Chapter XXVII
_At Fort Ridgeley_
The officer in command of the battery when it left Fort Ridgeley was
Captain and Brevet Major John C. Pemberton, U. S. A. He had won his
brevet by gallant services in action at Monterey and Molino del Rey.
He accompanied the battery as far as Washington, where he resigned
(April 29, 1861), and tendered his sword to the Confederacy. He was
rapidly promoted until he reached a major-generalcy in that army, and
had the distinguished honor to surrender his army of thirty thousand
men at Vicksburg to Major General Ulysses S. Grant, July 3, 1863.
Pemberton was born in Pennsylvania, being appointed to the army from
that state, so that he had not even the flimsy excuse of serving his
state in thus betraying his country.
The battery was known as the Buena Vista Battery, or still better as
Sherman's. But Major Sherman, although long its commander, was not
with it at the time we transferred it down the river. Major Sherman
rendered distinguished service during the war, and retired (December
31, 1870) with the rank of major-general. Two other officers
were with the battery--First Lieutenant Romeyn Ayres, and Second
Lieutenant Beekman Du Barry. The battery was known in the Army of the
Potomac as Ayres's Battery, and under that name won a wide reputation
for efficiency. Ayres himself was a major general of volunteers
before the close of the war, and Lieutenant Du Barry was (May, 1865)
brevetted lieutenant-colonel for distinguished services.
At the time of our visit there was a large number of Indians encamped
on the prairie in front of the fort--estimated at seven or eight
hundred by those best versed in their manners and customs. They had
come down from the Lower Sioux Agency, sixteen miles farther up the
river. They were alive to the situation, and on the alert to learn
all they could of the "white man's war", which they had already heard
of as being fought in some far-away place, the location of which
was not clear to them, and for which they cared nothing so long as
it promised to be a contest that was likely to draw away soldiers
from the fort, and especially the "big guns", which they feared
more than they did the "dough boys". One of the best posted of the
frontiersmen, a "squaw man", who had the ear of the tribal council,
told our officers that there would be trouble when the battery was
withdrawn, for they felt themselves able successfully to fight and
exterminate the few companies of infantry left to garrison the fort.
How true this prediction was, the uprising of August, 1862, and the
Indian war in Minnesota, with its massacre at New Ulm and outlying
regions, abundantly verified.
As soon as we were made fast, the work was begun of loading cannon,
caissons, battery wagons, ammunition, and stores, as well as horses
and men. By the light of torches, lanterns, and huge bonfires built
on the bank, the work was rushed all night long, while the engineers
labored to put the engines and particularly the wheel, in the best
possible condition; and the carpenter, aided by artisans from the
fort, put on new guards forward, and strengthened the weak places
for the inevitable pounding that we knew must attend the downstream
trip. With the raging river pressing on the stern of the boat as she
descended, there was ample reason for anticipating much trouble in
handling the steamer.
The teamsters, with their six-mule teams, hurried the stores
and ammunition down the narrow roadway cut in the side of the
bluff, running perhaps half a mile along the side in making the
perpendicular descent of two hundred feet. Whatever time we had from
our duties on the boat was spent either in the fort, out in the
Indian village, or on the side hill watching the teams come down
the bluff, one after the other. Not being able to pass on the hill,
they went down together, and all went back empty at the same time.
The two hind wheels of the big army wagon were chained, so that they
slid along the ground, instead of revolving. Then the three riders,
one on each "near" mule, started the outfit down the hill, the off
mules being next the bluff, while the legs of the drivers hung out
over space on the other side. In places the wagons would go so fast,
in spite of the drag, that the mules would have to trot to keep out
of the way. This was exciting and interesting to the spectators, who
were expecting to see a team go over the precipice. The drivers did
not seem to care anything about the matter, and were no doubt well
pleased to become the centre of attraction.
Those of the spectators who had time and patience to continue the
watch were finally rewarded for their persistence, and justified in
their predictions by seeing one of these teams, with its load of
fixed ammunition, roll for a hundred feet down the bluff--men, mules,
and ammunition in one wild mix-up, rolling and racing for the bottom.
The fringe of timber alone saved the cortege from plunging into the
river. Those who saw the trip made, were betting that neither a man
nor a mule would come out alive. They all came out alive. Some of
the mules were badly scratched and banged, but not a leg was broken
among the six. The men were also badly bruised, but they also brought
all their bones out whole. One mule had his neck wound around the
wagon-tongue, his own tongue hanging out about the length of that of
the wagon, and all hands were certain of one dead mule, at least. But
when the troopers ran in and cut away the harness the mule jumped
to his feet, took in a few long breaths to make good for the five
minutes' strangulation, and then started up the roadway, dodging the
down-coming teams by a hair's-breadth, and never stopping until he
reached his corral, where he began munching hay as though nothing out
of the ordinary had happened.
The next morning everything was stowed aboard. With a salute from the
little howitzers in the fort, and the cheers of the "dough boys",
who wanted to go but could not, the "Fanny Harris" backed into the
stream, "straightened up", and began her downstream trip. I shall not
attempt to follow her down, in all her situations. With the heavy
load, and the stream behind her, it was possible to check her speed
in a measure at the bends, but totally impossible to stop her and
back her up against the current. The result was, that she "flanked"
around points that raked her whole length, and then plunged into
timber, bows on, on the opposite side of the river, ripping the
ginger-bread work, and even the guards, so that it would seem as
though the boat were going to destruction. Some of the artillerymen
were sure of it, and all of them would sooner have risked a battle
than the chance of drowning that at times seemed so imminent. We made
good time, however, and ran the three hundred miles in two running
days of daylight, laying up nights, and repairing damages as far as
possible against the next day's run.
When we rounded to at Fort Snelling landing we had one chimney about
ten feet high above deck; the other was three feet--just one joint
left above the breeching. Both escape pipes and the jack staff were
gone--we lost the latter the first day, going up. The stanchions on
both sides of the boiler deck were swept clean away, together with
liberal portions of the roof itself. The boat looked like a wreck,
but her hull was sound. The officers and crew were game to the last.
Many of them had been hurt more or less, and all had been working
until they were scarcely able to move. It was war time, however. Fort
Sumter had fallen, and the president had called for seventy-five
thousand men. We were doing our part with a will, in hastening
forward a battery that was to give a good account of itself from Bull
Run to Appomattox.
At Fort Snelling we lost two of our firemen and a number of our
deck crew, who deserted while we were lying at that place, taking
on additional stores and men. We thought it a cowardly thing to do,
under the circumstances. A few weeks later, however, we saw the two
firemen going to the front with a volunteer company from Prescott,
afterwards Company "B", 6th Wisconsin Infantry, in which "Whiskey
Jim", the Irishman, and Louis Ludloff, the "Dutchman", distinguished
themselves for valor in battle. Richardson gave his life for his
country at the Wilderness, while Ludloff fought all the way through,
rising from private to corporal, sergeant, and first sergeant, and
being wounded at Antietam and the Wilderness.
In talking with Ludloff in later years, I learned that the reason
they deserted the steamer, leaving behind their accrued wages and
even their clothes, was because they feared that they would not be
able to get in among the seventy-five thousand if they lost any time
in formalities and details. There were others, higher up in the world
than the humble firemen, who also miscalculated the length of the
impending war--by four years. Distinguished editors and statesmen,
and even soldiers, made this error. And there were a good many who
failed to "get in" even then.
We ran to La Crosse with our pieces of chimneys, which the artisans
at the Fort had helped our engineers to piece together so that the
smoke would clear the pilot house. It did not give the best of
draught; but we were going downstream on a flood, and we might have
drifted five miles an hour without any steam at all. We delivered
the battery at La Crosse, and immediately went into dry dock, where
a hundred men made short work of the repairs. The United States paid
our owners, the Minnesota Packet Company, eight thousand dollars
for the week's work. The officers and crew who earned the money for
the company were not invited to assist in its division. It was the
hardest week's work that most of us had ever known--certainly the
hardest I had ever experienced up to that time. A year or so later I
got into work fully as hard, and it lacked the pleasant accessories
of good food and a soft bed, that accompanied the strenuous days and
nights spent on the Fort Ridgeley excursion.
An incident remotely connected with this trip, offers an excellent
opportunity to philosophize on the smallness of the planet we
inhabit, and the impossibility of escaping from, or avoiding people
whom we may once have met. At a meeting of Congregationalists held
in a city far removed from the fort that stood guard on the bluffs
overhanging the Minnesota River in 1861, the writer was introduced
to Mr. Henry Standing Bear, secretary of the Young Men's Christian
Association of Pine Ridge, South Dakota. Standing Bear is a graduate
of Carlisle College, an educated and intelligent and a full-blood
Sioux Indian. In conversation with him it transpired that he was one
of the children who stared open-eyed at the steamboat lying at the
landing place below the fort in 1861, and that he was an interested
spectator of the embarkation of Sherman's Battery. He there listened
to the talk of the braves who were already planning what they would
do when the soldiers should all be withdrawn to fight the "white
man's war" in the South. Standing Bear's own father took part in
the "massacre", as we called it. Standing Bear says they themselves
called it a war. Indians may go about their killings with somewhat
more of ferocity and cruelty than do we whites, but it is their way
of making war. In either case it is "hell", as "Old Tecump" said, and
the distinctions that we draw after all make little difference in the
results. We do not have to seek very far through the pages of history
to find instances where white men have massacred helpless Indian
women and children.
A talk with Henry Standing Bear, or any other educated Indian born
amid surroundings such as his, will throw new light and new coloring
upon the Indian situation as it existed in 1861. They saw the whites
steadily encroaching upon their hunting grounds, appropriating the
best to their own use, ravishing their women, killing their men,
and poisoning whole tribes with their "fire-water". Against their
wills they were driven from their ancient homes--"removed", was the
word--after having been tricked into signing treaties that they
did not understand, couched in legal terms that they could not
comprehend, receiving in exchange for their lands a lot of worthless
bric-a-brac that vanished in a week.[H] If they protested or
resisted, they were shot down like so many wolves, and with as little
mercy. What man is there among the whites who would not fight under
such circumstances? Our forefathers fought under less provocation and
their cause has been adjudged a righteous cause.
[H] This is a pretty wild statement on the part of Standing
Bear, probably made through ignorance of the facts in the case
rather than a wilful misrepresentation. In the treaty made with
the Sioux Indians at Traverse des Sioux, July 2-3, 1851, the
United States covenanted to pay $1,665,000 for such rights and
title as were claimed by the Sisseton and Wahpeton tribes or
bands in lands lying in Iowa and Minnesota. In another treaty,
made with the M'day-wa-kon-ton and Wak-pay-koo-tay bands,
also of the Sioux nation, the United States agreed to pay the
further sum of $1,410,000 for the rights of these two bands
in lands lying in Iowa and Minnesota. In addition the Sioux
had already been paid a large sum for their rights in lands
lying on the east side of the Mississippi, in Wisconsin--lands
in which they really had no right of title at all, as they
had gained whatever rights they claimed simply by driving
back the Chippewa from the country which they had occupied
for generations. The Sioux themselves did not, and could not,
avail themselves of the rights so gained, and the territory was
a debatable land for years--a fighting ground for the rival
nations of the Sioux and Chippewa.
This is the Indian's view-point as stated by a civilized tribesman.
His fathers fought, and are dead. He was adopted by the nation,
educated, and started upon a higher plane of living, as he is free
to confess; but it is doubtful if he can be started upon a higher
plane of thinking than that upon which his blanketed forbears lived,
in spite of the cruelties to which they were born and educated. While
I am no sentimentalist on the Indian question, when I fall into the
hands of a Standing Bear I am almost persuaded that the Indian,
within his lights, is as much of a patriot as many of his bleached
brethren. As to his manhood there is no question. In the long
struggle that has taken place between himself and the white invaders,
he has always backed his convictions with his life, if need be; and
such men, if white, we call "patriots."
[Illustration: BAD AXE (NOW GENOA), WISCONSIN. Scene of the last
battle between the United States forces and the Indians under Chief
Black Hawk, August 21, 1832. The Steamer "Warrior," Captain Joseph
Throckmorton, with soldiers and artillery from Fort Crawford, Prairie
du Chien, took an active and important part in this battle.]