute-Combe, place
of sepulture of the Princes of Savoy, and the storm had overtaken her
on the return voyage.
No. 8.
_Paris, this Friday._--A very valuable note of M. Masson (_Josephine
Repudiee_, 198) enables us to fix this letter at its correct date. He
says: "It has to do with the exile of Madame de la T---- (viz., the
Princess Louis de la Tremoille), which takes place on September 28th,
1810, and this 28th September is also a Friday: there is also the
question of Mlle. de Mackau being made a baroness" (and this lady had
not joined the Court of Josephine till May 1810); "lastly, the B----
mentioned therein can only be Barante, the Prefect, whose dismissal
(from Geneva) almost coincides with this letter." It may be added
that the La Tremoille family was one of the oldest in France, allied
with the Condes, and consequently with the Bourbons. Barante's fault
had been connivance at the letters and conduct of Madame de Stael.
No. 9.
_The only suitable places ... are either Milan or Navarre._--Milan had
been her own suggestion conveyed by Eugene, but Napoleon, two months
later, had told her she could spend the winter in France, and in spite
of danger signals ("inspired by diplomacy rather than devotion" [91])
from Madame de Remusat (in her fulsome and tedious "despatch" sent
from Paris in September, and probably inspired by the Emperor himself)
she manages to get to Navarre, and even to spend the first fortnight
of November at Malmaison. Before leaving Switzerland Josephine refuses
to risk an interview with Madame de Stael. "In the first book she
publishes she will not fail to report our conversation, and heaven
knows how many things she will make me say that I have never even
thought of."
No. 10.
In spite of the heading Josephine was at Malmaison on this day, and
Napoleon writes Cambaceres: "My cousin, the Empress Josephine not
leaving for Navarre till Monday or Tuesday, I wish you to pay her a
visit. You will let me know on your return how you find her"
(_Brotonne_,721). The real reason is to hasten her departure, and she
gets to Navarre November 22nd (Thursday).
_The Empress progresses satisfactorily._--Napoleon writes to this
effect to her father, the Emperor of Austria, on the same day: "The
Empress is very well.... It is impossible that the wife for whom I am
indebted to you should be more perfect. Moreover, I beg your Majesty
to rest assured that she and I are equally attached to you."
FOOTNOTES
[87] On this occasion Baron Lejeune sees the Archduke Charles, and
remarks: "There was nothing in his quiet face with its grave
and gentle expression, or in his simple, modest, unassuming
manner, to denote the mighty man of war; but no one who met his
eyes could doubt him to be a genius."
[88] "This gloomy and forsaken chateau," says St. Amand, "whose only
attraction was the half-forgotten memory of its vanished
splendours, was a fit image of the woman who came to seek
sanctuary there."
[89] He endows the husband with L4000 a year, and the title of Count
Tascher.
[90] "Une epouse sans epoux, et une reine sans royaume"--St. Amand.
[91] Aubenas.
SERIES O
No. 1.
_The New Year._--On this occasion, instead of her usual gifts
(_etrennes_) she organised a lottery of jewels, of which Madame
Ducrest gives a full account. Needless to say, Josephine worked the
oracle so that every one got a suitable gift--including the old Bishop
(see next note).
_More women than men._--The Bishop of Evreux (Mgr. Bourlier) was the
most welcome guest. He amused Josephine, and although eighty years of
age, could play _trictrac_ and talk well on any subject. Madame de
Remusat wrote her husband concerning him, "We understand each other
very well, he and I."
_Keep well._--At Navarre Josephine lost her headaches, and put on
flesh.
No. 2.
There is a full account of the birth of the King of Rome in Napoleon's
letter to the Emperor of Austria on March 20 (No. 17,496). The letter
of this date to Josephine is missing, but is referred to by
D'Avrillon. It began, "My dear Josephine, I have a son. I am _au
comble de bonheur_."
_Eugene._--Josephine much appreciated this allusion. "Is it possible,"
she said, "for any one to be kinder than the Emperor, and more anxious
to mitigate whatever might be painful for me at the present moment, if
I loved him less sincerely? This association of my son with his own is
well worthy of him who, when he likes, is the most fascinating of all
men." She gave a costly ring to the page who brought the letter.
On the previous day Eugene had arrived at Navarre,--sent by the
Emperor. "You are going to see your mother, Eugene; tell her I am sure
that she will rejoice more than any one at my happiness. I should have
already written to her if I had not been absorbed by the pleasure of
watching my boy. The moments I snatch from his side are only for
matters of urgent necessity. This event, I shall acquit myself of the
most pleasant of them all by writing to Josephine."
No. 4.
Written in November 1811.
_As fat as a good Normandy farmeress._--Madame d'Abrantes, who saw her
about this time, writes: "I observed that Josephine had grown very
stout[92] since the time of my departure for Spain. This change was at
once for the better and the worse. It imparted a more youthful
appearance to her face; but her slender and elegant figure, which had
been one of her principal attractions, had entirely disappeared. She
had now decided _embonpoint_, and her figure had assumed that matronly
air which we find in the statues of Agrippina, Cornelia, &c. Still,
however, she looked uncommonly well, and she wore a dress which became
her admirably. Her judicious taste in these matters contributed to
make her appear young much longer than she otherwise would. The best
proof of the admirable taste of Josephine is the marked absence of
elegance shown by Marie Louise, though both Empresses employed the
same milliners and dressmakers, and Marie Louise had a large sum
allotted for the expenses of her toilet."
St. Amand says that 1811 was for Josephine a happy year, compared to
those which followed.
SERIES P
No. 1.
Written from Konigsberg (M. Masson, in _Josephine Repudiee_, says
Dantzig; but on June 11th Napoleon writes to Eugene, "I shall be at
Konigsberg to-morrow," where his correspondence is dated from
henceforward). A day or two later he writes the King of Rome's
governess that he trusts to hear soon that the fifteen months old
child has cut his first four teeth.
No. 2.
_Gumbinnen, June 20th._--From this place and on this date goes forth
the first bulletin of the _Grande Armee_. It gives a _resume_ of the
causes of the war, dating from the end of 1810, when English influence
again gained ascendency.
On July 29th he writes Hortense from Witepsk to congratulate her on
her eldest son's recovery from an illness. A week later he writes his
librarian for some amusing novels--new ones for choice, or old ones
that he has not read--or good memoirs.
Josephine meanwhile has permission to go to Italy. Owing to her
grandson's illness she defers starting till July 16th. Through
frightful weather she reaches Milan _via_ Geneva on July 28th, and has
a splendid reception. On the 29th she writes to Hortense: "I have
found the three letters from Eugene, the last one dated the 13th; his
health is excellent. He still pursues the Russians, without being able
to overtake them. It is generally hoped the campaign may be a short
one. May that hope be realised!" Two days later she announces the
birth of Eugene's daughter Amelia, afterwards Empress of Brazil.
Towards the end of August Josephine goes to Aix and meets the Queen of
Spain with her sister Desiree Bernadotte, the former "kind and amiable
as usual," the latter "very gracious to me"--rather a new experience.
From Aix she goes to Pregny-la-Tour, on the Lake of Geneva, and shocks
the good people in various ways, says M. Masson, especially by
innuendoes against Napoleon; and he adds, "if one traces back to their
source the worst calumnies against the morals of the Emperor, it is
Josephine that one encounters there." She gets to Malmaison October
24th. Soon after his return from Moscow Napoleon pays her a visit, and
about this time she begins to see the King of Rome, whose mother has
always thought more of her daily music and drawing lessons than of
whether she was making her son happy or not.
1812 closed in gloom, but 1813 was in itself terribly ominous to so
superstitious a woman as Josephine. Thirteen is always unlucky, and
moreover the numbers of 1813 add up to 13; also the doom-dealing year
began on a Friday. Every one felt the hour approaching. As Napoleon
said at St. Helena: "The star grew pale; I felt the reins slipping
from my hand, and I could do no more. A thunderbolt could alone have
saved us, and every day, by some new fatality or other, our chances
diminished. Sinister designs began to creep in among us; fatigue and
discouragement had won over the majority; my lieutenants became lax,
clumsy, careless, and consequently unfortunate; they were no longer
the men of the commencement of the Revolution, nor even of the time of
my good fortune. The chief generals were sick of the war; I had gorged
them too much with my high esteem, with too many honours and too much
wealth. They had drunk from the cup of pleasure, and wished to enjoy
peace at any price. _The sacred fire was quenched._"
Up to August Fortune had smiled again upon her favourite. With
conscripts for infantry and without cavalry he had won Lutzen,
Bautzen, and Dresden; and even so late as September Byron was writing
that "bar epilepsy and the elements he would back Napoleon against the
field." But treachery and incompetence had undermined the Empire, and
Leipsic (that battle of giants, where 110,000 soldiers were killed and
wounded) made final success hopeless. In 1814 his brothers Lucien and
Louis rallied to him, and Hortense was for the only time proud of her
husband. She thinks if he had shown less suspicion and she less pride
they might have been happy after all. "My husband is a good Frenchman
... he is an honest man." Meanwhile, Talleyrand is watching to guide
the _coup de grace_. Napoleon makes a dash for Lorraine to gather his
garrisons and cut off the enemy's supplies. The Allies hesitate and
are about to follow him, as per the rules of war. Talleyrand, the only
man who could ever divine Napoleon, sends them the message, "You can
do everything, and you dare nothing; dare therefore _once_!" Hortense
is the only _man_ left in Paris, and in vain she tries to keep Marie
Louise, whose presence would have stimulated the Parisians to hold the
Allies at bay. It is in vain. Unlike Prussia or Austria who fought
for months, or Spain who fought for years, after their capitals were
taken:--
"Like Nineveh, Carthage, Babylon and Rome,
France yields to the conqueror, vanquished at home."
After Marmont's betrayal Napoleon attempts suicide, and when he
believes death imminent sends a last message to Josephine by
Caulaincourt, "You will tell Josephine that my thoughts were of her
before life departed."
It was on Monday, May 23rd, that Josephine's illness commenced, after
receiving at dinner the King of Prussia and his sons (one afterwards
Wilhelm der Greise, first Emperor of Germany). Whether the sore throat
which killed her was a quinsy or diphtheria[93] is difficult to prove,
but the latter seems the more probable. Corvisart, who was himself ill
and unable to attend, told Napoleon that she died of grief and worry.
Before leaving for the Waterloo campaign Napoleon visited Malmaison,
and there, as Lord Rosebery reminds us, allowed his only oblique
reproach to Marie Louise to escape him: "Poor Josephine. Her death, of
which the news took me by surprise at Elba, was one of the most acute
griefs of that fatal year, 1814. She had her failings, of course; _but
she, at any rate, would never have abandoned me_."
FOOTNOTES
[92] Mlle. d'Avrillon says that during the Swiss voyage Josephine
found it desirable, for the first time, to "wear whalebone in
her corsets."
[93] The same question may be asked respecting the death of
Montaigne.
APPENDIX (1)
A REPUTED POEM BY NAPOLEON I.
LE CHIEN, LE LAPIN, ET LE CHASSEUR.
FABLE.--_Composee a l'age de 13 ans, par_ NAPOLEON I.
Cesar, chien d'arret renomme,
Mais trop enfle de son merite,
Tennait arrete dans son gite
Un malheureux lapin de peur inanime.
"Rends-toi!" lui cria-t-il, d'une voix de tonerre
Qui fit au loin trembler les peuplades des bois.
"Je suis Cesar, connu par ses exploits,
Et dont le nom remplit toute la terre."
A ce grand nom, Jeannot Lapin,
Recommandant a Dieu son ame penitente,
Demande d'une voix tremblante:
"Tres-serenissime matin,
Si je me rends quel sera mon destin?"
"Tu mourras." "Je mourrai!" dit la bete innocente.
"Et si je fuis?" "Ton trepas est certain."
"Quoi!" reprit l'animal qui se nourrit de thym,
"Des deux cotes je dois perdre la vie!
Que votre auguste seigneurie
Veuille me pardonner, puisqu'il me faut mourir,
Si j'ose tenter de m'enfuir."
Il dit, et fuit en heros de garenne.
Caton l'aurait blame; je dis qu'il n'eut pas tort.
Car le chasseur le voit a peine
Qu'il l'ajuste, le tire--et le chien tombe mort
Que dirait de ceci notre bon La Fontaine?
Aide-toi, le ciel t'aidera.
I'approuve fort cette methode-la.
APPENDIX (2)
GENEALOGY OF THE BONAPARTE FAMILY
Many more or less fictitious genealogies of the Bonapartes have been
published, some going back to mythical times. The first reliable
record, however, seems to be that of a certain Bonaparte of Sarzana,
in Northern Italy, an imperial notary, who was living towards the end
of the thirteenth century, and from whom both the Corsican and the
Trevisan or Florentine Bonapartes claim their origin. From him in
direct line was descended Francois de Sarzana, who was sent to Corsica
in 1509 to fight for the Republic of Genoa. His son Gabriel, having
sold his patrimony in Italy, settled in Ajaccio, where he bore the
honourable title of Messire, and where, being left a widower, he
assumed the tonsure and died Canon of the cathedral.
From him an unbroken line of Bonapartes, all of whom in turn were
elected to the dignity of Elder of Ajaccio, brings us to Charles
Bonaparte Napoleon, father of the Emperor.
APPENDIX (3)
REPUTED LETTERS OF NAPOLEON TO JOSEPHINE. TAKEN FROM THE MEMOIRS
OF MADAME DUCREST.
The author asked the advice of Monsieur Frederic Masson about
these Letters, to which he at once received the courteous reply, "Il
faut absolument rejeter les Lettres publiees par Regnault Varin[94] et
reproduites par Georgette Ducrest; pas une n'est authentique." No one
who has read much of Napoleon's correspondence can in fact believe for
a moment in their authenticity. They are interesting, however, as
showing the sort of stuff which went to form our grandfathers'
fallacies about the relations of Napoleon and Josephine. Madame
Ducrest occasionally played and sang for Josephine after the
divorce. Her father was a nephew of Madame de Genlis. Madame
Ducrest married a musical composer, M. Bochsa, the then celebrated
author of _Dansomanie_ and _Noces de Gamache_. He afterwards
deserted her, and her voice having completely failed, she was
compelled to write her Memoirs to earn sustenance thereby. Of these
Memoirs M. Masson has said,[95] that "in the midst of apocryphal
documents, uncontroverted anecdotes, impossible situations, are yet
to be found some first-hand personal observations."
No. 1.--1796.
FROM GENERAL BONAPARTE TO HIS WIFE.
My first laurel, my love, must be for my country; my second shall be
for you. While beating Alvinzi I thought of France; when I had
defeated him I thought of you. Your son will present to you a standard
which he received from Colonel Morbach, whom he made prisoner with his
own hands. Our Eugene, you see, is worthy of his father; and I trust
you do not think me an unworthy successor of the great and unfortunate
general, under whom 1 should have been proud to learn to conquer. I
embrace you.
BONAPARTE.
No. 2.--1804.
TO GENERAL BONAPARTE.
I have read over your letter, my dear, perhaps for the tenth time, and
I must confess that the astonishment it caused me has given way only
to feelings of regret and alarm. You wish to raise up the throne of
France, and that, not for the purpose of seating upon it those whom
the Revolution overthrew, but to place yourself upon it. You say, how
enterprising, how grand and, above all, useful is this design; but I
should say, how many obstacles oppose its execution, what sacrifices
will its accomplishment demand, and when realised, how incalculable
will be its results? But let us suppose that your object were already
attained, would you stop at the foundation of the new empire? That new
creation, being opposed by neighbouring states, would stir up war with
them and perhaps entail their ruin. Their neighbours, in their turn,
will not behold it without alarm or without endeavouring to gratify
their revenge by checking it. And at home, how much envy and
dissatisfaction will arise; how many plots must be put down, how many
conspiracies punished! Kings will despise you as an upstart, subjects
will hate you as an usurper, and your equals will denounce you as a
tyrant. None will understand the necessity of your elevation; all will
attribute it to ambition or pride. You will not want for slaves to
crouch beneath your authority until, seconded by some more formidable
power, they rise up to oppose you; happy will it be if poison or the
poignard!... But how can a wife, a friend dwell on these dreadful
anticipations!
This brings my thoughts back to myself, about whom I should care but
little were my personal interests alone concerned. But will not the
throne inspire you with the wish to contract new alliances? Will you
not seek to support your power by new family connections? Alas!
whatever those connections may be, will they compensate for those
which were first knit by corresponding fitness, and which affection
promised to perpetuate? My thoughts linger on the picture which
fear--may I say love, traces in the future. Your ambitious project has
excited my alarm; console me by the assurance of your moderation.
No. 3.--_December 1809._
TO THE EMPEROR.
My forebodings are realised! You have just pronounced the word which
separates us for ever; the rest is nothing more than mere formality.
Such, then, is the result, I shall not say of so many sacrifices (they
were light to me, since they had you for their object), but of an
unbounded friendship on my part and of the most solemn oaths on yours!
It would be a consolation for me if the state which you allege as your
motive were to repay my sacrifice by justifying your conduct! But that
public consideration which you urge as the ground for deserting me is
a mere pretence on your part. Your mistaken ambition has ever been,
and will continue to be, the guide of all your actions, a guide which
has led you to conquests and to the assumption of a crown, and is now
driving you on to disasters and to the brink of a precipice.
You speak of the necessity of contracting an alliance, of giving an
heir to your empire, of founding a dynasty! But with whom are you
about to form an alliance? with the natural enemy of France, that
artful house of Austria, whose detestation of our country has its rise
in its innate feelings, in its system, in the laws of necessity. Do
you believe that this hatred, of which she has given us such abundant
proof, more particularly for the last fifty years, has not been
transferred by her from the kingdom of France to the French empire?
That the children of Maria Theresa, that skilful sovereign, who
purchased from Madame de Pompadour the fatal treaty of 1756, which you
never mention without shuddering; do you imagine, I repeat, that her
posterity, when inheriting her power, has not also inherited her
spirit? I am merely repeating what you have so often said to me; but
at that time your ambition was satisfied with humbling a power which
you now find it convenient to restore to its former rank. Believe me,
as long as you shall exercise a sway over Europe, that power will be
submissive to you; but beware of reverses of fortune.
As to the necessity of an heir, I must speak out, at the risk of
appearing in the character of a mother prejudiced in favour of her
son; ought I, in fact, to be silent when I consider the interests of
one who is my only delight, and upon whom alone you had built all your
hopes? That adoption of the 12th of January 1806 was then another
political falsehood! Nevertheless the talents, the virtues of my
Eugene are no illusion. How often have you not spoken in his praise? I
may say more; you thought it right to reward him by the gift of a
throne, and have repeatedly said that he was deserving of greater
favours. Well, then! France has frequently re-echoed these praises;
but you are now indifferent to the wishes of France.
I say nothing to you at present of the person who is destined to
succeed me, and you do not expect that I should make any allusion to
this subject. You might suspect the feelings which dictated my
language; nevertheless, you can never doubt of the sincerity of my
wishes for your happiness; may it at least afford me some consolation
for my sufferings. Great indeed will be that happiness if it should
ever bear any proportion to them!
No. 4.
PART OF A LETTER SAID TO BE DATED BRIENNE, 1814.
"... On revisiting this spot, where I passed my youthful days, and
contrasting the peaceful condition I then enjoyed with the state of
terror and agitation to which my mind is now a prey, often have I
addressed myself in these words: 'I have sought death in numberless
engagements; I can no longer dread its approach; I should now hail it
as a boon ... nevertheless, I could still wish to see Josephine once
more!'"
No. 5.
TO THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE, AT MALMAISON.
_Fontainebleau, 16th April 1814_.
_My dear Josephine_,--I wrote to you on the 8th instant (it was on a
Friday). You have perhaps not received my letter; fighting was still
going on; it is possible that it may have been stopped on its way. The
communications must now be re-established. My determination is taken;
I have no doubt of this note coming to your hands.
I do not repeat what I have already told you. I then complained of my
situation; I now rejoice at it. My mind and attention are relieved
from an enormous weight; my downfall is great, but it is at least said
to be productive of good.
In my retreat I intend to substitute the pen for the sword. The
history of my reign will gratify the cravings of curiosity. Hitherto,
I have only been seen in profile; I will now show myself in full to
the world. What facts have I not to disclose! how many men are
incorrectly estimated! I have heaped favours upon a countless number
of wretches; what have they latterly done for me?
They have all betrayed me, one and all, save and except the excellent
Eugene, so worthy of you and of me. May he ever enjoy happiness under
a sovereign fully competent to appreciate the feelings of nature and
of honour!
Adieu, my dear Josephine; follow my example and be resigned. Never
dismiss from your recollection one who has never forgotten, and never
will forget you! Farewell, Josephine.
NAPOLEON.
_P.S._--I expect to hear from you when I shall have reached the island
of Elba. I am far from being in good health.
FOOTNOTES
[94] _Memoires et Correspondance de l'Imperatrice Josephine_, par _J.
B. J. Innocert Philadelphe Regnault Varin_. Paris, 1820, 8^o.
This book is not in the British Museum Catalogue.
[95] _Josephine Imperatrice et Reine_, Paris, 1899.
INDEX OF PERSONS
_Excluding_ NAPOLEON _and_ JOSEPHINE, _which occur on nearly every
page_.
Abercromby, Sir Ralph, 49
Abrantes, Mdme. Junot, Duchesse d', 190, 199, 229, 230, 231, 242, 247,
254, 261, 265, 266, 278, 312
Achille. (_See_ Murat)
Agrippina, 312
Ainger, Canon, 298
Albufera, Duke of. (_See_ Suchet)
Aldobrandini, Prince, 149
Alexander the Great, 185
Alison, Sir A. (historian), 74, 119, 255, 264, 272, 286
Alvinzi, Marshal, 30, 34, 35, 218, 221, 318
Amand, Saint, _see_ S. Imbert de (author), 4, 172, 199, 212, 221, 223,
243, 245, 251, 256, 257, 267, 269, 302, 304, 307, 308, 312
Amelia (daughter of Eugene), 313
Angouleme, Duc d', 190, 196, 197
Anhalt, Prince of, 270
Arberg, Mdme. d', 176
Arch-Chancellor. (_See_ Cambaceres)
Argenteau, D', 9
Arnault (author), 212
Artois, Comte d', 196, 197
Aubenas, 172, 200, 201, 216, 225, 226, 228, 241, 257, 259, 260, 297,
299
Audenarde, D', 162, 302
---- Madame Lalaing, Viscountess d', 302, 307
Augereau, Marshal, 24, 38, 57, 70, 90, 154, 196, 214, 254, 255, 267
Auguie, Mlle. Aglae Louise, 231
Auguste, Princess of Bavaria (then wife of Eugene). (_See_ Beauharnais,
Auguste)
Augustus, Emperor, 52, 228
Austria, Emperor of, 186, 197, 218, 223, 240
---- Empress of, 186
Avrillon, Mlle, d', 82, 174, 225, 233, 256, 297, 299, 302, 305, 311,
312
Baccioli, Eliza (Bonaparte), 63, 122
Baden, Princess Wilhelmina of, 77, 236, 295
---- Grand Duchess of. (_See_ Beauharnais, Stephanie)
---- Prince of, 242, 243, 245, 270
Bagration, General, 187, 188
Baird, General Sir David, 42, 49, 143
Bajazet, 272
Barante, De (Prefect of Geneva), 309, 310
Barbier (Napoleon's librarian), 307
Barras, Count de, 6, 7, 8, 9, 15, 38, 199, 205, 207, 221, 247, 248
Bathurst, Benj., 154
Bausset (Prefect of Imperial Palace), 267, 269, 273
Bavaria, Elector, then King of, 77, 122, 144, 159, 161, 242, 243, 265,
266, 270, 299
---- Electress, then Queen of, 70, 161, 243, 265
---- Prince Royal of, 281
Bayard, Chevalier, 235, 243
Beauharnais, Eugene (Viceroy of Italy), 6, 21, 31, 44, 51, 58, 59, 60,
63, 66, 68, 78, 106, 121, 140, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149,
150, 152, 159, 162, 164, 170, 171, 172, 179, 187, 188, 189, 190,
191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 216, 224, 228, 229, 234, 242,
243, 244, 254, 256, 264, 265, 266, 276, 277, 282, 286, 287, 290,
297, 299, 305, 308, 310, 311, 312, 313, 318, 320, 321
Beauharnais, Auguste (wife of Eugene), 121, 186, 242, 264, 265, 266,
299
---- Hortense, 6, 10, 11, 12, 31, 44, 50, 51, 52, 53, 59, 66, 68, 78,
79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 93, 111, 112, 113, 127,
137, 140, 144, 147, 149, 150, 151, 159, 160, 165, 172, 173, 175,
176, 180, 216, 226, 227, 228, 229, 231, 235, 237, 244, 247, 254,
259, 261, 262, 263, 268, 269, 288, 289, 296, 300, 308, 313, 314
---- Stephanie, 78, 80, 82, 84, 85, 86, 89, 242, 243, 244, 254, 271,
295
---- Fanny (daughter of Count), 243
Beaujon (financier), 302
Beaulieu, General, 6, 7, 10, 11, 38, 204, 205, 208, 209
Becker, General, 81
Bellegarde, General, 49, 195, 197
Bennigsen or Beningsen, General, 90, 188, 193, 254
Bentinck, General, 193
Bentley, 227
Berg, Napoleon Louis, Grand Duke of, 82, 137, 144, 147, 148, 150, 172,
173, 263, 308
Bernadotte, Marshal, 38, 41, 57, 80, 81, 83, 95, 106, 113, 174, 185,
188, 192, 193, 246, 254, 255, 257, 279, 291, 292
---- Desiree (_nee_ Clary), 38, 246, 313
Berthier, Marshal, 33, 57, 141, 214, 224, 229, 246, 251, 259, 265, 270,
280, 292, 302, 303
Bertrand, General, 259, 287, 288, 290
Bessieres, Marshal, 57, 106, 128, 136, 139, 149, 165, 190, 260, 290,
303
Bignon, Baron (historian), 55, 75, 255, 258, 262
Billington, Mistress, 224
Bingham, Captain D. A., 204, 208, 256
Blake (Field-Marshal and Spanish General), 135, 136, 148, 181
Blucher, Field-Marshal, 83, 192, 193, 194, 195, 246, 250, 278, 291
Bonaparte, Joseph (King of Spain), 21, 38, 77, 128, 143, 150, 187, 191,
196, 199, 200, 201, 228, 237, 258, 265, 266, 273, 296, 305
---- Louis, 50, 53, 59, 77, 172, 173, 214, 220, 228, 261, 263, 268,
269, 279, 300, 302, 308, 309, 314
---- Jerome (King of Westphalia), 117 118, 160, 161, 242, 261, 270,
301
---- Lucien, 228, 229, 230, 247, 253, 265, 266, 297, 314
---- Caroline. (_See_ Murat, Madame)
---- Eliza. (_See_ Lucca, Princess of)
Bonaparte Family, The, 317. (Appendix 2)
Bonpland, Aime, 226
Borghese, Prince, 99, 115
---- Pauline, 99, 303
Boubers, Countess de, 308
Bouillet (lexicographer), 74, 248
Bouillon, Duke of, 304
Bourbon, Duchesse de, 302
Bourlier, Bishop of Evreux, 311
Bourrienne, L. de, 30, 31, 61, 155, 226, 228, 229, 230, 237, 239
Boyer (French general, "Pierre le Cruel"), 196
Brizzi, 89
Brock, General, 187
Brotonne, L. de, 190, 238, 260, 310
Browning, Oscar, 47
Bruix, Admiral, 232
Brune, Marshal, 34, 41, 43, 49, 57, 118, 221
Brunswick, Duke of, 245
Brutus, 294
Bulow, General von, 192, 194, 196
Burdett-Coutts, Mr., 218
Burke, Edmund, 38
Buxhowden, General, 72, 90
Byron, Lord, 183, 314
"B----" (probably Bourrienne), 60, 175
Cabarrus, M. de, 248
Cadoudal, Georges (Vendeen chief and conspirator), 57
Caesar, Julius, 232, 281, 286, 293
Calder, Sir Robert, 63
Cambaceres, Arch-Chancellor, 108, 114, 150, 188, 192, 236, 269, 271,
281,
284, 291, 292, 293, 296, 300, 302, 303, 310
Campan, Madame, 191, 242
Caracci, 209
Carnot (member of the Directory and "organiser of victory"), 200, 204,
205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 217, 223
Castanos, General, Duke of Baylen, 136
Cathcart, Lord, 188
Caulaincourt, Duke of Vicenza, 1, 270, 315.
Cesarotti, 199
Chabot, 219
Chabran, 219
Chambry, M., 58
Champagny, De (Duc de Cadore), 153, 262, 270, 271, 292, 298, 302
Championnet, General, 42
Charlemagne, 234, 296
Charles, Archduke, 19, 25, 34, 38, 42, 46, 66, 68, 143, 144, 145, 149,
242, 279, 280, 282, 284, 304
Charles, Prince. (_See_ Charles, Archduke)
Charles XII., 185. (_See_ Sweden, King of)
Chauvet, 7, 199, 200
Chimay, Prince de, 248
Clarke, General, 196, 210, 221, 291, 292
Clary, Desiree. (_See_ Bernadotte, Desiree).
Coburg, Prince of, 270
Cockburn, Admiral, 191
Colburn, 229
Colombier, Mlle. du, 224
Conches, Baron Feuillet de, 13
Constant, 229, 230, 232, 233, 236, 254, 265, 267, 268, 284, 292, 293,
294, 296
Corbineau, Constant (one of three brothers, known as les trois Horaces),
98, 99, 256
Corneille, 241
Cornelia, 312
Cornwallis, Lord, 41
Correggio, 205, 209
Corvisart, Baron, 52, 153, 233, 293, 305, 315
Courland, Duchess of, 270
Crassus, 185
Cretet, Count, 292
Cromwell, Oliver, 298
Czartoriski, Prince, 241
Dahlmann, General, 98, 256
Dantzic, Duke of. (_See_ Lefebvre, Marshal)
Darius, 185
Darmagnac, General, 98
Darmstadt, Prince of, 270
Daru, Count, 256, 257
David, King, 262
Davidowich, Baron (Austrian General), 27, 30
Davoust, Marshal, 44, 57, 69, 80, 81, 84, 89, 143, 187, 246, 247, 255,
282, 292, 293
Decazes, Duke, 269
Decres, Vice-Admiral, Minister of Marine, 225, 254, 256
Delille, Abbe, 190
Desaix, General, 14, 41, 42, 44, 46, 290
Despinois, General, 215
Dessalines ("James I."), of Hayti, 60
Didot, 172
Dietrich, Mdme. de, 240
Don Carlos, Infant, 126
Ducrest, Madame, 311, 317, 318
Duesberg (botanist), 225
Dumas, Matthieu, Count (General and historian), 255, 257, 258
Duphot, General, 38
Dupont, General, 65, 69, 101, 128, 267
Dupuis, 104, 260
Dupuy, 219
Durand, Madame, 301
Duroc, Marshal, 191, 228, 230, 252, 270, 275, 291
Edward, the Black Prince, 222
Elchingen, Duke of. (_See_ Ney, Marshal)
"Eleanore," 252
Enghien, Duc d', 57, 236, 276
England, King George II. of, 43
---- King George III. of, 43, 46, 64, 70, 218, 223, 238
Esteve (General Treasurer of the Crown), 161
Eugene, Prince of Savoy, 286
Eugenie, Empress, 256
---- Hortense, Princess, 277
Evreux, Count d', 302
Faipoult, Citizen, 204
Ferdinand, Archduke, 143, 147, 279
---- Prince of Asturias (afterwards Ferdinand VII.), 118, 123, 125, 126,
127, 128, 194, 195, 196, 266, 268, 269
Fesch, Cardinal, 302
Fitzgerald, Lord Edward, 41
Fontanes, Marquis de, 302
Fouche (de Nantes, Duke of Otranto), 236, 259, 261, 262, 274, 275,
276, 277, 279, 292, 294, 295, 297, 302, 306
Fox, C. J., 77
Foy, General, 191, 196
Francis II., Emperor of Austria (and Germany), 71, 77, 128, 291, 310,
311
Franck, Doctor, 289
Frederick the Great, 67, 249, 283, 286
Frederick I. (Duke, Elector, and King of Wurtemberg), 238
Frederick William II., 38. (_See_ Prussia, King of)
Frederick William III., 38. (_See_ Prussia, King of)
Friand, General, 185
Fulton, Robert, 235
Gaudin, Duke of Gaeta, 292
Genlis, Mdme. de, 318
George II. (_See_ England, King of)
George III. (_See_ England, King of)
Georges. (_See_ Cadoudal)
Germany, Emperor of. (_See_ Austria, Emperor of)
Gillray, James, 248
Giraudin, Stanislaus, 261
Godoy, Don Manuel, Prince of the Peace, 77, 123, 125
Goethe, J. W. Von, 177, 270
Gohier, Louis (member of the Directory), 43
Graham, Colonel, 35, 192, 214, 215
Gros, Baron (artist), 220, 221
Guesclin, Bertrand du, 235
Hamilton, Lady, 249
Harpe, General La. (_See_ Laharpe, General)
Harville, M. d', 70
Hatzfeld, Princess d', 83, 249
Haugwitz, Count von, 71
Hautpoult, General, 255
Haydn, Joseph, 74, 90
Heath, Baron, 60
Hedouville, General, 42, 92
Henri IV., 296
Hiller, General, 282, 284
Hoche, General Lazare, 34, 38, 209, 218
Hofer, Andreas, 146
Hohenlohe, Prince, 81
Hohenzollern-Hechingen, Prince of, 277
Holland, King of. (_See_ Bonaparte, Louis)
---- Queen of. (_See_ Beauharnais, Hortense)
Homer, 199
Hood, Robin, 39
Humbert, General, 41
Humboldt, Baron von, 226
Hume, Martin, 267
Hutchinson, General, 49
Jacquin, Von (Austrian botanist), 225
Jahn, F. L. (German patriot), 278
Jeanne of France (Queen of Navarre), 304
Jellachich, General, 70, 145
Joan of Arc, 294
John, Archduke, 144, 147, 287, 290, 291
---- King of France, 222
Johnson, Dr., vi., 208
Jomini, Baron (Swiss strategist), 192, 194, 204, 206, 211, 213, 214,
218
Joseph. (_See_ Bonaparte, Joseph)
Josephine Maximilienne Auguste, 106
Joubert, General, 34, 35, 42, 43, 219, 220
Jouberthon, Madame (wife of Lucien), 266
Jourdan, Marshal, 11, 20, 25,42, 57, 191, 217
Julian, Emperor, 185
Julien, Mlle., 153
Jung, Thomas (or Iung), 228, 230, 251
Junot (Duc d'Abrantes), 9, 10, 42, 118, 128, 200, 212, 230, 231, 241,
261
Kalkreuth, Count (Russian Field-Marshal), 79
Kaunitz, Prince, 71
Keith, Lord, 46
Kellerman, Marshal (Duke of Valmy), 19, 57, 205, 206, 207, 209, 210,
214, 217
Kellermann, General, 46
Kilmaine, General, 19, 27, 215, 220
King. (_See_ Bonaparte, Joseph), 136
Kipling, R., 129
Kleber, General, 19, 20, 42, 43, 46, 290
Klein, General, 20
Kleist, 192
Kourakin, Alexander, 138, 274
Kray, Baron von (Austrian General), 42, 43, 44, 46
Kutusoff, General (Prince of Smolensk), 188, 189
Labedoyere, Madame, 231
La Bruyere, 20
Lacepede, Count de, 189, 296
La Fontaine, 316
Lagrange (mathematician), 190
La Grassini, 223, 224, 228
Laharpe, General, 10, 200, 210
Lannes, Marshal (Duke of Montebello), 9, 45, 46, 57, 68, 69, 78, 80, 90,
136, 143, 145, 147, 219, 275, 289, 290, 291
Lanusse, General Francois, 219
Larevelliere-Lepeaux (Member of the Directory), 38, 43, 217
Larochefoucauld, Mdme. de, 234, 250
La Romana (Spanish General), 136, 138
Lasalle, General, 149, 291
Las Cases, Count de, 117, 207, 224, 229, 232, 259
Latouche-Treville, Admiral, 235
Latour, Von, Count (Austrian General), 29
Laudon (Austrian General), 65
Lauriston, General, 147, 192, 193, 229, 256, 270
Lavalette, Count de, 220, 221, 276, 299
---- Madame, 226, 227, 231
Lebrun (statesman, Duke of Placentia), 71, 302
---- (the poet), 243
Leclerc, General, 50
Lecombe, General, 43
Lefebvre-Desnouettes, General, 139, 275
Lefebvre, Marshal, 57, 111, 112, 135, 145
Lejeune, Baron, 240, 252, 254, 257, 274, 275, 281, 282, 283, 303, 304
Lemarois, General, 67, 239, 256
"Leon," 252
Lestocq, General, 255
Letourneur (Member of the Directory), 198, 201
Leyen, Amelie de la, 305
---- Princess de la, 171, 308
Liverpool, Lord, 186
Livia (wife of Augustus), 228
Louis, Archduke, 143
Louis XI., 52
Louis XII., 296
Louis XV., 267
Louis XVI., 230
Louis XVIII. (_See_ Angouleme, Duc d')
Lucca, Eliza Bonaparte, Princess of, 265
Lynedoch, Lord. (_See_ Graham, Col.)
L----, Mdme. (_See_ Larochefoucauld, Mdme. de)
Macdonald, Marshal, 41, 42, 145, 147, 150, 192, 196, 287, 292
Mack, General, 41, 64, 66, 239, 246
Macpherson, James, 199
Madison, President, 143, 190
Maelzel, Leonard (German mechanic), 292
Mahmoud IV., 128, 136
Mahomet, 52
Makau, Madame de, 175, 176, 307, 309
Malet, General, 188, 189
"Maman" (Madame Mere, mother of Napoleon), 45, 50, 224, 227
Marbot, Baron, 187, 267, 274, 275, 283, 284, 288, 290, 291
Marchesi (artiste), 224
Marescalchi, 303
Marest, M. de, 213
Maret (Duc de Bassano), 57, 67, 187, 189, 270, 271, 292, 302, 304
Marie Antoinette, 230, 249
Marie Louise, 157, 164, 165, 167, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 197, 271,
296, 298, 301, 302, 304, 306, 310, 312, 314, 315
Marie Therese, 284, 285, 320
Marie Victoire, Infanta, 267
Marmont, Marshal, 69, 150, 187, 196, 197, 198, 207, 210, 211, 222, 248,
292, 315
Masaniello, 52
Massena, Marshal (Duke of Rivoli), 24, 28, 34, 35, 38, 42, 43, 44, 46,
57, 66, 68, 69, 71, 77, 144, 174, 180, 200, 205, 213, 215, 220,
221, 223, 238, 282, 290, 292
Masson, M. Frederic, 61, 224, 239, 242, 247, 250, 252, 296, 297, 303,
305, 307, 309, 312, 313, 317, 318
Maximilian, Archduke, 285
Meerfeldt or Meerveldt, Count von, 69, 145
Melas, General, 43, 46, 224
Melito, Count Miot de, 246
Melville, Lord, 277
Menage, Gilles (scholar), 213
Menard, 219
Meneval, Baron de, 229, 232, 237, 239, 244, 246, 254, 255, 264, 283,
289, 295, 296, 297
Menou, General Baron de, 49
Merlin (member of the Directory), 43
Metternich, Prince, 153, 275
---- Madame de, 300
Michael Angelo, 205
Michaud, L. G., 162, 231, 264, 277
Michelet, Jules (historian), 212
Michot (actor), 229
Miollis, Adjutant-General, 24
Modena, Duke of, 11
Moltke, Von, 271
Moncey, Marshal, 57
Monclas, 26
Monnier, General J. C., 43
Montaigne, Michel de, 315
Montebello, Duke of. (_See_ Lannes, Marshal)
Montebello, Duchess of (La Marechale Lannes), 145, 147, 289
Montesquiou, Madame de, 175
Montgaillard, l'Abbe de (historian), 38, 42, 43, 52, 66, 90, 128, 137,
144, 162, 185, 191, 193, 286
Montholon, Count de, 255
Moore, Sir John, 143, 273, 275, 277
Morbach, Colonel, 318
Moreau, General, 14, 19, 20, 25, 29, 30, 38, 43, 44, 46, 57, 188, 192,
205, 217, 223, 279
Mortier, Marshal, 57, 69, 84, 153, 179, 188, 196, 224
Moscati, 36, 37
Moulin, General (member of the Directory), 43
Mourad Bey, 41, 42
Moustache, 44, 114, 115, 140
Mueller (Swiss historian), 270
Murat, King of Naples, 9, 16, 22, 23, 45, 46, 57, 64, 66, 69, 79, 81,
83, 86, 97. 99, 125, 127, 128, 148, 188, 189, 190, 194, 195, 211,
212, 219, 224, 235, 240, 254, 265, 269, 270, 276, 287, 298, 302,
303
---- Madame Caroline, Queen of Naples, 99, 158, 190, 235, 252, 254, 261,
290, 298
Mustapha IV., 112
"M----," 45. (See "Maman")
Napier, Sir William, 123, 141, 275, 277, 278
Naples, King of. (_See_ Bonaparte, Joseph)
Napoleon Charles Bonaparte (eldest son of Hortense), 53, 79, 80, 81, 82,
84. 89, 93, 110, 137, 228, 247
Napoleon Louis (second son of Hortense). (_See_ Berg, Grand Duke of)
Napoleons ("the two"), sons of Hortense and Louis, 68, 79, 80, 84, 86,
90, 151, 174
Napoleon III. (Charles Louis Napoleon, third son of Hortense), 127, 238,
269, 303, 307
Nassau, Prince of, 270
Necker, M., 224
Nelson, Lord, 41, 49
Nero, Emperor, 236
Ney, Marshal (Prince of the Moskowa), 20, 52, 53, 57, 64, 65, 69, 83,
88, 90, 173, 187, 188, 189, 192, 231, 239, 255
----, Madame, 231, 304
Nicolas, Sir Harris (historian), 74
O'Donnell (Spanish General), 181
O'Meara, Dr., 272
Oscar, Prince (son of Bernadotte), 106
Ossian, 4, 199
Oudet, General, 279
Oudinot, Marshal, Duke of Reggio, 143, 150, 187, 189, 192, 196, 270,
292
Ouvrard (financier), 248
Paer, Ferdinando (musical composer), 89, 91, 242
Paget, Lord, 293
Palafox y Melzi, Duke of Saragossa, 136
Palatine, The Archduke (Joseph-Antoine of Hungary), 148
Palmerston, Lord, 272
Paoli, General de, 209
Parma, Grand Duke of, 11, 204
Pasquier, E. D., Duke, 162, 253, 268, 270, 276, 281
Paterson, Miss (repudiated wife of Jerome Bonaparte), 301
Paul, Princess, 70
Paul I. (_See_ Russia, Czar of)
Pauline. (_See_ Borghese, Princess)
Pavon, 226
Pelet, General and Baron, 279, 280, 282, 283, 284, 290
Perceval, Spencer (British Premier), 185
Perignon, Marshal, 57
Perigord, Edmond de, 270
Permon, Madame (mother of Madame D'Abrantes), 230
Philip Augustus, King of France, 296
Philippon, General, 185
Pichegru, General, 57
Pignatelli, Prince of Strongoli, and Minister of Ferdinand, King of
Naples, 21
Pijon, General, 219
Pitt, William, 77
Pius VI., Pope, 14, 37, 41, 43, 195, 206, 210, 211, 218, 222
Pius VII., Pope, 49, 52, 60, 148, 186, 189, 190, 225, 237, 300, 301
Pompadour, Madame de, 302, 320
Poniatowski, Prince, and Marshal of France, 193
Portugal, Prince Regent of, 125 ---- Queen of, 125
Pradt, Abbe de, 277
Primate, The Prince, 270
Prince Regent, 226. (_See_ George IV.)
Princess, 121. (_See_ Beauharnais, Auguste)
Provera (Austrian General), 34, 35
Prussia, Frederick William II., King of, 38
---- Frederick William III., King of, 38, 64, 67, 78, 79, 114, 116,
143, 191, 197, 236, 240, 245, 249, 270, 271, 315
---- Louise, Queen of, 79, 116, 117, 143, 245, 248, 249
---- Prince Louis of, 78
---- Prince William of, 270
P----, Madame de, 106
Quesdonowich (Austrian General), 24
Racine, 241
Rampon, Colonel, 9, 219
Raphael, 209
Rapp, Count, 194, 226, 227, 285, 294, 295
Raynouard (author), 241
Redcliffe, Stratford de, 186
Regnauld, Count (State Secretary of the Imperial Court), 296
Remusat, Madame de, 222, 237, 239, 298, 301, 307, 308, 310, 311
Renard, Madame Chateau, 6, 8, 10
Renaudin, Madame de, 216
Rewbell (member of the Directory), 38
Reynier, General, 77, 193, 292
Rheims, Mayoress of, 233
Richard Coeur de Lion, 284
Richmond, Madame, 99
Rivoli, Duc de, 35. (_See_ Massena)
Rochefoucauld. (_See_ Larochefoucauld, Mdme. de)
Roger-Ducos (member of the Directory), 43
Rollo the Sea King, 304
Rome, King of (Napoleon II.), "l'Aiglon," 179, 268, 311, 313
Rosebery, Lord, 234, 276, 315
Rose, J. H., 214, 215
Rostopchin, Count and General, 188
Ruiz, 226
Russia, Alexander I., Emperor of, 67, 71, 115, 116, 131, 132, 143, 179,
185, 188, 190, 191, 197, 241, 243, 249, 264, 269, 270, 271, 272,
303
---- Catherine II., Czarina of, 30
---- Paul I., Czar of, 49
Sacken, General, 195, 196
Saint Amand, Imbert de, 4, 172, 199, 212, 221, 223, 243, 245, 251, 256,
257, 267, 269, 302, 304, 307, 308, 312
Saint Cyr, Gouvion, Marquis and Marshal, 20, 43, 187, 188, 193
Saint-Hilaire, General, 219
Saliceti, C., 213
Sardinia, King of, 205
Sarrazin, General, 133
Sauret, General, 24, 213, 215
Savary (Duc de Rovigo), 99, 108, 125, 158, 165, 239, 241, 246, 251, 258,
271, 272, 274, 276, 277, 292, 294, 297
Saxe-Hildburghausen, Princess of, 238
Saxony, Elector, then King of, 89, 117, 270
Saxe-Weimar, Prince of, 270, 271
---- Princess of, 270
Scherer, General (French), 42, 198
Schwartzenberg, Marshal, 192, 193, 194, 300, 303, 308
Scott, Sir Walter, 208, 222, 277
Sebastiani, General, 272
Segur, General Count, 241
Selim III., 112
Serbelloni, M., 216
Serent, Madame de, 70
Serrurier, Marshal, 25, 57, 215
Sevigne, Madame de, 260
Shakespeare, 249
Sieyes, Abbe and Count (member of the Directory), 42
Smith, Sir Sydney, 60
Soult, Marshal, Duke of Dalmatia, 57, 65, 79, 83, 113, 114, 136, 139,
143, 145, 150, 151, 164, 179, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 229,
270, 275, 278, 292
Spain, Charles II. of, and his Queen, 267
---- Charles IV., King of, 112, 118, 123, 125, 126, 127, 228
---- Queen of (mother of Ferdinand VII.), 118, 126, 127, 268
---- Queen of (wife of Joseph), 313
Stabs, 294
Stadion, Count von (Austrian diplomatist), 278
Stael, Madame de, Holstein, 310
Stein, Baron Von, 278
Stephanie. (See Beauharnais)
Stevenson, R. L., 298
Stuart, Marie, 249
Suchet, Marshal (Duke of Albufera), 148, 170, 180, 181, 185, 186, 191,
192, 193
Sullivan, Sir A., 249
Sussi, 6
Suwarrow, Marshal, 42, 43
Sweden, Charles XII., King of, 185
---- Charles XIII., King of, 147
---- Gustavus Adolphus IV., King of, 143, 243
Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince, 38, 52, 67, 68, 79, 81, 121, 197, 225,
233, 236, 237, 238, 240, 242, 245, 246, 260, 268, 270, 271,
272, 275, 276, 277, 279, 300, 302, 303, 314
Tallien, "Thermidorian," 7, 237, 247, 254
---- Madame (Princesse de Chimay), 6, 7, 8, 15, 82, 198, 247, 248
Talma, 270
Tamerlane, 272
Tascher, Louis, 98, 114, 137, 171, 256, 305
---- Henri, 305
Tasso, 245
Tennant, Charles, 13, 45
Thiard, M. de, 106, 243, 260
Thibaut, M., 225
Thiers, M. (statesman), 265, 273, 275, 296, 302
Tolly, Barclay de, 187, 188
Tolstoi, Count, 274
Tone, Wolfe, 41
Tour and Taxis, Princess of, 270, 278
Toussaint-Louverture, 49, 50, 53
Treilhard, Count (member of the Directory), 43
Tremoille, Princess de la, 309, 310
Treves, Elector of, 65
Tschitchagow, Admiral, 188
Turenne, M. de, 116
---- Marshal, 286
Tuscany, Grand Duke of, 216
T----, Madame, 24. (Probably Madame Tallien)
T----, Madame de la, 175. (_See_ Tremoille)
T----, 60. (Probably Talleyrand)
T----, 96. (Probably Tallien)
T----, de, 106. (_See_ Thiard, M. de)
T----, 237. (_See_ Tallien)
Valerian, Emperor, 185
Vandamme, General, 86, 92, 192
Van Dyck, 209
Varin, Regnault, 317
Vaubois, General, 16, 27, 30, 31, 46, 220
Verhuell, Admiral, 269
Veronese, Paul, 209
Victoire, Marie, 267. (_See_ Marie)
Victor, Marshal, 35, 136, 143, 150, 219
Villars, Marshal, 43
Villeneuve, Admiral, 63
Vincent, General, 270
Virgil, 21, 212
Walewski, Marie, 250, 252, 253, 293
Washington, George, 43, 223
Wattier, General, 176
Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of, 128, 145, 150, 174, 176, 180,
185, 186, 187, 188, 192, 193, 196, 197, 278, 290, 291, 292
Westphalia, King of. (_See_ Bonaparte, Jerome)
Wieland, C. M., 270
Wilhelmina, Princess, 236. (_See_ Baden, Princess of)
William I., Emperor of Germany, 245, 315
Windham, William (British Secretary at War), 213
Wittgenstein, General and Count, 187, 188, 192
Woodward (and Cates), 74
Wrede, Marshal (Bavarian Marshal), 193
Wurmser, Marshal, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 35, 38, 213, 214, 215, 216,
217, 218, 219, 221, 222, 224
Wurtemberg, Duke of, 64, 68, 77
---- Electress of, 64, 70, 238
---- King of, 242, 270, 295
---- Prince Royal of, 196
Wuerzburg, Grand Duke of, 78, 244
Xenophon, 205
Xerxes, 281
York, Duke of, 43
---- General von, 189, 195
Zingarelli, N. (musician), 242
THE END
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