part in the procession in honour of the god, but also dedicated to him

the tithe of the spoils of his Asiatic campaign, which amounted to one

hundred talents.

On his return home, he was loved and admired by all his

fellow-countrymen for his simple habits of life; for he did not, like

so many generals, return quite a different man, corrupted by foreign

manners, and dissatisfied with those of his own country, but, just

like those who had never crossed the Eurotas, he loved and respected

the old Spartan fashions, and would not alter his dining at the public

table, his bath, his domestic life with his wife, his care of his

arms, or the furniture of his house, the doors of which we are told by

Xenophon, were so old that it was thought that they must be the

original ones put up by Aristodemus. Xenophon also tells us that the

_kanathrum_ of his daughter was not at all finer than that of other

children.

A _kanathrum_ is a fantastic wooden car, shaped like a griffin or an

antelope, in which children are carried in sacred processions.

Xenophon does not mention the name of Agesilaus's daughter, and

Dikæarchus is much grieved at this, observing that we do not know the

name either of the daughter of Agesilaus or of the mother of

Epameinondas; I, however, have discovered, by consulting Lacedæmonium

records, that the wife of Agesilaus was named Kleora, and that she had

two daughters, named Eupolia and Prolyta. His spear also may be seen

at the present day in Sparta, and differs in no respect from that of

any other Lacedæmonium.

XX. Perceiving that many of his countrymen bred horses, and gave

themselves great airs in consequence, he induced his sister Kyniske to

enter a four-horse chariot for the race at Olympia, to prove to them

that the winning of this prize depends not upon a man's courage, but

upon his wealth, and the amount of money which he spends upon it. As

Xenophon the philosopher was still with him, he advised him to send

for his sons and educate them in Lacedæmon, that they might learn the

most important of all lessons, to command and to obey.

Lysander was now dead, but Agesilaus found still existing an important

conspiracy against himself, which Lysander had set on foot when he

returned from Asia. Agesilaus now eagerly undertook to prove what

Lysander's true character had been; and having read amongst the papers

of the deceased that speech which Kleon of Halikarnassus wrote for

him, treating of reforms and alterations of the constitution, which

Lysander meant some day to address to the people of Sparta, he wished

to make it public. However, one of the senators, after reading the

speech, was alarmed at the plausible nature of the argument which it

contained, and advised Agesilaus not to dig Lysander out of his grave,

but rather to bury the speech with him. This advice caused Agesilaus

to desist from his project. He never openly attacked his political

enemies, but contrived to get them appointed generals and governors of

cities. When they displayed their bad qualities in these posts and

were recalled to take their trial he used to come forward as their

friend and by his exertions on their behalf make them his active

partisans instead of his enemies, so that before long he succeeded in

breaking up the party which was opposed to him, and reigned alone

without any rival; for the other king, Agesipolis, whose father had

been an exile, and who was himself very young, and of a mild and

unassuming temper, counted for nothing in the state. Agesilaus won

over this man also, and made a friend of him; for the two kings dine

at the same _phiditium_, or public table, when they are at Sparta.

Knowing Agesipolis, like himself, to be prone to form attachments to

young men, he always led the conversation to this subject, and

encouraged the young king in doing so; for these love affairs among

Lacedæmonians have in them nothing disgraceful, but produce much

modest emulation and desire for glory, as has been explained in the

Life of Lykurgus.

XXI. Being now the most powerful man in Sparta, Agesilaus obtained the

appointment of admiral of the fleet for Teleutias, his half-brother;

and thereupon making an expedition against Corinth, he made himself

master of the long walls by land, through the assistance of his

brother at sea. Coming thus upon the Argives, who then held Corinth,

in the midst of their Isthmian festival, he made them fly just as they

had finished the customary sacrifice, and leave all their festive

provision behind them. Upon this the Corinthian exiles[184] who were

with him begged him to preside over the games, but this he refused to

do, ordering them to celebrate the festival, while he took care that

they did so without interruption. After he was gone the Argives

returned, and celebrated the Isthmian games over again. Some of the

winners on the former occasion now won the prize again, while others

were defeated. Agesilaus observed that the Argives by this act

confessed themselves to be cowards, if they set so high a value on

presiding at the games, and yet did not dare to fight for it. With

regard to such matters he used to think that a middle course was best,

and he always was present at the choruses and games at Sparta, taking

great interest in their management, and not even neglecting the races

for boys and for girls; but of some other matters in which most men

were interested he seemed to be entirely ignorant. For instance

Kallipides, who was esteemed the finest tragic actor in Greece, once

met him and spoke to him, after which he swaggered along amongst his

train, but finding that no notice was taken of him, he at length

asked, "Do you not know me, O king?" Agesilaus at this looked

carefully at him, and enquired, "Are you not Kallipides the player?"

for so the Lacedæmonians name actors. Again, when he was invited to

hear some one imitate the nightingale he answered, "I have heard the

original."

Menekrates the physician, after having succeeded in curing some cases

of sickness which were thought to be desperate, was given the title of

Zeus, and used to use this appellation on all occasions in a foolish

manner. He even went so far as to write to Agesilaus in the following

terms, "Menekrates Zeus wishes King Agesilaus health." To this he

answered, "King Agesilaus wishes Menekrates more sense."

XXII. While he was encamped in the temple of Hera, near Corinth,

watching the soldiers disposing of the captives which they had taken,

ambassadors came from Thebes to treat for peace with him. He always

had borne a grudge against that city, and thinking that this would be

a good opportunity to indulge his hatred, he pretended neither to see

nor to hear them when they addressed him. But he soon paid the

penalty of his insolence; for before the Thebans left him news was

brought that an entire mora had been cut to pieces by Iphikrates. This

was the greatest disaster which had befallen the Spartans for many

years; for they lost a large number of brave and well-equipped

citizens, all heavy-armed hoplites, and that too at the hands of mere

mercenary light troops and peltasts. On hearing this Agesilaus at

first leaped up to go to their assistance; but when he heard that they

were completely destroyed, he returned to the temple of Hera, and

recalling the Bœotian ambassadors, bade them deliver their message.

But they now in their turn assumed a haughty demeanour, and made no

mention of peace, but merely demanded leave to proceed to Corinth. At

this, Agesilaus in a rage answered, "If you wish to go there to see

your friends rejoicing over their success, you will be able to do so

in safety to-morrow." On the next day he took the ambassadors with

him, and marched, laying waste the country as he went, up to the gates

of Corinth, where, having thus proved that the Corinthians dared not

come out and resent his conduct, he sent the ambassadors into the

city. As for himself, he collected the survivors of the mora, and

marched back to Lacedæmon, always starting before daybreak, and

encamping after sunset, that he might not be insulted by the

Arcadians, who bitterly hated the Lacedæmonians and enjoyed their

discomfiture. After this at the instance of the Achæans he crossed

over into Akarnania with them, where he obtained much plunder, and

defeated the Akarnanians in battle. The Achæans now begged him to

remain, and so prevent the enemy from sowing their fields in the

winter; but he answered that he should do exactly the reverse,

because, if the enemy next year had a good prospect of a harvest, they

would be much more inclined to keep the peace than if their fields lay

fallow. And this opinion of his was justified by the result; for as

soon as the Akarnanians heard that another campaign was threatened,

they made peace with the Achæans.

XXIII. Konon and Pharnabazus, after their victory in the sea-fight at

Knidus, had obtained command of the seas and began to plunder the

coast of Laconia, while the Athenian walls likewise were restored,

with money supplied by Pharnabazus for that purpose.

These circumstances disposed the Lacedæmonians to make peace with the

king of Persia. They consequently sent Antalkidas to Tiribazus to

arrange terms, and most basely and wickedly gave up to the king those

Greek cities in Asia on behalf of which Agesilaus had fought.

Antalkidas, indeed, was his enemy, and his great reason for concluding

a peace on any terms was, that war was certain to increase the

reputation and glory of Agesilaus. Yet when some one reproached

Agesilaus, saying that the Lacedæmonians were Medising,[185] he

answered, "Nay, say, rather, the Medes (Persians) are Laconising."

By threats of war he compelled those Greek states who were unwilling

to do so to accept the terms of the peace, especially the Thebans; for

one of the articles of the peace was, that the Thebans should leave

the rest of Bœotia independent, by which of course they were greatly

weakened. This was proved by subsequent events. When Phœbidas, in

defiance of law and decency, seized the Kadmeia, or citadel of Thebes,

in time of peace, all Greeks cried shame on him, and the Spartans felt

especial annoyance at it. The enemies of Agesilaus now angrily

enquired of Phœbidas who ordered him to do so, and as his answers

hinted at Agesilaus as having suggested the deed, Agesilaus openly

declared himself to be on Phœbidas's side, and said that the only

thing to be considered was, whether it was advantageous to Sparta or

not; for it was always lawful to render good service to the state,

even impromptu and without previous orders. Yet in his talk Agesilaus

always set a high value upon justice, calling it the first of all

virtues; for he argued that courage would be useless without justice;

while if all men were just, there would be no need of courage. When he

was informed, "The pleasure of the great king is so-and-so," he was

wont to answer, "How can he be greater than I, unless he be

juster?"--thus truly pointing out that justice is the real measure of

the greatness of kings. When the king of Persia sent him a letter

during the peace, offering to become his guest[186] and friend, he

refused to open it, saying that he was satisfied with the friendship

existing between the two states, and that while that lasted he

required no private bond of union with the king of Persia. However, in

his actions he was far from carrying out these professions, but was

frequently led into unjust acts by his ambition. In this instance he

not only shielded Phœbidas from punishment for what he had done at

Thebes, but persuaded Sparta to adopt his crime as its own, and

continue to hold the Kadmeia, appointing as the chiefs of the garrison

Archias and Leontidas,[187] by whose means Phœbidas made his way into

the citadel.

XXIV. This at once gave rise to a suspicion that Phœbidas was merely

an agent, and that the whole plot originated with Agesilaus himself,

and subsequent events confirmed this view; for as soon as the Thebans

drove out the garrison and set free their city, Agesilaus made war

upon them to avenge the murder of Archias and Leontidas, who had been

nominally polemarchs, but in reality despots of Thebes. At this period

Agesipolis was dead, and his successor Kleombrotus was despatched into

Bœotia with an army; for Agesilaus excused himself from serving in

that campaign on the ground of age, as it was forty years since he had

first borne arms, and he was consequently exempt by law. The real

reason was that he was ashamed, having so lately been engaged in a war

to restore the exiled popular party at Phlius, to be seen now

attacking the Thebans in the cause of despotism.

There was a Lacedæmonium named Sphodrias, one of the faction opposed

to Agesilaus, who was established as Spartan governor of the town of

Thespiæ, a daring and ambitious man, but hot-headed, and prone to act

without due calculation. This man, who longed to achieve distinction,

and who perceived that Phœbidas had made a name throughout Greece by

his exploit at Thebes, persuaded himself that it would be a much more

glorious deed if he were to make himself master of the Peiræus, and so

by a sudden attack cut off the Athenians from the sea. It is said that

this attempt originated with the Bœotarchs, Pelopidas and Mellon, who

sent emissaries to Sphodrias to praise and flatter him, and point out

that he alone was capable of conducting so bold an adventure. By this

language, and an affectation of sympathy with Lacedæmon, these men at

length prevailed on him to attempt a most unrighteous deed, and one

which required considerable boldness and good fortune to ensure its

success. Daylight, however, overtook Sphodrias before he had crossed

the Thriasian plain, near Eleusis. All hope of surprising Peiræus by a

night attack was now gone, and it is said, also, that the soldiers

were alarmed and terror-stricken by certain lights which gleamed from

the temples at Eleusis. Sphodrias himself, now that his enterprise had

so manifestly failed, lost heart, and after hurriedly seizing some

unimportant plunder, led his men back to Thespiæ. Upon this an embassy

was sent from Athens to Sparta to complain of the acts of Sphodrias;

but on the arrival of the ambassadors at Sparta they found that the

government there were in no need of encouragement from without to

proceed against Sphodrias, for they had already summoned him home to

be tried for his life. Sphodrias durst not venture to return to

Sparta, for he saw that his fellow-countrymen were angry with him and

ashamed of his conduct towards the Athenians, and that they wished

rather to be thought fellow-sufferers by his crime than accomplices in

it.

XXV. Sphodrias had a son, named Kleonymus, who was still quite a

youth, and who was beloved by Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus. He now

assisted this youth, who was pleading his father's cause as best he

might, but he could not do so openly, because Sphodrias belonged to

the party which was opposed to Agesilaus. When, however, Kleonymus

came to him, and besought him with tears and piteous entreaties to

appease Agesilaus, because the party of Sphodrias dreaded him more

than any one else, the young man, after two or three days' hesitation,

at length, as the day fixed for the trial approached, mustered up

courage to speak to his father on the subject, telling him that

Kleonymus had begged him to intercede for his father.

Agesilaus was well aware of his son's intimacy with Kleonymus, which

he had never discouraged; for Kleonymus promised to become as

distinguished a man as any in Sparta. He did not on this occasion,

however, hold out to his son any hopes of a satisfactory termination

of the affair, but said that he would consider what would be the most

fitting and honourable course to pursue. After this reply, Archidamus

had not the heart to meet Kleonymus, although he had before been

accustomed to see him several times daily. This conduct of his plunged

the friends of Sphodrias into yet deeper despair of his cause, until

Etymokles, one of the friends of Agesilaus, in a conference with them,

explained that what Agesilaus really thought about the matter was,

that the action itself deserved the greatest censure; but yet that

Sphodrias was a brave energetic man, whom Sparta could not afford to

lose.

Agesilaus used this language out of a desire to gratify his son, and

from it Kleonymus soon perceived that Archidamus had been true to him

in using his interest with his father; while the friends of Sphodrias

became much more forward in his defence. Indeed Agesilaus was

remarkably fond of children, and an anecdote is related of him, that

when his children were very little he was fond of playing with them,

and would bestride a reed as if it were a horse for their amusement.

When one of his friends found him at this sport, he bade him mention

it to no one before he himself became the father of a family.

XXVI. Sphodrias was acquitted by the court; and the Athenians, as soon

as they learned this, prepared for war. Agesilaus was now greatly

blamed, and was charged with having obstructed the course of justice,

and having made Sparta responsible for an outrage upon a friendly

Greek state, merely in order to gratify the childish caprice of his

son. As he perceived that Kleombrotus was unwilling to attack the

Thebans, he himself invaded Bœotia, disregarding the law under which

on a former occasion he had pleaded exemption from military service on

account of his age. Here he fought the Thebans with varying success;

for once, when he was being borne out of action wounded, Antalkidas

observed to him, "A fine return you are getting from the Thebans for

having taught them how to fight against their will." Indeed, the

military power of the Thebans at that time was at its height, having

as it were been exercised and practised by the many campaigns

undertaken against them by the Lacedæmonians. This was why Lykurgus of

old, in his three celebrated _rhetras_, forbade the Lacedæmonians to

fight often with the same people, lest by constant practice they

should teach them how to fight. Agesilaus was also disliked by the

allies of the Lacedæmonians, because of his hatred of Thebes and his

desire to destroy that state, not on any public grounds, but merely on

account of his own bitter personal dislike to the Thebans. The allies

complained grievously that they, who composed the greater part of the

Lacedæmonium force, should every year be led hither and thither, and

exposed to great risks and dangers, merely to satisfy one man's

personal pique. Hereupon we are told that Agesilaus, desiring to prove

that this argument about their composing so large a part of the army

was not founded on fact, made use of the following device:--He ordered

all the allies to sit down in one body, and made the Lacedæmonians sit

down separately. Next he gave orders, first that all the potters

should stand up; and when they had risen, he ordered the smiths,

carpenters, masons, and all the other tradesmen successively to do so.

When then nearly all the allies had risen to their feet, the Spartans

all remained seated, for they were forbidden to learn or to practise

any mechanical art. At this Agesilaus smiled, and said, "You see, my

men, how many more soldiers we send out than you do."

XXVII. On his return from his campaign against the Thebans, Agesilaus,

while passing through Megara, was seized with violent pain in his

sound leg, just as he was entering the town-hall in the Acropolis of

that city. After this it became greatly swelled and full of blood, and

seemed to be dangerously inflamed. A Syracusan physician opened a vein

near the ankle, which relieved the pain, but the flow of blood was

excessive, and could not be checked, so that he fainted away from

weakness, and was in a very dangerous condition. At length the

bleeding stopped, and he was conveyed home to Lacedæmon, but he

remained ill, and unable to serve in the wars for a long time.

During his illness many disasters befel the Spartans both by land and

by sea. Of these, the most important was the defeat at Tegyra, where

for the first time they were beaten in a fair fight by the Thebans.

The Lacedæmonians were now eager to make peace with all the Greek

cities, and ambassadors from all parts of Greece met at Sparta to

arrange terms. Among them was Epameinondas, a man who was renowned for

his culture and learning, but who had not hitherto given any proof of

his great military genius. This man, perceiving that all the other

ambassadors were sedulously paying their court to Agesilaus, assumed

an independent attitude, and in a speech delivered before the congress

declared that nothing kept the war alive except the unjust pretensions

of Sparta, who gained strength from the sufferings of the other

states, and that no peace could be durable unless such pretensions

were laid aside, and Sparta reduced to the equality with the rest of

the cities of Greece.

XXVIII. Agesilaus, observing that all the representatives of the Greek

states were filled with admiration at this language, and manifested

strong sympathy with the speaker, enquired whether he thought it right

and just that the cities of Bœotia[188] should be left independent.

Epameinondas quickly and boldly enquired in answer, whether he

thought it right to leave each of the towns in Laconia independent. At

this Agesilaus leaped to his feet in a rage, and asked him to state

clearly whether he meant to leave Bœotia independent. As Epameinondas

in reply merely repeated his question, as to whether Agesilaus meant

to leave Laconia independent, Agesilaus became furious, eagerly seized

the opportunity to strike the name of Thebes out of the roll of cities

with whom peace was being made, and declared war against it. He

ratified a treaty of peace with the other Greek cities, and bade their

representatives begone, with the remark, that such of their disputes

as admitted of settlement must be arranged by peaceful negotiation,

and such as could not must be decided by war; but that it was too much

trouble for him to act as arbitrator between them in their manifold

quarrels and disagreements.

Kleombrotus, the other Spartan king, was at this time in the Phokian

territory at the head of an army. The Ephors now at once sent orders

to him to cross the Theban frontier, while they assembled a force from

all the allied cities, who were most reluctant to serve, and objected

strongly to the war, yet dared not express their discontent or disobey

the Lacedæmonians. Many sinister omens were observed, which we have

spoken of in the life of Epameinondas, and Prothous the Laconian

openly opposed the whole campaign; yet Agesilaus would not desist, but

urged on the war against Thebes, imagining that now, when all the

other states were standing aloof, and Thebes was entirely isolated, he

had a more favourable opportunity than might ever occur again for

destroying that city. The dates of this war seem to prove that it was

begun more out of ill-temper than as a consequent of any definite

plan; for the peace was ratified in Lacedæmon with the other cities on

the fourteenth of the month Skirophorion; and on the fifth of the next

month, Hekatombæon, only twenty days afterwards, the Spartans were

defeated at Leuktra. A thousand Lacedæmonians perished, among them

Kleombrotus the king, and with him the flower of the best families in

Sparta. There fell also the handsome son of Sphodrias, Kleonymus, who

fought before the king, and was thrice struck to the ground and rose

again before he was slain by the Thebans.

XXIX. In spite of the unparalleled disaster which had befallen the

Lacedæmonians, for the Theban victory was the most complete ever won

by one Greek state over another, the courage of the vanquished is

nevertheless as much to be admired as that of the victors. Xenophon

remarks that the conversation of good and brave men, even when jesting

or sitting at table, is always worth remembering, and it is much more

valuable to observe how nobly all really brave and worthy men bear

themselves when in sorrow and misfortune. When the news of the defeat

at Leuktra arrived at Sparta, the city was celebrating the festival of

the Gymnopædia, and the chorus of grown men was going through its

usual solemnity in the theatre. The Ephors, although the news clearly

proved that all was lost and the state utterly ruined, yet would not

permit the chorus to abridge its performance, and forbade the city to

throw off its festal appearance. They privately communicated the names

of the slain to their relatives, but they themselves calmly continued

to preside over the contest of the choruses in the theatre, and

brought the festival to a close as though nothing unusual had

occurred. Next morning, when all men knew who had fallen and who had

survived, one might see those whose relations had been slain, walking

about in public with bright and cheerful countenances: but of those

whose relatives survived, scarce one showed himself in public, but

they sat at home with the women, as if mourning for the dead; or if

any one of them was forced to come forth, he looked mournful and

humbled, and walked with cast-down eyes. Yet more admirable was the

conduct of the women, for one might see mothers receiving their sons

who had survived the battle with silence and sorrow, while those whose

children had fallen proceeded to the temples to return thanks to the

gods, and walked about the city with a proud and cheerful demeanour.

XXX. Yet, when their allies deserted them, and when the victorious

Epameinondas, excited by his success, was expected to invade

Peloponnesus, many Spartans remembered the oracle about the lameness

of Agesilaus, and were greatly disheartened and cast down, fearing

that they had incurred the anger of Heaven, and that the misfortunes

of the city were due to their own conduct in having excluded the sound

man from the throne, and chosen the lame one; the very thing which the

oracle had bidden them beware of doing. Nevertheless, Agesilaus was so

powerful in the state, and so renowned for wisdom and courage, that

they gladly made use of him as their leader in the war, and also

employed him to settle a certain constitutional difficulty which arose

about the political rights of the survivors of the battle. They were

unwilling to disfranchise all these men, who were so numerous and

powerful, because they feared that if so they would raise a revolution

in the city. For the usual rule at Sparta about those who survive a

defeat is, that they are incapable of holding any office in the state;

nor will any one give them his daughter in marriage; but all who meet

them strike them, and treat them with contempt. They hang about the

city in a squalid and degraded condition, wearing a cloak patched with

pieces of a different colour, and they shave one half of their beards,

and let the other half grow. Now, at the present crisis it was thought

that to reduce so many citizens to this condition, especially when the

state sorely required soldiers, would be an absurd proceeding; and

consequently, Agesilaus was appointed lawgiver, to decide upon what

was to be done. He neither altered the laws, nor proposed any new

ones, but laid down his office of lawgiver at once, with the remark,

that the laws must be allowed to sleep for that one day, and

afterwards resume their force. By this means he both preserved the

laws, retained the services of the citizens for the state, and saved

them from infamy. With the intention of cheering up the young men, and

enabling them to shake off their excessive despondency, he led an army

into Arcadia. He was careful to avoid a battle, but captured a small

fort belonging to the people of Mantinea, and overran their territory;

thus greatly raising the spirits of the Spartans, who began to pluck

up courage, and regard their city as not altogether ruined.

XXXI. After this, Epameinondas invaded Laconia with the army of the

Thebans and their allies, amounting in all to no less than forty

thousand heavy-armed soldiers. Many light troops and marauders

accompanied this body, so that the whole force which entered Laconia

amounted in all to seventy thousand men. This took place not less than

six hundred years after the Dorians had settled in Lacedæmon; and

through all that time these were the first enemies which the country

had seen; for no one before this had dared to invade it. Now, however,

the Thebans ravaged the whole district with fire and sword, and no one

came out to resist them, for Agesilaus would not allow the

Lacedæmonians to fight against what Theopompus calls 'such a heady

torrent of war,' but contented himself with guarding the most

important parts of the city itself, disregarding the boastful threats

of the Thebans, who called upon him by name to come out and fight for

his country, since he was the cause of all its misfortunes, because he

had begun the war.

Agesilaus was also distracted by the disorderly and excited state of

the city itself, for the old men were in an agony of grief,

resentment, and wounded honour, while the women could not be kept

quiet, but were wrought to frenzy, by hearing the cries of the enemy,

and seeing the fires which they lighted. He also suffered much at the

thought of his own dishonour; for when he had ascended the throne,

Sparta was the greatest and most powerful city in Greece, and now he

beheld her shorn of all her glories, and his favourite boast, that no

Laconian woman had ever seen the smoke of an enemy's fire rendered

signally untrue. We are told that when some Athenian was disputing

with Antalkidas about the bravery of their respective nations, and

saying, "We have often chased you away from the Kephissus," Antalkidas

answered, "Yes, but we have never had to chase you away from the

Eurotas." This is like the answer made by some Spartan of less

distinction to an Argive, who said, "Many of you Spartans lie buried

in Argive soil," to which he replied, "But none of you are buried in

Laconia."

XXXII. We are told at this time Antalkidas was one of the Ephors, and

became so much alarmed that he sent his family away to the island of

Kythera. Agesilaus, when the enemy attempted to cross the river and

force their way into the city, abandoned most part of it, and drew up

his forces on the high hills in the centre. At that time the river

Eurotas was in high flood, as much snow had fallen, and the excessive

cold of the water, as well as the strength of the stream, rendered it

hard for the Thebans to cross. Epameinondas marched first, in the

front rank of the phalanx; and some of those who were present pointed

him out to Agesilaus, who is said to have gazed long at him, saying

merely, "O thou man of great deeds."

Epameinondas was eager to assault the city itself, and to place a

trophy of victory in its streets; but as he could not draw Agesilaus

into a battle, he drew off his forces, and again laid waste the

country. Meanwhile, in Lacedæmon itself, a body of two hundred men, of

doubtful fidelity, seized the Issorium, where the temple of Artemis

stands, which is a strong and easily defensible post. The

Lacedæmonians at once wished to attack them, but Agesilaus, fearing

that some deep-laid conspiracy might break out, ordered them to remain

quiet. He himself, dressed simply in his cloak, unarmed, and attended

only by one slave, went up to the two hundred, and, in a loud voice,

told them that they had mistaken their orders; that they had not been

ordered to go thither, nor yet to go all together in a body, but that

some were to be posted _there_, pointing to some other place, and the

rest elsewhere in the city. They, hearing his commands, were

delighted, imagining that their treason was undiscovered, and

immediately marched to the places which he indicated. Agesilaus at

once occupied the Issorium with troops which he could trust, and in

the ensuing night seized and put to death fifteen of the leaders of

the two hundred. Another more important conspiracy was betrayed to

him, whose members, full Spartan citizens, were met together in one

house to arrange revolutionary schemes. At such a crisis it was

equally impossible to bring these men to a regular trial, and to allow

them to carry on their intrigues. Agesilaus therefore, after taking

the Ephors into his confidence, put them all to death untried, though

before that time no Spartan had ever been executed without a trial.

As many of the Periœki and helots who had been entrusted with arms

escaped out of the city and deserted to the enemy, which greatly

disheartened the Spartans, he ordered his servants to visit the

quarters of these soldiers at daybreak every morning, and wherever any

one was gone, to hide his arms, so that the number of deserters might

not be known.

We are told by some historians that the Thebans left Laconia because

the weather became stormy, and their Arcadian allies began to melt

away from them. Others say that they spent three entire months in the

country, and laid nearly all of it waste. Theopompus relates that when

the Bœotarchs had decided to leave the country, Phrixus, a Spartan,

came from Agesilaus and offered them ten talents to be gone, thus

paying them for doing what they had long before determined to do of

their own accord.

XXXIII. I cannot tell, however, how it was that Theopompus discovered

this fact, and that no other historian mentions it. All writers agree,

nevertheless, in declaring that at this crisis Sparta was saved by

Agesilaus, who proved himself superior to party-spirit and desire of

personal distinction, and steadily refused to risk an engagement. Yet

he never was able to restore the city to the glorious and powerful

condition which it had previously held, for Sparta, like an athlete

who has been carefully trained throughout his life, suddenly broke

down, and never recovered her former strength and prosperity. It is

very natural that this should have happened, for the Spartan

constitution was an excellent one for promoting courage, good order,

and peace within the city itself; but when Sparta became the head of a

great empire to be maintained by the sword, which Lykurgus would have

thought a totally useless appendage to a well-governed and prosperous

city, it utterly failed.

Agesilaus was now too old for active service in the field, but his

son, Archidamus, with some Sicilian mercenary troops which had been

sent to the aid of the Spartans by the despot Dionysius, defeated the

Arcadians in what was known as the 'Tearless Battle,' where he did not

lose one of his own men, but slew many of the enemy. This battle

strikingly proved the weakness of the city, for in former times the

Spartans used to regard it as such a natural and commonplace event for

them to conquer their enemies, that they only sacrificed a cock to the

gods, while those who had won a victory never boasted of it, and those

who heard of it expressed no extravagant delight at the news. When the

Ephors heard of the battle at Mantinea, which is mentioned by

Thucydides in his history, they gave the messenger who brought the

tidings a piece of meat from the public dining-table, as a present for

his good news, and nothing more. But now, when the news of this battle

reached Sparta, and Archidamus marched triumphantly into the town, all

their accustomed reserve broke down. His father was the first to meet

him, weeping for joy. After him came the senate, and the elders and

women flocked down to the river side, holding up their hands to heaven

and giving thanks to the gods for having put away the undeserved

reproach of Sparta, and having once more allowed her to raise her

head. It is said, indeed, that the Spartans before this battle were so

much ashamed of themselves, that they dared not even look their wives

in the face.

XXXIV. The independence of Messenia had been restored by Epameinondas,

and its former citizens collected together from all quarters of

Greece. The Lacedæmonians dared not openly attack these men, but they

felt angry with Agesilaus, because during his reign they had lost so

fine a country, as large as Laconia itself, and as fertile as any part

of Greece, after having enjoyed the possession of it for so many

years. For this reason Agesilaus refused to accept the terms of peace

offered by the Thebans. He was so unwilling to give up his nominal

claim to Messenia, although he had practically lost that country, that

instead of recovering it he very nearly lost Sparta as well, as he was

out-manœuvred by Epameinondas. This happened in the following manner.

The people of Mantinea revolted from the Thebans, and solicited aid

from the Lacedæmonians. When Epameinondas heard that Agesilaus was

marching thither at the head of an army, he eluded the Mantineans by a

night march from Tegea, invaded the Lacedæmonium territory, and very

nearly succeeded in avoiding the army of Agesilaus and catching Sparta

defenceless. However, Euthynus of Thespiæ, according to Kallisthenes,

or, according to Xenophon, a certain Cretan warned Agesilaus of his

danger, upon which he at once sent a mounted messenger to the city

with the news, and shortly afterwards marched thither himself. Soon

the Thebans appeared, crossed the Eurotas, and assaulted the city with

great fury, while Agesilaus, old as he was, defended it with all the

spirit and energy of youth. He did not, as on the former occasion,

consider that caution would be of any service, but perceived that

reckless daring alone could save Sparta. And by incredible daring he

did then snatch the city from the grasp of Epameinondas, and set up a

trophy of victory, having afforded to the women and children the

glorious spectacle of the men of Lacedæmon doing their duty on behalf

of the country which reared them. There, too, might Archidamus be seen

in the thick of the fight, displaying the courage of a man, and the

swiftness of a youth, as he ran to each point where the Spartans

seemed likely to give way, and everywhere with a few followers

resisted a multitude of the enemy. I think, however, that Isidas, the

son of Phœbidas, must have been most admired both by his own

countrymen and even by the enemy. He was remarkably tall and handsome,

and was just of the age when boyhood merges into manhood. Naked,

without either clothes or armour, having just been anointing himself

at home, he rushed out of his house, with a sword in one hand and a

spear in the other, ran through the front ranks, and plunged among the

enemy, striking down all who opposed him. He received not a single

wound, either because the gods admired his bravery and protected him,

or else because he appeared to his foes to be something more than man.

After this exploit we are told that the Ephors crowned him for his

bravery, and fined him a thousand drachmas for having fought without

his shield.

XXXV. A few days afterwards was fought the battle of Mantinea, where,

just as Epameinondas was carrying all before him and urging his troops

to pursue, Antikrates the Lacedæmonium met him and wounded him,

according to Dioskorides with a spear, while the Lacedæmonians to this

day call the descendants of Antikrates Machairones, that is, children

of the sword, as though he struck him with a sword. Indeed, they

regarded Antikrates with such a love and admiration, because of the

terror which Epameinondas had struck into their hearts while he was

alive, that they decreed especial honours and presents to be bestowed

upon him, and granted to his descendants an immunity from taxes and

public burdens which is enjoyed at the present day by Kallikrates, one

of the descendants of Antikrates.

After this battle and the death of Epameinondas the Greek states made

peace between one another. When, however, all the other states were

swearing to observe the peace, Agesilaus objected to the Messenians,

men, he said, without a city, swearing any such oath. The rest,

however, raised no objections to the oath of the Messenians, and the

Lacedæmonians upon this refused to take any part in the proceedings,

so that they alone remained at war, because they hoped to recover the

territory of Messenia. Agesilaus was thought an obstinate and headlong

man, and insatiable of war, because he took such pains to undermine

the general peace, and to keep Sparta at war at a time when he was in

such distress for money to carry it on, that he was obliged to borrow

from his personal friends and to get up subscriptions among the

citizens, and when he had much better have allowed the state some

repose and watched for a suitable opportunity to regain the country;

instead of which, although he had lost so great an empire by sea and

land, he yet insisted on continuing his frantic and fruitless efforts

to reconquer the paltry territory of Messenia.

XXXVI. He still further tarnished his glory by taking service under

the Egyptian Tachos. It was thought unworthy of a man who had proved

himself the bravest and best soldier in Greece, and who had filled all

the inhabited world with his fame, to hire himself out to a barbarian

rebel, and make a profit of his great name and military reputation,

just like any vulgar captain of mercenaries. If, when more than eighty

years old, and almost crippled by honourable wounds, he had again

placed himself at the head of a glorious crusade against the Persian

on behalf of the liberties of Greece, all men would have admired his

spirit, but even then would not entirely have approved of the

undertaking; for to make an action noble, time and place must be

fitting, since it is this alone that decides whether an action be good

or bad. Agesilaus, however, cared nothing for his reputation, and

considered that no service undertaken for the good of his country

would be dishonourable or unworthy of him, but thought it much more

unworthy and dishonourable to sit uselessly waiting for death at home.

He raised a body of mercenary troops with the money furnished by

Tachos, and set sail, accompanied, as in his former expedition, by

thirty Spartan counsellors.

When he landed in Egypt, the chief generals and ministers of King

Tachos at once came to pay their court to him. The other Egyptians

also eagerly crowded to see Agesilaus, of whom they had heard so much.

When, however, they saw only a little deformed old man, in mean

attire, sitting on the grass, they began to ridicule him, and

contemptuously to allude to the proverb of the mountain in labour,

which brought forth a mouse. They were even more astonished when, of

the presents offered to him, he accepted flour, calves, and geese, but

refused to receive dried fruits, pastry, and perfumes. When greatly

pressed to accept of these things, he ordered them to be given to the

helots. Yet we are told by Theophrastes that he was much pleased with

the flowering papyrus, of which garlands are made, because of its neat

and clean appearance, and he begged for and received some of this

plant from the king when he left Egypt.

XXXVII. When he joined Tachos, who was engaged in preparing his forces

for a campaign, he was disappointed in not receiving the chief

command, but being merely appointed to lead the mercenary troops,

while Chabrias the Athenian was in command of the fleet, Tachos

himself acting as commander-in-chief. This was the first vexatious

circumstance which occurred to Agesilaus; and soon he began to feel

great annoyance at the vainglorious swaggering tone of the Egyptian

king, which nevertheless he was obliged to endure throughout the whole

of a naval expedition which they undertook against the Phœnicians,

during which he suppressed his feelings of disgust as well as he could

until at last he had an opportunity of showing them. Nektanebis, the

cousin of Tachos, and the commander of a large portion of his force,

revolted, and caused himself to be proclaimed King of Egypt. He at

once sent to Agesilaus begging for his assistance, and he also made

the same proposals to Chabrias, offering them great rewards if they

would join him.

Tachos, hearing of this, also began to supplicate them to stand by

him, and Chabrias besought Agesilaus to remain in the service of

Tachos, and to act as his friend. To this, however, Agesilaus

answered, "You, Chabrias, have come here on your own responsibility,

and are able to act as you please. I was given by Sparta to the

Egyptians as their general. It would not become me, therefore, to make

war against those whom I was sent to aid, unless my country orders me

to do so." After expressing himself thus, he sent messengers to

Sparta, with instructions to depreciate Tachos, and to praise

Nektanebis. Both these princes also sent embassies to the

Lacedæmonians, the one begging for aid as their old friend and ally,

the other making large promises of future good-will towards them.

After hearing both sides, the Spartans publicly answered the

Egyptians, that Agesilaus would decide between them, and they sent

him a private despatch, bidding him to do what was best for Sparta.

Hereupon Agesilaus and the mercenaries left Tachos, and joined

Nektanebis, making the interests of his country the pretext for his

extraordinary conduct, which we can hardly call anything better than

treachery. However, the Lacedæmonians regard that course as the most

honourable which is the most advantageous to their country, and know

nothing of right or wrong, but only how to make Sparta great.

XXXVIII. Tachos, deserted by the mercenaries, now fled for his life;

but another claimant of the throne arose in the district of Mendes,

and made war against Nektanebis with an army of one hundred thousand

men. Nektanebis, in his talk with Agesilaus, spoke very confidently

about this force, saying that they were indeed very numerous, but a

mere mixed multitude of rustic recruits, whom he could afford to

despise. To these remarks Agesilaus answered, "It is not their

numbers, but their ignorance which I fear, lest we should be unable to

deceive them. Stratagems in war consist in unexpectedly falling upon

men who are expecting an attack from some other quarter, but a man who

expects nothing gives his enemy no opportunity to take him unawares,

just as in wrestling one cannot throw one's adversary if he stands

still."

The Mendesian soon began to intrigue with Agesilaus, and Nektanebis

feared much that he might succeed in detaching him from himself.

Consequently, when Agesilaus advised him to fight as soon as possible,

and not prolong the war against men who were indeed inexperienced in

battle, but who were able, from their enormous numbers, to raise vast

entrenchments and surround him on every side, he took the exactly

opposite course, and retired to a strongly fortified city, of great

extent, viewing Agesilaus with suspicion and fear. Agesilaus was

grieved at this, but, feeling ashamed to change sides a second time

and so completely fail in his mission, he followed Nektanebis into his

fortress.

XXXIX. When the enemy advanced and began to build a wall round the

city, Nektanebis, fearing the consequences of a siege, was eager to

fight, as were also the Greeks, for they were very short of

provisions. Agesilaus, however, opposed this design, for which he was

heartily abused by the Egyptians, who called him a traitor and the

betrayer of their king. He paid but little attention to their

slanders, but watched for an opportunity to effect the project which

he had conceived. This was as follows:--The enemy were digging a

trench round the city, with the intention of completely isolating the

garrison and starving it out. When then the two ends of this trench,

which was to surround the city, had nearly met, Agesilaus towards

evening ordered the Greeks to get under arms, and, proceeding to

Nektanebis, said, "Young man, this is our opportunity. I would not say

anything about it before, lest the secret should be divulged. But now

the enemy themselves have secured our position by digging this

enormous trench; for the part of it which is completed will keep off

their superior numbers from us, while upon the ground which still

remains unbroken we can fight them on equal terms. Come now, prove

yourself a man of courage, charge bravely with us, and save both

yourself and your army. Those of the enemy whom we first attack will

not be able to resist our onset, and the rest will not be able to

reach us because of the trench."

Nektanebis was surprised at the ingenuity of Agesilaus, placed himself

in the midst of the Greeks, and charging with them gained an easy

victory. Having once established an ascendancy over the mind of

Nektanebis, Agesilaus now proceeded to use the same trick again with

the enemy. By alternately retreating and advancing he led them on

until he had enticed them into a place between two deep canals. Here

he at once formed his troops on a front equal to the space between the

canals, and charged the enemy, who were unable to use their numbers to

outflank and surround him. After a short resistance they fled. Many

were slain, and the rest completely dispersed.

XL. This victory secured the throne of Egypt for Nektanebis. He now

showed great esteem for Agesilaus, and begged him to remain in Egypt

during the winter. Agesilaus, however, was anxious to return home and

assist in the war which was going on there, as he knew that Sparta was

in great want of money, and was paying a force of mercenary troops.

Nektanebis escorted him out of the country with great honour, giving

him many presents, and the sum of two hundred and thirty talents of

silver to be used in meeting the expenses of the war. As it was

winter, and stormy weather, Agesilaus did not venture to cross the

open sea, but coasted along the shores of Libya, as far as a desert

spot known as the Harbour of Menelaus, where he died, in the

eighty-fourth year of his age, and having been king of Sparta for

forty-one years, during thirty of which he was the greatest and most

powerful man in Greece, having been looked upon as all but the king of

the whole country, up to the time of the battle of Leuktra.

It was the Spartan custom, in the case of citizens who died in foreign

countries, to pay them the last rites wherever they might be, but to

take home the remains of their kings. Consequently the Spartan

counsellors enveloped the body in melted wax, as they could not obtain

honey, and took it home to Lacedæmon.

Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, succeeded him on the throne, and his

posterity continued to reign until Agis, the fifth in descent from

Agesilaus, was murdered by Leonidas, because he endeavoured to restore

the ancient discipline of Sparta.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 174: This passage has been admirably paraphrased by Grote,

'History of Greece,' Part II. ch. lxxiii.:--

"Combined with that ability and energy in which he was never

deficient, this conciliatory policy ensured him more real power than

had ever fallen to the lot of any king of Sparta--power, not merely

over the military operations abroad, which usually fell to the kings,

but also over the policy of the state at home. On the increase and

maintenance of that real power, his chief thoughts were concentrated;

new dispositions generated by kingship, which had never shown

themselves in him before. Despising, like Lysander, both money,

luxury, and all the outward show of power, he exhibited, as a king, an

ultra-Spartan simplicity, carried almost to affectation in diet,

clothing, and general habits. But like Lysander, also, he delighted in

the exercise of dominion through the medium of knots or factions of

devoted partizans, whom he rarely scrupled to uphold in all their

career of injustice and oppression. Though an amiable man, with no

disposition to tyranny and still less to plunder, for his own

benefit--Agesilaus thus made himself the willing instrument of both,

for the benefit of his various coadjutors and friends, whose power and

consequence he identified with his own." See also infra, ch. xiii. et

al.]

[Footnote 175: We see here the beginning of that tendency of the

Neoplatonic school to find a sanction for all their theories in some

perversion of the plain meaning of Homer's words.]

[Footnote 176: Compare Life of Lysander, ch. xxiii.]

[Footnote 177: In Sintenis's text of Plutarch this prince's name is

spelt as above. Xenophon, however, in his Life of Agesilaus, spells it

Otys; and this reading has been adopted by Grote. It must be

remembered that Xenophon was probably an eye-witness of the

proceedings which he records, and that Plutarch lived several

centuries later.]

[Footnote 178: The Greek word here translated "guest" is explained by

Liddell and Scott, s.v., to mean "any person in a foreign city with

whom one has a treaty of hospitality for self and heirs, confirmed by

mutual presents and an appeal to [Greek: Zeus xenios] Ζεὺς ξένιος."]

[Footnote 179: He sought to compose the dissensions and misrule which

had arisen out of the Lysandrian Dekarchies, or governments of ten, in

the Greco-Asiatic cities, avoiding as much as possible the infliction

of death or exile.--Grote, part ii. ch. lxxiii.]

[Footnote 180: Nothing is known of this tribe. There is a city,

Tralles, in Asia Minor, which Clough conjectures may possibly have

been connected with them. Liddell and Scott speak of "Trallians" as

"Thracian barbarians employed in Asia as mercenaries, torturers, and

executioners."]

[Footnote 181: The people living about Pharsalia.]

[Footnote 182: Mora, a Spartan regiment of infantry. The number of men

in each varied from 400 to 900, according as the men above 45, 50,

&c., years were called out.]

[Footnote 183: The most aristocratic city in Bœotia, now allied with

the Spartans. During the Theban supremacy it was utterly destroyed.]

[Footnote 184: That is, the aristocratic or pro-Laconian party, who

had been driven out by the other side.]

[Footnote 185: To Medise was a phrase originally used during the great

Persian invasion of Greece under Xerxes, B.C. 480, when those Greek

cities who sided with the Persians, were said to Medise, that is, to

take the side of the Medes. See Life of Artaxerxes, vol. iv. ch. 22,

and Grote's 'History of Greece,' part ii. ch. lxxvi.]

[Footnote 186: See _ante_, ch. xiii., _note_.]

[Footnote 187: This name is spelt Leontiades by most writers.]

[Footnote 188: I extract the following note from Grote's 'History of

Greece.' "Plutarch gives this interchange of brief questions, between

Agesilaus and Epameinondas, which is in substance the same as that

given by Pausanias, and has every appearance of being true. But he

introduces it in a very bold and abrupt way, such as cannot be

conformable to the reality. To raise a question about the right of

Sparta to govern Laconia was a most daring novelty. A courageous and

patriotic Theban might venture upon it as a retort against those

Spartans who questioned the right of Thebes to her presidency of

Bœotia; but he would never do so without assigning his reasons to

justify an assertion so startling to a large portion of his hearers.

The reasons which I here ascribe to Epameinondas are such as we know

to have formed the Theban creed, in reference to the Bœotian cities;

such as were actually urged by the Theban orator in 427 B.C., when the

fate of the Platæan captives was under discussion. After Epameinondas

had once laid out the reasons in support of his assertion, he might

then, if the same brief question were angrily put to him a second

time, meet it with another equally brief counter-question or retort.

It is this final interchange of thrusts which Plutarch has given,

omitting the arguments previously stated by Epameinondas, and

necessary to warrant the seeming paradox which he advances. We must

recollect that Epameinondas does not contend that Thebes was entitled

to _as much power_ in Bœotia as Sparta in Laconia. He only contends

that Bœotia, under the presidency of Thebes, was as much an integral

political aggregate, as Laconia under Sparta--in reference to the

Grecian world."--Grote's 'History of Greece,' part ii. ch. lxvii.]

LIFE OF POMPEIUS.

I. Towards Pompeius the Roman people seem to have been disposed from

the very first, just as the Prometheus of Aeschylus[189] was towards

his deliverer Hercules, when he says:--

"Though hateful is the sire, most dear to me the son."

For neither did the Romans ever display hatred so violent and savage

towards any commander as towards Strabo[190] the father of Pompeius,

whom they dreaded, when he was alive, for his military talent, for he

was a man most expert in arms; and when he was killed by lightning and

his body was carried out to interment they pulled it from the bier on

which it was lying and treated it with indignity: nor, on the other

hand, did any other Roman besides Pompeius ever receive from the

people tokens of affection so strong, or so early, or which grew so

rapidly with his good fortune, or abided with him so firmly in his

reverses. The cause of their hatred to the father was his insatiable

avarice: the causes of their affection to the son were many; his

temperate life, his practice in arms, the persuasiveness of his

speech, the integrity of his character, and his affability to every

man who came in his way, so that there was no man from whom another

could ask a favour with so little pain, and no man whose requests

another would more willingly labour to satisfy. For in addition to his

other endearing qualities, Pompeius could give without seeming to

confer a favour, and he could receive with dignity.

II. At the beginning also his countenance contributed in no small

degree to win the good-will of the people and to secure a favourable

reception before he opened his mouth. For the sweetness of his

expression was mingled with dignity and kindness, and while he was yet

in the very bloom of youth his noble and kingly nature clearly showed

itself. There was also a slight falling back of the hair and softness

in the expression of his eyes, which produced a resemblance to the

likenesses of Alexander, though indeed the resemblance was more talked

of than real. Accordingly many at first gave him the name, which

Pompeius did not object to, whence some in derision called him

Alexander. It was in allusion to this that Lucius Philippus,[191] a

consular man, when he was speaking in favour of Pompeius, said it was

nothing strange if he who was Philippus loved Alexander. They used to

report that Flora the courtesan, when she was now advanced in years,

always spoke with pleasure of her intimacy with Pompeius, and said

that she could never leave the embrace of Pompeius without bearing

marks[192] of the ardour of his passion. Besides this, Flora used to

tell that Geminius, one of the companions of Pompeius, conceived a

passion for her, and plagued her much with his solicitations, and when

she said that for the sake of Pompeius she could not consent, Geminius

applied to Pompeius. Now Pompeius, as she told the story, gave

Geminius permission, but he never after touched Flora or had a meeting

with her, though it was believed that he was attached to her; and

Flora did not take this as most courtesans do, but was ill for a long

time through grief and regret for the loss of her lover. And indeed it

is said that Flora enjoyed such reputation and was so much talked of,

that Cæcilius Metellus, when he was ornamenting the temple of the

Dioscuri with statues and paintings, had the portrait of Flora painted

and placed in the temple on account of her beauty. The wife of his

freedman Demetrius also, who had the greatest influence with Pompeius

and left a property of four thousand talents, contrary to his habit he

did not treat kindly nor in a manner befitting her free condition: but

it was through fear of her beauty, which was irresistible and much

talked about, and that he might not appear to be captivated by her.

Though he was so exceedingly cautious in such matters and so much on

his guard, yet he did not escape the imputations of his enemies on the

ground of amours, but he was slanderously accused of commerce with

married women and of betraying many of the public interests to gratify

them. Of his temperance and simplicity in his way of living the

following anecdote is told. On one occasion when he was ill and

indisposed to his ordinary food, the physician prescribed a thrush for

him. After search had been made and none found, for the season was

past, some one observed that one might be found at the house of

Lucullus, for he kept them all the year round: "Well then," said

Pompeius, "I suppose if Lucullus were not luxurious, Pompeius could

not live;" and without regarding the physician's advice he took

something that was ready at hand. This, however, belongs to a later

period.

III. When he was still quite a youth and was serving under his father,

who was opposed to Cinna, he had one Lucius Terentius[193] for his

companion and tent-mate. This Lucius being bribed by Cinna, designed

to kill Pompeius, and others were to fire the general's tent.

Information of this came to Pompeius while he was at supper, at which,

nothing disturbed, he went on drinking more gaily, and showing great

signs of affection towards Terentius; but when they were turning in to

rest he slipped unobserved from under the tent, and after placing a

guard about his father, kept quiet. When Terentius thought the time

was come, drawing his sword he got up, and approaching the bed of

Pompeius, he struck many blows upon the bed-covering, supposing that

Pompeius was lying there. Upon this there was a great commotion owing

to the soldiers' hatred of their general, and there was a movement

made towards mutiny by the men beginning to pull down the tents and

take their arms. The general, fearing the tumult, did not come near;

but Pompeius, going about in the midst of the soldiers, implored them

with tears in his eyes, and finally throwing himself on his face

before the gate of the camp right in their way, he lay there weeping,

and told those who were going out to trample on him, so that every man

drew back for very shame, and thus the whole army, with the exception

of eight hundred men, changed their design and were reconciled to

their commander.

IV. Upon the death of Strabo, Pompeius had to defend a prosecution in

respect of a charge of peculation against his father. He detected one

of his freedmen in having appropriated most of the property, and

proved it to the magistrates; but he was himself accused of having in

his possession hunting nets and books which were taken among the

plunder at Asculum.[194] He received these things from his father when

he took Asculum, but he lost them after his return to Rome, when the

guards of Cinna broke into his house and plundered it. He had many

preliminary contests with the accuser before the trial commenced, in

which, by showing himself to possess an acuteness and firmness above

his years, he got great reputation and popularity, so that

Antistius,[195] who was prætor and presided at that trial, conceived a

great affection for Pompeius, and offered him his daughter to wife,

and spoke about it to his friends. Pompeius accepted the proposal, and

an agreement was secretly made between them; but yet the matter did

not fail to be generally known by reason of the partizanship of

Antistius. When at last Antistius declared the votes of the judices to

be for his acquittal, the people, as if a signal had been concerted,

called out the name Talasius,[196] which, pursuant to an old custom,

they are used to utter on the occasion of a marriage. This ancient

custom, they say, had the following origin: When the daughters of the

Sabines had come to Rome to see the games, and the noblest among the

Romans were carrying them off to be their wives, some goatherds and

herdsmen of mean condition took upon their shoulders a tall handsome

maid and were carrying her off. In order, however, that none of the

better sort who might fall in with them should attempt to take the

maid from them, they called out as they ran along that she was for

Talasius (now Talasius was a man of rank and much beloved), so that

those who heard the cry clapped their hands and shouted as being

pleased at what the men were doing and commending them for it. From

this time forth, as the story goes, inasmuch as the marriage of

Talasius turned out to be a happy one, it is usual to utter the same

expression by way of merriment at the occasion of a marriage. This is

the most probable story among those which are told about the name

Talasius. However, a few days after the trial Pompeius married

Antistia.

V. Having gone to Cinna[197] to the camp, Pompeius became alarmed in

consequence of some charge and false accusation, and he quickly stole

out of the way. On his disappearing, a rumour went through the camp

and a report that Cinna had murdered the young man, whereupon the

soldiers, who had long been weary of him and hated their general, made

an assault upon him. Cinna attempted to escape, but he was overtaken

by a centurion, who pursued him with his naked sword. Cinna fell down

at the knees of the centurion, and offered him his seal ring, which

was of great price; but the centurion with great contempt replied: "I

am not going to seal a contract, but to punish an abominable and

unjust tyrant," and so killed him. Cinna thus perished, but he was

succeeded in the direction of affairs by Carbo, a still more furious

tyrant than himself, who kept the power in his hands till Sulla

advanced against him, to the great joy of the most part, who in their

present sufferings thought even a change of masters no small profit.

To such a condition had calamities brought the state, that men

despairing of freedom sought a more moderate slavery.

VI. Now about this time Pompeius was tarrying in Picenum in Italy, for

he had estates[198] there, but mainly because he liked the cities,

which were well disposed and friendly towards him by reason of their

ancient connection with his father. Seeing that the most distinguished

and chief of the citizens were leaving their property and flocking

from all sides to Sulla's camp as to a harbour of refuge, Pompeius did

not think it becoming in him to steal away to Sulla like a fugitive,

nor without bringing some contribution, nor yet as if he wanted help,

but he thought that he should begin by doing Sulla some service and so

approach with credit and a force. Accordingly he attempted to rouse

the people of Picenum, who readily listened to his proposals, and paid

no attention to those who came from Carbo. A certain Vindius having

remarked that Pompeius had just quitted school to start up among them

as a popular leader, the people were so infuriated that they

forthwith fell on Vindius and killed him. Upon this Pompeius, who was

now three and twenty years of age, without being appointed general by

any one, but himself assuming the command in Auximum,[199] a large

city, placing a tribunal in the forum and by edict ordering two

brothers Ventidii who were among the chief persons in the place and

were opposing him on behalf of Carbo, to quit the city, began to

enlist soldiers, and to appoint centurions and officers over them, and

he went to all the surrounding cities and did the same. All who were

of Carbo's party got up and quitted the cities, but the rest gladly

put themselves in the hands of Pompeius, who thus in a short time

raised three complete legions, and having supplied himself with

provisions and beasts of burden and waggons and everything else that

an army requires, advanced towards Sulla, neither hurrying nor yet

content with passing along unobserved, but lingering by the way to

harass the enemy, and endeavouring to detach from Carbo every part of

Italy that he visited.

VII. Now there rose up against him three hostile generals at once,

Carinna,[200] and Clœlius and Brutus, not all in front, nor yet all

from the same quarter, but they surrounded him with three armies, with

the view of completely destroying him. Pompeius was not alarmed, but

getting all his force together he attacked one of the armies, that of

Brutus, placing in the front his cavalry, among whom he himself was.

From the side of the enemy the Celtæ rode out to meet him, when

Pompeius with spear in hand struck the first and strongest of them and

brought him down; on which the rest fled and put the infantry also

into confusion, so that there was a general rout. Hereupon the

generals quarrelled among themselves and retired, as each best could,

and the cities took the part of Pompeius, seeing that the enemy had

dispersed in alarm. Next came Scipio[201] the consul against him, but

before the lines had come close enough to discharge their javelins,

the soldiers of Scipio saluted those of Pompeius and changed sides,

and Scipio made his escape. Finally, near the river Arsis,[202] Carbo

himself attacked Pompeius with several troops of horse, but Pompeius

bravely stood the attack, and putting them to flight pursued and drove

all of them upon difficult ground where no cavalry could act; and the

men, seeing that there was no hope of saving themselves, surrendered

with their arms and horses.

VIII. Sulla had not yet received intelligence of these events, but

upon the first news and reports about Pompeius, being alarmed at his

being among so many hostile generals of such reputation, he made haste

to relieve him. Pompeius being informed that Sulla was near, ordered

his officers to arm the forces and to display them in such manner that

they might make the most gallant and splendid appearance to the

Imperator, for he expected to receive great honours from him; and he

got more than he expected. For when Sulla saw him approaching and his

army standing by, admirable for the brave appearance of the men and

elated and rejoicing in their success, he leapt down from his horse,

and being addressed, according to custom, by the title of Imperator,

he addressed Pompeius in return by the title of Imperator, though

nobody would have expected that Sulla would give to a young man who

was not yet a member of the Senate, the title for which he was

fighting against the Scipios and the Marii. And indeed everything else

was in accordance with the first greeting, for Sulla used to rise from

his seat as Pompeius approached and take his vest from his head, which

he was not observed to do generally to any other person, though there

were many distinguished men about him. Pompeius, however, was not made

vain by these marks of distinction, but on being immediately sent into

Gaul by Sulla, where Metellus[203] commanded and appeared to be doing

nothing correspondent to his means, Pompeius said it was not right to

take the command from a man who was his senior and superior in

reputation; however he said he was ready to carry on the war in

conjunction with Metellus, if he had no objection, in obedience to his

orders and to give him his assistance. Metellus accepted the proposal

and wrote to him to come, on which Pompeius entering Gaul, performed

noble exploits, and he also fanned into a flame again and warmed the

warlike and courageous temper of Metellus, which was now near becoming

extinct through old age, as the liquid, heated stream of copper by

flowing about the hard, cold metal is said to soften and to liquefy it

into its own mass better than the fire. But as in the case of an

athlete[204] who has obtained the first place among men and has

gloriously vanquished in every contest, his boyish victories are made

of no account and are not registered; so the deeds which Pompeius then

accomplished, though of themselves extraordinary, yet as they were

buried under the number and magnitude of his subsequent struggles and

wars, I have been afraid to disturb them, lest if we should dwell too

long on his first exploits, we should miss the acts and events which

are the most important and best show the character of the man.

IX.[205] Now when Sulla was master of Italy and was proclaimed

Dictator, he rewarded the other officers and generals by making them

rich and promoting them to magistracies and by granting them without

stint and with readiness what they asked for. But as he admired

Pompeius for his superior merit and thought that he would be a great

support to his own interests, he was anxious in some way to attach him

by family relations. Metella, the wife of Sulla, had also the same

wish, and they persuaded Pompeius to put away Antistia and to take to

wife Aemilia, the step-daughter of Sulla, the child of Metella by

Scaurus, who was then living with her husband and was pregnant. This

matter of the marriage was of a tyrannical character, and more suited

to the interests of Sulla than conformable to the character of

Pompeius, for Aemilia, who was pregnant, was taken from another to be

married to him, and Antistia was put away with dishonour and under

lamentable circumstances, inasmuch as she had just lost her father

also, and that, too, on her husband's account; for Antistius was

murdered in the Senate-house because he was considered to be an

adherent of Sulla for the sake of Pompeius; and the mother of Antistia

having witnessed all this put an end to her life, so that this

misfortune was added to the tragedy of the marriage; and in sooth

another besides, for Aemilia herself died immediately afterwards in

child-birth in the house of Pompeius.

X. After this, news arrived that Perpenna[206] was securing Sicily for

himself, and that the island was supplying to those who remained of

the opposite faction a point for concentrating their forces; for

Carbo[207] was afloat in those parts with a navy, and Domitius had

fallen upon Libya, and many other fugitives of note were crowding

there, who had escaped from the proscriptions. Against these Pompeius

was sent with a large force: and Perpenna immediately evacuated Sicily

upon his arrival. Pompeius relieved the cities which had been harshly

treated, and behaved kindly to them all except to the Mamertini in

Messene. For when the Mamertini protested against the tribunal and the

Roman administration of justice, on the ground that there was an old

Roman enactment which forbade their introduction, "Won't you stop,"

said he, "citing laws to us who have our swords by our sides?" It was

considered also that Pompeius triumphed over the misfortunes of Carbo

in an inhuman manner. For if it was necessary to put Carbo to death,

as perhaps it was, he ought to have been put to death as soon as he

was taken, and then the act might have been imputed to him who gave

the order. But Pompeius produced in chains a Roman who had three times

been Consul, and making him stand in front of the tribunal while he

was sitting, sat in judgment on him, to the annoyance and vexation of

those who were present; after which he ordered him to be removed and

put to death. They say that when Carbo had been dragged off, seeing

the sword already bared, he begged them to allow him to retire for a

short time as his bowels were disordered. Caius Oppius,[208] the

friend of Cæsar, says that Pompeius behaved inhumanly to Quintus

Valerius also; for Pompeius, who knew that Valerius was a learned man

and a particular lover of learning, embraced him, and after walking

about with him and questioning him about what he wanted to know, and

getting his answer, he ordered his attendants to take Valerius away

and immediately put him to death. But when Oppius is speaking of the

enemies or friends of Cæsar, it is necessary to be very cautious in

believing what he says. Now as to those enemies of Sulla who were of

the greatest note and were openly taken, Pompeius of necessity

punished them; but as to the rest he allowed as many as he could to

escape detection, and he even aided some in getting away. Pompeius had

determined to punish the inhabitants of Himera which had sided with

the enemy; but Sthenis the popular leader having asked for a

conference with him, told Pompeius that he would not do right, if he

let the guilty escape and punished the innocent. On Pompeius asking

who the guilty man was, Sthenis replied, it was himself, for he had

persuaded those citizens who were his friends, and forced those who

were his enemies. Pompeius admiring the bold speech and spirit of the

man pardoned him first and then all the rest. Hearing that his

soldiers were committing excesses on the march, he put a seal on their

swords, and he who broke the seal was punished.

XI. While he was thus engaged in Sicily and settling the civil

administration, he received a decree of the Senate and letters from

Sulla which contained an order for him to sail to Libya and vigorously

oppose Domitius,[209] who had got together a power much larger than

that with which Marius no long time back had passed over from Libya to

Italy and put all affairs at Rome in confusion by making himself a

tyrant after having been a fugitive. Accordingly making his

preparations with all haste Pompeius left in command in Sicily

Memmius,[210] his sister's husband, and himself set sail with a

hundred and twenty large ships, and eight hundred transports which

conveyed corn, missiles, money, and engines. On his landing with part

of his vessels at Utica and the rest at Carthage, seven thousand men

deserted from the enemy and came over to him; he had himself six

complete legions. It is said that a ludicrous thing occurred here.

Some soldiers having fallen in with a treasure, as it seems, got a

large sum of money. The matter becoming known, all the rest of the

soldiers got a notion that the place was full of money, which they

supposed to have been hid during the misfortunes of the Carthaginians.

The consequence was that Pompeius could do nothing with the soldiers

for many days while they were busy with looking after treasure, but he

went about laughing and looking on so many thousands all at one time

digging and turning up the ground, till at last the men were tired and

told their commander to lead them were he pleased, as they had been

punished enough for their folly.

XII. Domitius had posted himself to oppose Pompeius, with a ravine in

his front which was difficult to pass and rough; but a violent rain

accompanied with wind commenced in the morning and continued, so that

Domitius giving up his intention of fighting on that day ordered a

retreat. Pompeius taking advantage of this opportunity advanced

rapidly and began to cross the ravine. But the soldiers of Domitius

were in disorder and confusion, and what resistance they offered was

neither made by the whole body nor yet in any regular manner: the wind

also veered round and blew the storm right in their faces. However the

storm confused the Romans also, for they did not see one another

clearly, and Pompeius himself had a narrow escape with his life, not

being recognised by a soldier to whom he was somewhat slow in giving

the word on being asked for it. Having repulsed the enemy with great

slaughter (for it is said that out of twenty thousand only three

thousand escaped) they saluted Pompeius with the title of Imperator.

But Pompeius said that he would not accept the honour, so long as the

enemy's encampment was standing, and if they thought him worthy of

this title they must first destroy the camp, upon which they forthwith

rushed against the rampart, and Pompeius fought without a helmet for

fear of what just had happened. The camp was taken and Domitius fell.

Some of the cities immediately submitted, and others were taken by

storm. Pompeius also made a prisoner of Iarbas,[211] one of the kings,

who had sided with Domitius, and he gave his kingdom to Hiempsal.

Availing himself of his success and the strength of his army he

invaded Numidia. After advancing many days' march and subduing all

whom he met with, and firmly establishing the dread of the Romans

among the barbarians which had now somewhat subsided, he said that he

ought not to leave even the wild beasts of Libya, without letting them

have some experience of the strength and courage of the Romans.

Accordingly he spent a few days in hunting lions and elephants;[212]

and in forty days in all, as it is said, he defeated his enemies,

subdued Libya, and settled all the affairs of the kings, being then in

his four and twentieth year.

XIII. On his return to Utica he received letters from Sulla, with

orders to disband the rest of the army, and to wait there with one

legion for his successor in the command. Pompeius was annoyed at this

and took it ill, though he did not show it; but the army openly

expressed their dissatisfaction, and when Pompeius requested them to

advance, they abused Sulla, and they said they would not let Pompeius

be exposed to danger without them, and they advised him not to trust

the tyrant. At first Pompeius endeavoured to mollify and quiet them,

but finding that he could not prevail, he descended from the tribunal

and went to his tent weeping. But the soldiers laid hold of him and

again placed him on the tribunal, and a great part of the day was

spent in the soldiers urging him to stay and be their leader, and in

Pompeius entreating the soldiers to be obedient and not to mutiny,

till at last, as they still urged him and drowned his voice with their

cries, he swore he would kill himself, if they forced him; and so at

last with great difficulty they were induced to stop. Sulla at first

received intelligence that Pompeius had revolted, on which he said to

his friends, it was his fate now that he was old to fight with boys,

alluding to the fact that Marius, who was very young, gave him most

trouble, and brought him into the extremest danger; but on hearing the

true state of affairs, and perceiving that everybody with right good

will was eager to receive Pompeius and to escort him, he made haste to

outdo them. Accordingly he advanced and met Pompeius, and receiving

him with all possible expressions of good-will, he saluted him with a

loud voice by the name of Magnus,[213] and he bade those who were

present to address him in the same way. The word Magnus means Great.

Others say that it was in Libya first that the whole army with

acclamation pronounced the name, and that it obtained strength and

currency by being confirmed by Sulla. But Pompeius himself, after

everybody else, and some time later when he was sent into Iberia as

proconsul against Sertorius, began to call himself in his letters and

edicts Magnus Pompeius; for the name was no longer invidious when

people had been made familiar with it. And here one may justly admire

and respect the old Romans, who requited with such appellations and

titles not success in war and battles only, but honoured therewith

political services and merits also. Two men accordingly the people

proclaimed Maximi, which means the Greatest; Valerius,[214] because he

reconciled the senate to the people when there was a misunderstanding

between them; and Fabius Rullus,[215] because he ejected from the

senate certain rich persons the children of freedmen who had been

enrolled in the list of senators.

XIV. After this Pompeius asked for a triumph, but Sulla opposed his

claim: for the law gives a triumph to a consul or to a prætor[216]

only, but to no one else. And this is the reason why the first Scipio,

after defeating the Carthaginians in greater and more important

contests in Iberia, did not ask for a triumph, for he was not consul,

nor yet prætor. Sulla considered that if Pompeius, who was not yet

well bearded, should enter the city in triumph, he who, by reason of

his age, was not yet a member of the senate, both his own office and

the honour given to Pompeius would be exposed to much obloquy. Sulla

made these remarks to Pompeius, to show that he did not intend to let

him have a triumph, but would resist him and check his ambition, if he

would not listen to reason. Pompeius, however, was not cowed, but he

told Sulla to reflect, that more men worship the rising than the

setting sun, intending him to understand that his own power was on the

increase, but that the power of Sulla was diminishing and fading away.

Sulla did not distinctly hear these words, but observing that those

who did hear them, by looks and gestures expressed their astonishment,

he asked what it was that Pompeius had said. When he heard what it

was, he was confounded at the boldness of Pompeius, and called out

twice, "Let him triumph!" Now many persons were annoyed, and expressed

their dissatisfaction at the triumph, on which Pompeius, wishing to

annoy them still more, it is said, made preparation for entering the

city in a car drawn by four elephants,[217] for he brought from Libya

many of the king's elephants that he had taken; but as the gate was

too narrow, he gave up his project and contented himself with horses.

The soldiers, who had not obtained as much as they expected, were

ready to make a disturbance and impede the triumph, but Pompeius said

that he cared not for it, and would rather give up the triumph than

humour them; whereupon Servilius,[218] a man of distinction, who had

made most opposition to the triumph of Pompeius, said, Now he

perceived that Pompeius was really Great and was worthy of the

triumph. It is also certain that he might then have been easily

admitted into the senate, if he had chosen; but he showed no eagerness

for it, seeking, as they say, reputation from what was unusual. For it

was nothing surprising if Pompeius were a senator before the age, but

it was a most distinguished honour for him to triumph before he was a

senator. Another thing also gained him the good-will of the many in no

small degree, for the people were delighted at his being reviewed

among the Equites after the triumph.

XV. Sulla[219] was annoyed to see to what a height of reputation and

power Pompeius was advancing, but as he was ashamed to attempt to

check his career he kept quiet. However, when Pompeius had brought

about the election of Lepidus as consul in spite of Sulla and against

his wish, by canvassing for Lepidus, and by employing the affection of

the people towards himself to induce them to favour Lepidus, Sulla

seeing Pompeius retiring with the crowd through the Forum, said, "I

see, young man, that you are pleased with your victory: and indeed how

can it be otherwise than generous and noble, for Lepidus, the vilest

of men, to be declared consul before Catulus the best, through your

management of the people? However, it is time for you not to slumber,

but to attend to affairs, for you have strengthened your rival against

yourself." Sulla showed mainly by his testament that he was not well

disposed to Pompeius, for he left legacies to his other friends, and

made them his son's guardians, but he passed over Pompeius

altogether. But Pompeius took this very quietly, and behaved on the

occasion as a citizen should do; and accordingly, when Lepidus and

some others were putting impediments in the way of the body being

interred in the Field of Mars, and were not for allowing the funeral

to be public, Pompeius brought his aid, and gave to the interment both

splendour and security.

XVI. As soon as Sulla's death made his prophetic warnings manifest,

and Lepidus was attempting to put himself in Sulla's place, not by any

circuitous movement or contrivance, but by taking up arms forthwith,

and again stirring up and gathering round him the remnants of the

factions which had long been enfeebled and had escaped from Sulla; and

his colleague Catulus, to whom the most honest and soundest part of

the Senate and the people attached themselves, was the first of the

Romans of the day for reputation of temperance and integrity, but was

considered to be better adapted for the conduct of civil than of

military affairs, and circumstances themselves were calling for

Pompeius, he did not hesitate what course to take, but attaching

himself to the optimates,[220] he was appointed commander of a force

to oppose Lepidus, who had already stirred up a large part of Italy

and held with an army under the command of Brutus, Gaul within the

Alps. Now Pompeius easily defeated the rest whom he attacked, but at

Mutina[221] in Gaul he sat down for some time opposite to Brutus,

while Lepidus having hurried on to Rome and posted himself before the

walls was demanding a second consulship and terrifying the citizens

with a numerous army. But the alarm was ended by a letter from

Pompeius, who had brought the war to a fortunate issue without a

battle. For Brutus, whether it was that he gave up his force himself

or was betrayed by his army changing sides, surrendered his person to

Pompeius and with some horsemen as an escort retired to one of the

small towns near the Padus, where after the interval of a single day

he was put to death by Geminius, whom Pompeius sent to him; and

Pompeius was much blamed for this. For at the very commencement of the

affair of the army changing sides, he wrote to the Senate that

Brutus[222] had voluntarily surrendered, and he then sent another

letter in which he criminated the man after he was put to death. This

Brutus was the father of the Brutus who together with Cassius killed

Cæsar, a man who neither fought nor died like his father, as is told

in his Life. As soon as Lepidus was driven from Italy, he made his

escape into Sardinia, where he fell sick and died of vexation, not at

the state of affairs, as they say, but from finding some writing by

which he discovered that his wife had committed adultery.

XVII. But a general, Sertorius,[223] who in no respect resembled

Lepidus, was in possession of Iberia and was hovering over the other

Romans, a formidable adversary; for the civil wars had concentrated

themselves as in a final disease in this one man, who had already

destroyed many of the inferior commanders, and was then engaged with

Metellus Pius, who was indeed a distinguished soldier and of great

military ability, but owing to old age was considered to be following

up the opportunities of war somewhat tardily, and was anticipated in

his plans by the quickness and rapidity of Sertorius, who attacked him

at all hazards and somewhat in robber fashion, and by his ambuscades

and circuitous movements confounded a man well practised in regular

battles and used to command a force of heavy-armed soldiers trained to

close fighting. Upon this Pompeius, who had an army under his command,

bestirred himself to be sent out to support Metellus; and though

Catulus ordered him to disband his force he would not obey, but kept

under arms in the neighbourhood of the city continually inventing

excuses, until the command was given to him on the proposal of Lucius

Philippus. It was on this occasion, as it is said, that some one in

the Senate asked Philippus with some surprise, if he thought that

Pompeius ought to be sent out as Proconsul,[224] and Philippus

replied, "Not as Proconsul, as I think, but in place of the Consuls,"

meaning that both the consuls of that year were good for nothing. I

XVIII. When Pompeius arrived in Iberia, as it usually happens with the

reputation of a new commander, he gave the people great hopes, and the

nations which were not firmly attached to the party of Sertorius began

to stir themselves and change sides; whereupon Sertorius gave vent to

arrogant expressions against Pompeius, and scoffingly said, he should

only need a cane and a whip for this youth, if he were not afraid of

that old woman, meaning Metellus. However he conducted his military

operations with more caution, as in fact he kept a close watch on

Pompeius and was afraid of him. For contrary to what one would have

expected, Metellus had become very luxurious in his mode of life and

had completely given himself up to pleasure, and there had been all at

once a great change in him to habits of pride and extravagance, so

that this also brought Pompeius a surpassing good-will and reputation,

inasmuch as he maintained a frugal mode of living, a thing that cost

him no great pains, for he was naturally temperate and well regulated

in his desires. Though there were many vicissitudes in the war, the

capture of Lauron by Sertorius gave Pompeius most annoyance; for while

he supposed that Sertorius was surrounded, and had uttered certain

boasting expressions, all at once it appeared that he himself was

completely hemmed in, and as for this reason he was afraid to stir, he

saw the city burnt before his face. But he defeated, near Valentia,

Herennius and Perpenna, who were men of military talent, and among

others had fled to Sertorius and served under him; and he slaughtered

above ten thousand of their men.

XIX. Elated by this success, and full of great designs, he hastened

to attack Sertorius himself, in order that Metellus might not share

the victory. They engaged on the banks of the Sucro, though it was

near the close of day, both parties fearing the arrival of Metellus,

one wishing to fight by himself, and the other wishing to have only

one opponent. The issue of the battle was doubtful, for one wing was

victorious on each side; but of the two commanders-in-chief Sertorius

got the more honour, for he put to flight the enemy who were opposed

to him. A man of tall stature, an infantry soldier, attacked Pompeius,

who was on horseback; and as they closed and came to a struggle, the

blows of the swords fell on the hands of both, but not with the same

effect; for Pompeius was only wounded, but he cut off the man's hand.

Now, as many men rushed upon Pompeius, and the rout had already begun,

he escaped, contrary to all expectation, by quitting his horse, which

had trappings of gold and decorations of great value; for while the

enemy were dividing the booty and fighting about it with one another,

they were left behind in the pursuit. At daybreak both commanders

again placed their forces in order of battle, with the intention of

securing the victory, but when Metellus approached, Sertorius

retreated and his army dispersed. For the fashion of his men was to

disperse and again to come together, so that Sertorius often wandered

about alone, and often appeared again at the head of one hundred and

fifty thousand men, like a winter-torrent suddenly swollen. Now, when

Pompeius went to meet Metellus after the battle, and they were near

one another, he ordered his lictors to lower their fasces out of

respect to Metellus as the superior in rank. But Metellus would not

allow this, and in all other respects he behaved with consideration to

Pompeius, not assuming any superiority on the ground of being a

consular and the elder, except that when the two armies encamped

together the watchword for both armies was given out by Metellus; but

the two armies generally encamped apart. For the enemy used to cut off

their communications and separate them, being fertile in stratagems,

and skilful in showing himself in many quarters in a short time, and

in leading from one combat to another. Finally, by cutting off their

supplies, plundering the country, and getting the command of the sea,

he drove both Pompeius and Metellus from that part of Iberia which was

under him, and they were compelled to fly to other provinces through

want of provisions.

XX. Pompeius having spent most of his own property and applied it to

the purposes of the war, demanded money of the senate, and said that

he would come to Italy with his army if they did not send it.

Lucullus, who was then consul, being at variance with Pompeius, and

intriguing to get the command in the Mithridatic war for himself,

bestirred himself to get money sent for fear of letting Pompeius have

a reason for leaving Sertorius, and attacking Mithridates, which he

wished to do, for Mithridates was considered to be an opponent whom it

would be an honour to oppose and easy to vanquish. In the meantime,

Sertorius[225] was assassinated by his friends, of whom Perpenna was

the chief leader, and he attempted to do what Sertorius had done,

having indeed the same troops and means, but not equal judgment for

the management of them. Now Pompeius immediately advanced against

Perpenna, and perceiving that he was floundering in his affairs, he

sent down ten cohorts into the plain, as a bait, and gave them orders

to disperse as if they were flying. When Perpenna had attacked the

cohorts, and was engaged in the pursuit, Pompeius appeared in full

force, and joining battle, gave the enemy a complete defeat. Most of

the officers fell in the battle; but Perpenna was brought to Pompeius,

who ordered him to be put to death, in which he did not show any

ingratitude, nor that he had forgotten what had happened in Sicily, as

some say, but he displayed great prudence and a judgment that was

advantageous to the commonweal. For Perpenna, who had got possession

of the writings of Sertorins, offered to produce letters from the most

powerful men in Rome, who being desirous to disturb the present

settlement and to change the constitution, invited Sertorius to Italy.

Now Pompeius, apprehending that this might give rise to greater wars

than those which were just ended, put Perpenna to death, and burnt the

letters without even reading them.

XXI. After staying[226] long enough to extinguish the chief

disturbances, and to quiet and settle those affairs which were in the

most inflammatory state, he led his army back to Italy, and happened

to arrive at the time when the servile war[227] was at its height.

This was the reason why Crassus the commander urged on the hazard of a

battle, which he gained, with the slaughter of twelve thousand three

hundred of the enemy. Fortune, however, in a manner adopted Pompeius

into this success also, for five thousand men who escaped from the

battle fell in his way, all of whom he destroyed, and he took the

opportunity of writing first to the senate, to say that Crassus indeed

had conquered the gladiators in a pitched battle, but he had pulled up

the war by the roots. And this was agreeable to the Romans to hear,

owing to their good-will towards Pompeius, and also to speak of. As to

Iberia and Sertorius, no one even in jest would have said that the

conquest was due to any one else than Pompeius. But though the man was

in such repute, and such expectations were entertained of him, there

was still some suspicion and fear that he would not disband his army,

but would make his way by arms and sovereign power straight to the

polity of Sulla. Accordingly, those who through fear ran to greet him

on the way, were as many as those who did it from good-will. But when

Pompeius had removed this suspicion also by declaring that he would

disband his army after the triumph, there still remained one subject

of reproach for those who envied him, that he attached himself more

to the people than to the senate, and that he had determined to

restore the authority of the tribunate, which Sulla had destroyed, and

to court the favour of the many, which was true. For there was nothing

for which the people were more madly passionate, and nothing which

they more desired, than to see that magistracy again, so that Pompeius

considered the opportunity for this political measure a great good

fortune, as he could not have found any other favour by which to

requite the good-will of the citizens, if another had anticipated him

in this.

XXII. Now after a second triumph[228] and the consulship were voted to

him, Pompeius was not for this reason considered an object of

admiration and a great man; but the people considered it a proof of

his distinction, that Crassus, though the richest of all who were

engaged in public life, and the most powerful speaker and the greatest

man, and though he despised Pompeius and everybody else, did not

venture to become a candidate for the consulship till he had applied

to Pompeius. Pompeius indeed was well pleased with this, as he had

long wished to have the opportunity of doing some service and friendly

act to Crassus. According he readily accepted the advances of Crassus,

and in his address to the people he declared that he should be as

grateful to them for his colleague as for the consulship. However,

when they were elected consuls, they differed about everything, and

came into collision: in the senate Crassus had more weight, but among

the people the influence of Pompeius was great. For Pompeius restored

the tribunate[229] to the people, and he allowed the judicia to be

again transferred to the Equites by a law. But the most agreeable of

all spectacles was that which Pompeius exhibited to the people when he

personally solicited his discharge from service. It is the custom

among the Roman Equites[230] when they have served the time fixed by

law, to lead their horse into the Forum before the two men whom they

call Censors, and after mentioning each general and Imperator under

whom they have served, and giving an account of their service, they

receive their dismissal. Honours also and infamy are awarded according

to each man's conduct. Now on this occasion the Censors Gellius and

Lentulus were sitting in all their official dignity, and the Equites

who were to be inspected were passing by, when Pompeius was seen

descending from the higher ground to the Forum, bearing the other

insignia of his office, but leading his horse by the hand. When he

came near and was full in sight, he bade the lictors make way for him,

and he led his horse to the tribunal. The people admired, and kept

profound silence; the censors were both awed and delighted at the

sight. Then the elder said: "I ask you, Pompeius Magnus, if you have

performed all the military services that the law requires?" Pompeius

replied with a loud voice, "I have performed all, and all under my own

command as Imperator." On hearing this the people broke out into loud

shouts, and it was impossible to repress the acclamations, so great

was their delight; but the censors rising, conducted Pompeius home to

please the citizens, who followed with loud expressions of applause.

XXIII. Now when the term of office was near expiring for Pompeius, and

the differences with Crassus wore increasing, one Caius

Aurelius,[231] who though a man of equestrian rank did not meddle with

public affairs, on the occasion of an assembly of the people ascended

the Rostra, and coming forward said, that Jupiter had appeared to him

in his sleep and had bid him tell the consuls not to lay down their

office before they were reconciled. On this being said, Pompeius stood

still, without saying a word, but Crassus making the first advance to

take his hand and address him, said, "I think I am doing nothing

ignoble or mean, fellow citizens, in being first to give way to

Pompeius, whom you considered worthy of the name of Magnus before he

had a beard, and decreed to him two triumphs before he was a senator."

Upon this they were reconciled and laid down their office. Now Crassus

continued the kind of life which he had originally adopted; but

Pompeius withdrew himself from his numerous engagements as advocate,

and gradually quitted the forum, and seldom went into public, and

always with a large crowd of people. For it was no longer easy to meet

with him or see him without a train; but he took most pleasure in

showing himself with a numerous company close around him, and by these

means he threw a dignity and importance about his presence, and

thought that he ought to keep his high rank from contact or

familiarity with the many. For life in the garment of peace is a

hazardous thing towards loss of reputation for those who have gained

distinction in arms and are ill suited for civil equality; for such

men claim the first place in peace also, as in war, while those who

get less honour in war cannot submit to have no advantage in peace at

least. Wherefore when they meet in the Forum with the man who has been

distinguished in camps and triumphs, they humble him and cast him

down; but if a man renounces all pretensions to civil distinction and

withdraws, they maintain his military honours and power untouched by

envy. Facts soon showed this.

XXIV. Now the power of the pirates[232] had its beginning in Cilicia,

and at first its adventure was attended with hazard and sought

concealment, but it gained confidence and daring in the Mithridatic

war by lending itself to aid the king. Then, the Romans being engaged

in the civil wars about the gates of Rome, the sea was left destitute

of all protection, and this by degrees drew them on, and encouraged

them not to confine their attacks to those who navigated the sea, but

to ravage islands and maritime cities. And now men who were powerful

by wealth and of distinguished birth, and who claimed superior

education, began to embark on board piratical vessels and to share in

their undertakings as if the occupation was attended with a certain

reputation and was an object of ambition. There were also piratical

posts established in many places and fortified beacons, at which

armaments put in, which were fitted out for this peculiar occupation

not only with bold vigorous crews and skilful helmsmen and the speed

and lightness of the ships, but more annoying than their formidable

appearance was their arrogant and pompous equipment, with their golden

streamers[233] and purple sails and silvered oars, as if they rioted

in their evil practices and prided themselves on them. And flutes and

playing on stringed instruments and drinking along the whole coast,

and capture of persons high in office, and ransomings of captured

cities, were a disgrace to the Roman supremacy. Now the piratical

ships had increased to above a thousand, and the cities captured by

them were four hundred. They attacked and plundered the asyla and

sacred places which had hitherto been unapproached, such as those of

Claros,[234] Didyma, Samothrace, the temple of Chthonia in Hermione,

the temple of Æsculapius in Epidaurus, and those of Neptune at the

Isthmus and Tænaros and Kalauria, and those of Apollo at Actium and

Leucas, and that of Juno in Samos, and in Argos, and Lacinium. They

also performed strange rites on Olympus[235] and celebrated certain

mysterious ceremonies, among which were those of Mithras[236] and they

are continued to the present time, having been first introduced by

them. But they did most insult to the Romans, and going up from the

sea they robbed on their roads and plundered the neighbouring villas.

They once seized two prætors Sextilius and Bellinus in their purple

dress, and they carried off with them their attendants and lictors.

They also took the daughter of Antonius, a man who had enjoyed a

triumph, as she was going into the country, and she was ransomed at

great cost. But their most insulting behaviour was in the following

fashion. Whenever a man who was taken called out that he was a Roman

and mentioned his name, they would pretend to be terror-struck and to

be alarmed, and would strike their thighs and fall down at his knees

praying him to pardon them; and their captive would believe all this

to be real, seeing that they were humble and suppliant. Then some

would put Roman shoes on his feet, and others would throw over him a

toga, pretending it was done that there might be no mistake about him

again. When they had for some time mocked the man in this way and had

their fill of amusement, at last they would put a ladder down into the

sea, and bid him step out and go away with their best wishes for a

good journey; and if a man would not go, then they shoved him into the

water.

XXV. The power of the pirates extended over the whole of our sea[237]

at once in a measure, so that it could not be navigated and was closed

against all trade. It was this which mainly induced the Romans, who

were hard pressed for provisions and were expecting great scarcity, to

send out Pompeius to clear the sea of the pirates. Gabinius,[238] one

of the friends of Pompeius, drew up a law which gave Pompeius, not a

naval command, but palpably sole dominion and power over all men

without any responsibility. For the law gave him authority over the

sea within the columns of Hercules and all the main land to the

distance of four hundred stadia from the sea. There were not many

places within the Roman dominions which lay beyond those limits, but

the chief nations and the most powerful of the kings were comprised

within them. Besides this, Pompeius was empowered to choose fifteen

legati from the Senate who should command in particular parts, to take

from the treasuries and from the Publicani as much money as he

pleased, and two hundred ships, with full authority as to the number

and levying of the armed force and of the rowers for the vessels. When

these provisions of the law were read, the people received them with

exceeding great satisfaction, but the chief of the Senate and the most

powerful citizens considered that this unlimited and indefinite power

was indeed too great to be an object of envy, but was a matter for

alarm. Accordingly with the exception of Cæsar they opposed the law;

but Cæsar spoke in favour of it, though indeed he cared very little

for Pompeius, but from the beginning it was his plan to insinuate

himself into the popular favour and to gain over the people. But the

rest vehemently assailed Pompeius. One of the consuls who had observed

to him that if he emulated Romulus he would not escape the end of

Romulus, was near being killed by the people. When Catulus came

forward to speak against the law, the people out of respect were

silent for some time; but after he had spoken at length with

honourable mention of Pompeius and without any invidious remark, and

then advised the people to spare him and not to expose such a man to

repeated dangers and wars, "What other man," he continued, "will you

have, if you lose him?" when with one accord all the people replied,

"Yourself." Now as Catulus could produce no effect, he retired from

the Rostra; when Roscius[239] came forward, nobody listened, but he

made signs with his fingers that they should not appoint Pompeius to

the sole command, but should give him a colleague. At this it is said

that the people being irritated sent forth such a shout, that a

crow[240] which was flying over the Forum was stunned and fell down

into the crowd. Whence it appears, that birds which fall, do not

tumble into a great vacuum in the air caused by its rending and

separation, but that they are struck by the blow of the voice, which,

when it is carried along with great mass and strength, causes an

agitation and a wave in the air.

XXVI. Now for the time the assembly was dissolved. But on the day on

which they were going to put the law to the vote, Pompeius privately

retired to the country, but on hearing that the law had passed, he

entered the city by night, considering that he should make himself an

object of jealousy if the people met him and crowded about him. At

daybreak he came into public and sacrificed; and an assembly being

summoned he contrived to get many other things in addition to what had

been voted, and nearly doubled his armament. For he manned five

hundred ships, and one hundred and twenty thousand heavy-armed

soldiers and five thousand horse were raised. He chose out of the

senate twenty-four men who had held command and served the office of

prætor; and there were two quæstors. As the prices of provisions

immediately fell, it gave the people, who were well pleased to have

it, opportunity to say that the very name of Pompeius had put an end

to the war. However, by dividing the waters and the whole space of the

internal sea into thirteen parts and appointing a certain number of

ships and a commander for each, with his force, which was thus

dispersed in all directions, he surrounded the piratical vessels that

fell in his way in a body, and forthwith hunted them down and brought

them into port; but those who separated from one another before they

were taken and effected their escape, crowded from all parts and made

their way to Cilicia as to a hive; and against them Pompeius himself

went with sixty of the best ships. But he did not sail against them

till he had completely cleared of the piratical vessels the Tyrrhenian

sea, the Libyan, and the seas around Sardinia, and Corsica, and

Sicily, in forty days in all, by his own unwearied exertions and the

active co-operation of his commanders.

XXVII. In Rome the consul Piso, through passion and envy, was damaging

the preparations for the war, and disbanding the seamen who were to

man the ships, but Pompeius sent round his navy to Brundisium and

himself advanced through Tyrrhenia to Rome. On hearing this all the

people poured forth out of the city upon the road, just as if they had

not only a few days before conducted him out of the city. And the

rejoicing was caused by the speediness of the change, which was

contrary to expectation, for the Forum had a superabundance of

provisions. The consequence was that Piso ran the risk of being

deprived of the consulship, for Gabinius had already a law drawn up.

But Pompeius prevented this, and having managed everything else with

moderation and got what he wanted, he went down to Brundisium and set

sail. But though he was pressed by the urgency of the business and

sailed past the cities in his haste, still he did not pass by Athens

but he went up to it. After sacrifices to the gods and addressing the

people, just as he was quitting the place he read two inscriptions,

each of a single verse, addressed to him, the one within the gate,

"As thou own'st thyself a mortal, so thou art in truth a God."

and that on the outside:

"Expected, welcomed, seen, we now conduct thee forth."

Now as he treated mercifully some of the piratical crews which still

held together and were cruising about the seas upon their preferring

entreaties to him, and after receiving a surrender of their vessels

and persons did them no harm, the rest entertaining good hopes

attempted to get out of the way of the other officers, and coming to

Pompeius they put themselves into his hands with their children and

wives. But he spared all, and it was chiefly through their assistance

that he tracked out and caught[241] those who still lurked in

concealment, as being conscious that they had committed unpardonable

crimes.

XXVIII. The greater part and the most powerful of the pirates had

deposited their families and wealth, and their useless people, in

garrisons and strong forts among the heights of the Taurus; but

manning their ships the pirates themselves awaited the approach of

Pompeius near Coracesium[242] in Cilicia, and a battle was fought in

which they were defeated and afterwards blockaded. At last sending a

suppliant message they surrendered themselves and their cities and the

islands of which they had possession and in which they had built forts

that were difficult to force and hard to approach. Accordingly the war

was ended, and all the pirates were driven from the sea in no more

than three months. Pompeius received by surrender many ships, and

among them ninety with brazen beaks. The pirates, who amounted to more

than twenty thousand, he never thought of putting to death, but he

considered that it would not be prudent to let them go and to allow

them to be dispersed or to unite again, being poor, and warlike and

many in number. Reflecting then that by nature man neither is made nor

is a wild animal nor unsocial, and that he changes his character by

the practice of vice which is contrary to his nature, but that he is

tamed by habits and change of place and life, and that wild beasts by

being accustomed to a gentler mode of living put off their wildness

and savageness, he determined to transfer the men to the land from the

sea and to let them taste a quiet life by being accustomed to live in

cities and to cultivate the ground. The small and somewhat depopulated

cities of Cilicia received some of the pirates whom they associated

with themselves, and the cities received some additional tracts of

land; and the city of Soli,[243] which had lately been deprived of its

inhabitants by Tigranes[244] the Armenian king, he restored and

settled many of them in it. To the greater part he gave as their

residence Dyme[245] in Achæa, which was then without inhabitants and

had much good land.

XXIX. Now those who envied Pompeius found fault with these measures;

but as to his conduct towards Metellus[246] in Crete, even his best

friends were not pleased with it. Metellus, who was a kinsman of the

Metellus who had the command in Iberia jointly with Pompeius, was sent

as commander to Crete before Pompeius was chosen. For Crete was a kind

of second source of pirates and next to Cilicia; and Metellus having

caught many of them in the island took them prisoners and put them to

death. Those who still survived and were blockaded, sent a suppliant

message and invited Pompeius to the island, as being a part of his

government and falling entirely within the limits reckoned from the

coast. Pompeius accepted the invitation and wrote to Metellus to

forbid him continuing the war. He also wrote to the cities not to pay

any attention to Metellus, and he sent as commander one of his own

officers, Lucius Octavius, who entering into the forts of the besieged

pirates and fighting on their side made Pompeius not only odious and

intolerable, but ridiculous also, inasmuch as he lent his name to

accursed and godless men and threw around them his reputation as a

kind of amulet, through envy and jealousy of Metellus. Neither did

Achilles,[247] it was argued, act like a man, but like a youth all

full of violence and passionately pursuing glory, when he made a sign

to the rest of the Greeks and would not let them strike Hector,

"For fear another gave the blow and won

The fame, and he should second only come;"

but Pompeius even protected and fought in behalf of the common enemy,

that he might deprive of a triumph a general who had endured so much

toil. Metellus however did not give in, but he took and punished the

pirates, and after insulting and abusing Octavius in his camp he let

him go.

XXX. When news reached Rome that the Pirates' war was at an end and

that Pompeius being now at leisure was visiting the cities,

Manlius,[248] one of the tribunes, proposed a law, that Pompeius

should take all the country and force which Lucullus commanded, with

the addition of Bithynia, which Glabrio[249] had, and should carry on

the war against the kings Mithridates and Tigranes, with both the

naval force and the dominion of the sea on the terms on which he

received it originally. This was in short for the Roman dominion to be

placed at the disposal of one man. For the provinces which alone he

could not touch under the former law, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia,

Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis, Armenia, these he now had

together with the armies and resources with which Lucullus defeated

Mithridates and Tigranes. But though Lucullus was thus deprived of the

glory of his achievements and was receiving a successor in a triumph

rather than in a war, the aristocratical party thought less of this,

though they considered that the man was treated unjustly and

ungratefully, but they were much dissatisfied with the power of

Pompeius which they viewed as the setting up of a tyranny, and they

severally exhorted and encouraged one another to oppose the law and

not to give up their freedom. But when the time came, the rest kept

back through fear of the people and were silent, except Catulus, who

after finding much fault with the law and the tribune, yet without

persuading any one, urged the Senate from the Rostra, repeating it

many times, to seek for a mountain,[250] like their ancestors, and a

rock, to which they might fly for refuge and preserve their liberty.

Accordingly the law was ratified, as they say, by all the tribes[251]

and Pompeius in his absence was put in possession of nearly

everything which Sulla got after he had made himself master of the

city by arms and war. On receiving the letters and reading the decrees

in the presence of his friends who were congratulating him, Pompeius

is said to have contracted his eyebrows and to have struck his thigh,

and to have spoken like a man who was already tired and averse to

command, "Oh, the endless toils, how much better it were to have been

one unknown to fame, if there shall never be an end to my military

service and I shall never elude this envy and live quietly in the

country with my wife."[252] On hearing these expressions not even his

intimate friends could endure his hypocritical pretences, as they knew

that he was the more delighted, inasmuch as his difference with

Lucullus gave additional fire to his innate ambition and love of

command.

XXXI. And in truth his acts soon discovered his real temper: for he

issued counter-edicts in all directions by which he required the

presence of the soldiers and summoned to him the subject rulers and

kings. And as he traversed the country, he let nothing that Lucullus

had done remain undisturbed, but he both remitted the punishments of

many, and took away what had been given, and in short he left nothing

undone in his eagerness to prove to the admirers of Lucullus[253] that

he was entirely without power. Lucullus through his friends complained

to Pompeius, and it was agreed that they should have a meeting. They

met in Galatia: and as they were most distinguished generals and had

won the greatest victories, their lictors met with the fasces wreathed

with bay; but Lucullus advanced from green and shady parts, and

Pompeius happened to have crossed an extensive tract without trees and

parched. Accordingly the lictors of Lucullus seeing that the bays of

Pompeius were faded and completely withered, gave them some of their

own which were fresh, and so decorated and wreathed the fasces of

Pompeius with them. This was considered a sign that Pompeius was

coming to carry off the prizes of victory and the glory that was due

to Lucullus. As to the order of his consulship and in age also

Lucullus had the priority, but the reputation of Pompeius was more

exalted on account of his two triumphs. However they managed their

first interview with as much civility and friendliness as they could,

magnifying the exploits of each other, and congratulating one another

on their victories: in their conferences however they came to no

reasonable or fair settlement, but even fell to mutual abuse, Pompeius

charging Lucullus with avarice, and Lucullus charging Pompeius with

love of power; and they were with difficulty separated by their

friends. Lucullus being in Galatia assigned portions of the captured

land and gave other presents to whom he chose; while Pompeius, who was

encamped at a short distance, prevented any attention being paid to

the orders of Lucullus, and took from him all his soldiers except

sixteen hundred, whose mutinous disposition he thought would make them

useless to himself, but hostile to Lucullus. Besides this, Pompeius

disparaged the exploits of Lucullus and openly said that Lucullus had

warred against tragedies and mere shadows of kings, while to himself

was reserved the contest against a genuine power and one that had

grown wiser by losses, for Mithridates was now having recourse to

shields, and swords and horses. Lucullus retorting said, that Pompeius

was going to fight with a phantom and a shadow of war, being

accustomed, like a lazy bird, to descend upon the bodies that others

had slaughtered and to tear the remnants of wars; for so had he

appropriated to himself the victories over Sertorius, Lepidus and

Spartacus, though Crassus, Metellus and Catulus had respectively

gained these victories: it was no wonder then, if Pompeius was

surreptitiously trying to get the credit of the Armenian and Pontic

wars, he who had in some way or other contrived to intrude himself

into a triumph over runaway slaves.

XXXII. Lucullus[254] now retired, and Pompeius after distributing his

whole naval force over the sea between Phœnicia and the Bosporus to

keep guard, himself marched against Mithridates, who had thirty

thousand foot soldiers of the phalanx and two thousand horsemen, but

did not venture to fight. First of all, Mithridates left a strong

mountain which was difficult to assault, whereon he happened to be

encamped, because he supposed there was no water there; but Pompeius,

after occupying the same mountain, conjectured from the nature of the

vegetation upon it and the hollows formed by the slopes of the ground

that the place contained springs, and he ordered wells to be dug in

all parts: and immediately the whole army had abundance of water, so

that it was a matter of surprise that Mithridates had all along been

ignorant of this. Pompeius then surrounded Mithridates with his troops

and hemmed him in with his lines. After being blockaded forty-five

days Mithridates succeeded in stealing away with the strongest part of

his army, after having first massacred those who were unfit for

service and were sick. Next, Pompeius overtook him on the Euphrates

and pitched his camp near him; and fearing lest Mithridates should

frustrate his design by crossing the river, he led his army against

him in battle order at midnight, at which very hour it is said that

Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what was

going to happen. He dreamed that he was sailing on the Pontic sea with

a fair wind, and was already in sight of the Bosporus, and

congratulating his fellow voyagers, as a man naturally would do in his

joy at a manifest and sure deliverance; but all at once he saw himself

abandoned by everybody and drifting about upon a small piece of wreck.

While he was suffering under this anguish and these visions, his

friends came to his bed-side and roused him with the news that

Pompeius was attacking them. The enemy accordingly must of necessity

fight in defence of their camp, and the generals leading their forces

out put them in order of battle. Pompeius, seeing the preparations to

oppose him, hesitated about running any risk in the dark, and thought

that he ought only to surround the enemy, to prevent their escape, and

attack them when it was daylight, inasmuch as their numbers were

greater. But the oldest centurions by their entreaties and

exhortations urged him on; for it was not quite dark, but the moon

which was descending in the horizon still allowed them to see objects

clear enough. And it was this which most damaged the king's troops.

For the Romans advanced with the moon on their backs, and as the light

was much depressed towards the horizon, the shadows were projected a

long way in front of the soldiers and fell upon the enemy, by reason

of which they could not accurately estimate the distance between them

and the Romans, but supposing that they were already at close quarters

they threw their javelins without effect and struck nobody. The Romans

perceiving this rushed upon the enemy with shouts, and as they did not

venture to stand their ground, but were terror-struck and took to

flight, the Romans slaughtered them to the number of much more than

ten thousand, and took their camp. Mithridates at the commencement

with eight hundred horsemen cut his way through the Romans, but the

rest were soon dispersed and he was left alone with three persons, one

of whom was his concubine Hypsikratia,[255] who on all occasions

showed the spirit of a man and desperate courage; and accordingly the

king used to call her Hypsikrates. On this occasion, armed like a

Persian and mounted on horseback, she was neither exhausted by the

long journeys nor ever wearied of attending to the King's person and

his horse, till they came to a place called Inora,[256] which was

filled with the King's property and valuables. Here Mithridates took

costly garments and distributed among those who had flocked to him

after the battle. He also gave to each of his friends a deadly poison

to carry about with them, that none of them might fall into the hands

of the Romans against his will. Thence he set out towards Armenia to

Tigranes, but Tigranes forbade him to come and set a price of a

hundred talents upon him, on which Mithridates passed by the sources

of the Euphrates and continued his flight through Colchis.[257]

XXXIII. Pompeius invaded Armenia at the invitation of young

Tigranes,[258] who had now revolted from his father, and he met

Pompeius near the river Araxes,[259] which rises in the same parts

with the Euphrates, but turns to the east and enters the Caspian Sea.

Pompeius and Tigranes received the submission of the cities as they

advanced: but King Tigranes, who had been lately crushed by Lucullus,

and heard that Pompeius was of a mild and gentle disposition, admitted

a Roman garrison into his palace,[260] and taking with him his friends

and kinsmen advanced to surrender himself. As he approached the camp

on horseback, two lictors of Pompeius came up to him and ordered him

to dismount from his horse and to enter on foot: they told him that no

man on horseback had ever been seen in a Roman camp. Tigranes obeyed

their orders, and taking off his sword presented it to them; and

finally, when Pompeius came towards him, pulling off his

cittaris,[261] he hastened to lay it before his feet, and what was

most humiliating of all, to throw himself down at his knees. But

Pompeius prevented this by laying hold of his right hand and drawing

the king towards him; he also seated Tigranes by his side, and his son

on the other side, and said that Tigranes ought so far to blame

Lucullus only, who had taken from him Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia,

Galatia, and Sophene,[262] but that what he had kept up to that time,

he should still have, if he paid as a compensation to the Romans for

his wrongful deeds six thousand talents, and his son should be King of

Sophene. Tigranes assented to these terms, and being overjoyed by the

Romans saluting him as king, he promised to give every soldier half a

mina of silver,[263] to a centurion ten minæ, and to a tribune a

talent. But his son took this ill, and on being invited to supper he

said that he was not in want of Pompeius to show such honour as this,

for he would find another Roman.[264] In consequence of this he was

put in chains and kept for the triumph. No long time after Phraates

the Parthian sent to demand the young man, as his son-in-law, and to

propose that the Euphrates should be the boundary of the two powers.

Pompeius replied that Tigranes belonged to his father rather than to

his father-in-law, and that as to a boundary he should determine that

on the principles of justice.

XXXIV. Leaving Afranius in care of Armenia, Pompeius advanced through

the nations that dwell about the Caucasus,[265] as of necessity he

must do, in pursuit of Mithridates. The greatest of these nations are

Albani and Iberians, of whom the Iberians extend to the Moschic

mountains and the Pontus, and the Albani extend to the east and the

Caspian Sea. The Albani at first allowed a free passage to Pompeius at

his request; but as winter overtook the Romans in the country and they

were occupied with the festival of the Saturnalia,[266] mustering to

the number of forty thousand they attacked the Romans, after crossing

the Cyrnus[267] river, which rising in the Iberian mountains and

receiving the Araxes which comes down from Armenia, empties itself by

twelve mouths into the Caspian. Others say that the Araxes does not

join this stream, but that it has a separate outlet, though near to

the other, into the same sea. Pompeius, though he could have opposed

the enemy while they were crossing the river, let them cross quietly,

and then he attacked and put them to flight and destroyed a great

number. As the King begged for pardon, and sent ambassadors, Pompeius

excused him for the wrong that he had done, and making a treaty with

him, advanced against the Iberians, who were as numerous as the Albani

and more warlike, and had a strong wish to please Mithridates and to

repel Pompeius. For the Iberians had never submitted either to the

Medes or the Persians,[268] and they had escaped the dominion of the

Macedonians also, inasmuch as Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania. However

Pompeius routed the Iberians also in a great battle, in which nine

thousand of them were killed and above ten thousand taken prisoners,

and he entered Colchis; and on the Phasis[269] he was met by Servilius

with the vessels with which he was guarding the Pontus.

XXXV. The pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties,

as he had plunged among the nations around the Bosporus and the

Mæotis; and intelligence reached Pompeius that the Albani had again

revolted. Moved by passion and desire of revenge, Pompeius turned

against the Albani. He again crossed the Cyrnus with difficulty and

danger, for the river had been fenced off with stakes to a great

extent by the barbarians; and as the passage of the river was

succeeded by a long waterless and difficult march, he had ten thousand

skins filled with water and then advanced against the enemy, whom he

found posted on the river Abas[270] to the number of sixty thousand

foot and twelve thousand cavalry, but poorly armed, and for the most

part only with the skins of beasts. They were commanded by a brother

of the king, named Kosis, who, when the two armies had come to close

quarters, rushed against Pompeius and struck him with a javelin on the

fold[271] of his breastplate, but Pompeius with his javelin in his

hand pierced him through and killed him. In this battle it is said

that Amazons[272] also fought on the side of the barbarians, and that

they had come down hither from the mountains about the river

Thermodon. For after the battle, when the Romans were stripping the

barbarians, they found Amazonian shields and boots, but no body of a

woman was seen. The Amazons inhabit those parts of the Caucasus which

extend towards the Hyrcanian sea, but they do not border on the

Albani, for Gelæ and Leges dwell between; and they cohabit with these

people every year for two months, meeting them on the river Thermodon,

after which they depart and live by themselves.

XXXVI. After the battle Pompeius set out to advance to the

Hyrkanian[273] and Caspian sea, but he was turned from his route by

the number of deadly reptiles, when he was three days' march from it.

He retired to the Less Armenia; and he returned a friendly answer to

the Kings of the Elymæi[274] and Medes who sent ambassadors, but

against the Parthian king who had invaded Gordyene and was plundering

the people of Tigranes, he sent Afranius with a force who drove him

out and pursued him as far as the territory of Arbela. Of all the

concubines of Mithridates who were brought to him, he knew not one,

but sent all back to their parents and kin; for the greater part were

the daughters and wives of generals and princes. Stratonike,[275] who

was in the greatest repute and guarded the richest of the forts, was,

it is said, the daughter of a harp-player, who was not rich and was an

old man; and she made so sudden a conquest of Mithridates over his

wine by her playing, that he kept the woman and went to bed with her,

but sent away the old man much annoyed at not having been even civilly

spoken to by the king. In the morning, however, when he got up and saw

in his house tables loaded with silver and golden cups, and a great

train of attendants, with eunuchs and boys bringing to him costly

garments, and a horse standing before the door equipped like those

that carried the king's friends, thinking that this was all mockery

and a joke he made an attempt to escape through the door. But when the

slaves laid hold of him and told him that the king had made him a

present of the large substance of a rich man who had just died, and

that this was but a small foretaste and sample of other valuables and

possessions that were to come, after this explanation hardly convinced

he took the purple dress, and leaping on the horse rode through the

city exclaiming, "All this is mine." To those who laughed at him he

said, this was nothing strange, but it was rather strange that he did

not pelt with stones those who came in his way, being mad with

delight. Of this stock and blood was Stratonike. But she gave up this

place to Pompeius, and also brought him many presents, of which he

took only such as seemed suitable to decorate the temples and add

splendour to his triumph, and he told her she was welcome to keep the

rest. In like manner when the King of the Iberians sent him a couch

and a table and a seat all of gold, and begged him to accept them, he

delivered them also to the quæstors for the treasury.

XXXVII. In the fort Kænum[276] Pompeius found also private writings

of Mithridates, which he read through with some pleasure as they gave

him a good opportunity of learning the man's character. They were

memoirs,[277] from which it was discovered that he had taken off by

poison[278] among many others his son Ariarathes and Alkæus of Sardis

because he got the advantage over the King in riding racehorses. There

were registered also interpretations of dreams,[279] some of which he

had seen himself, and others had been seen by some of his women; and

there were lewd letters of Monime[280] to him and his answers to her.

Theophanes says that there was also found an address of Rutilius[281]

in which he urged the King to the massacre of the Romans in Asia. But

most persons with good reason suppose this to be a malicious story of

Theophanes, perhaps invented through hatred to Rutilius, who was a

man totally unlike himself, or perchance to please Pompeius, whose

father Rutilius in his historical writings had shown to be a

thoroughly unprincipled fellow.

XXXVIII. Thence Pompeius went to Amisus,[282] where his ambition led

him to reprehensible measures. For though he had abused Lucullus

greatly, because while the enemy was still alive, he published edicts

for the settlement of the countries and distributed gifts and honours,

things which victors are accustomed to do when a war is brought to a

close and is ended, he himself, while Mithridates was still ruling in

the Bosporus[283] and had got together a force sufficient to enable

him to take the field again, just as if everything was finished, began

to do the very things that Lucullus had done, settling the provinces,

and distributing gifts, many commanders and princes, and twelve

barbarous kings having come to him. Accordingly he did not even deign

when writing in reply to the Parthian,[284] as other persons did, to

address him by the title of King of Kings, and he neglected to do this

to please the other kings. He was also seized with a desire and a

passion to get possession of Syria and to advance through Arabia to

the Erythræan sea,[285] that in his victorious career he might reach

the ocean that encompasses the world on all sides; for in Libya he was

the first who advanced victoriously as far as the external sea, and

again in Iberia he made the Atlantic sea the boundary of the Roman

dominion; and thirdly, in his recent pursuit of the Albani he came

very near to reaching the Hyrkanian sea. Accordingly he now put his

army in motion that he might connect the circuit of his military

expeditions with the Erythræan sea; and besides, he saw that

Mithridates was difficult to be caught by an armed force, and was a

harder enemy to deal with when flying than when fighting.

XXXIX. Wherefore, remarking that he would leave behind him for

Mithridates an enemy stronger than himself, famine, he set vessels to

keep a guard on the merchants who sailed to the Bosporus; and death

was the penalty for those who were caught. Taking the great bulk of

his army he advanced on his march, and falling in with the bodies

still unburied of those who with Triarius[286] had fought

unsuccessfully against Mithridates and fallen in battle, he buried all

with splendid ceremonial and due honours. It was the neglect of this

which is considered to have been the chief cause of the hatred to

Lucullus. After subduing by his legate Afranius the Arabs in the

neighbourhood of the Amanus,[287] he descended into Syria, which he

made a province and a possession of the Roman people on the ground

that it had no legitimate kings; and he subdued Judæa[288] and took

King Aristobulus prisoner. He built some cities, and he gave others

their liberty and punished the tyrants in them. But he spent most time

in judicial business, settling the disputes of cities and kings, and

in those cases for which he had no leisure, sending his friends; as

for instance to the Armenians and Parthians, who referred to him the

decision as to the country[289] in dispute between them, he sent three

judges and conciliators. For great was the fame of his power, and no

less was the fame of his virtue and mildness; by reason of which he

was enabled to veil most of the faults of his friends and intimates,

for he did not possess the art of checking or punishing evil doers,

but he so behaved towards those who had anything to do with him, that

they patiently endured both the extortion and oppression of the

others.

XL. The person who had most influence with Pompeius was Demetrius, a

freedman, a youth not without understanding, but who abused his good

fortune. The following story is told of him. Cato the philosopher, who

was still a young man, but had a great reputation and already showed a

lofty spirit, went up to Antioch,[290] when Pompeius was not there,

wishing to examine the city. Now Cato, as was his custom, walked on

foot, but his friends who were journeying with him were on horseback.

Observing before the gate a crowd of men in white vestments, and along

the road, on one side the ephebi, and on the other the boys, in

separate bodies, he was out of humour, supposing that this was done

out of honour and respect to him who wanted nothing of the kind.

However he bade his friends dismount and walk with him. As they came

near, the man who was arranging and settling all this ceremony, with a

crown on his head and a wand in his hand, met them and asked where

they had left Demetrius and when he would arrive. Now the friends of

Cato fell a-laughing, but Cato exclaimed, "O wretched city," and

passed by without making further answer. However Pompeius himself made

Demetrius less an object of odium to others by submitting to his

caprices without complaint. For it is said that frequently when

Pompeius at entertainments was waiting for and receiving his guests,

Demetrius would already have taken his place at the table, reclining

with haughty air, and with his vest[291] over his ears hanging down.

Before he had returned to Rome, Demetrius had got possession of the

most agreeable places in the suburbs, and the finest pleasure-grounds

and costly gardens were called Demetrian; and yet up to his third

triumph Pompeius was lodged in a moderate and simple manner. But

afterwards when he was erecting for the Romans that beautiful and

far-famed theatre,[292] he built, what may be compared to the small

boat that is towed after a big vessel, close by a house more

magnificent than he had before; and yet even this was so far from

being such a building as to excite any jealousy that the person who

became the owner of it after Pompeius, was surprised when he entered

it, and he asked where Pompeius Magnus used to sup. Such is the story

about these matters.

XLI. The King of the Arabians in the neighbourhood of Petra[293]

hitherto had not troubled himself at all about the Romans, but now

being much alarmed he wrote to say that he was ready to submit and to

do anything. Pompeius wishing to confirm him in this disposition made

an expedition against Petra, wherein he did not altogether escape

censure from most people. For they considered that this was evading

the pursuit of Mithridates, and they urged him to turn against him who

was his old antagonist and was fanning his flame and preparing

according to report to lead an army through the country of the

Scythians and Pæonians[294] against Italy. But Pompeius thinking it

would be easier to crush the forces of Mithridates in the field than

to overtake him when he was flying, did not choose to exhaust himself

to no purpose in a pursuit, and he contrived to find other occupations

in the interval of the war and he protracted the time. Fortune,

however, settled the difficulty; for when he was at no great distance

from Petra, and had already pitched his camp for that day and was

exercising himself with his horse around the camp, letter-bearers rode

up from Pontus with good tidings. This was manifest at once by the

points of their spears, for they were wreathed with bay. Pompeius at

first wished to finish his exercises, but as the men called out and

entreated him, he leapt from his horse and taking the letters advanced

into the camp. But as there was no tribunal[295] and there had not

been time to make even the kind of tribunal that is used in the camp,

which they are accustomed to form by digging out large lumps of earth

and putting them together upon one another, in their then zeal and

eagerness they piled together the loadings of the beasts of burden and

raised an elevated place. Pompeius ascending this announced to the

soldiers, that Mithridates was dead, having put an end to his own life

because his son Pharnakes[296] rebelled against him, and Pharnakes had

taken possession of everything in those parts, and put all under his

own dominion and that of the Romans, as he said in his letter.

XLII. Upon this the soldiers being delighted, as was natural, occupied

themselves with sacrifices and entertainments, considering that in the

person of Mithridates ten thousand enemies had expired. Pompeius

having brought his own undertakings and expeditions to a termination,

which he had not anticipated could be so easily done, immediately

retired from Arabia; and quickly traversing the intermediate provinces

he arrived at Amisus, where he found that many presents had been sent

by Pharnakes and many corpses of members of the royal family, and the

corpse of Mithridates also, which could not well be recognised by the

face (for those who had embalmed the body had neglected to destroy the

brain); but those who wished to see the body, recognised it by the

scars. Pompeius himself would not see the body, but fearing divine

retribution[297] he sent it off to Sinope.[298] He was amazed at the

dress and armour of Mithridates, both at the size and splendour of

what he saw; though the sword belt, which cost four hundred talents,

Publius stole and sold to Ariarathes, and the cittaris, a piece of

wonderful workmanship, Gaius the foster-brother of Mithridates himself

gave to Faustus the son of Sulla who asked for it. Pompeius did not

know this at the time; but Pharnakes who afterwards discovered it

punished the thieves. After Pompeius had arranged and settled affairs

in those parts, he continued his march with more pomp. On arriving at

Mitylene[299] he gave the city its freedom for the sake of Theophanes,

and he witnessed the usual contest there among the poets, the sole

subject being his own exploits. Being pleased with the theatre he had

a sketch taken of it and a plan made, with the intention of making one

like it in Rome, but larger and more splendid. When he was in Rhodes,

he heard all the sophists and made each a present of a talent.

Poseidonius[300] put in writing the discourse which he read before

Pompeius in opposition to the rhetorician Hermagoras on the doctrine

of general invention. In Athens Pompeius behaved in like manner to the

philosophers, and after giving also to the city fifty talents towards

its restoration, he was in hopes to set foot in Italy with a

reputation above that of any man and to be received by his family with

the same eagerness that he had to see them. But the Dæmon[301] who

takes care always to mix some portion of ill with the great and

glorious good things which come from Fortune, had long been lurking on

the watch and preparing to make his return more painful to him. For

during the absence of Pompeius his wife Mucia[302] had been

incontinent. Indeed while Pompeius was at a distance he treated the

report with contempt, but when he had come near to Italy, and had

examined the charge with more deliberation, as it seems, he sent her

notice of divorce, though neither then nor afterwards did he say for

what reason he put her away: but the reason is mentioned in Cicero's

letters.

XLIII. All kinds of reports about Pompeius preceded his arrival at

Rome, and there was great alarm, as it was supposed that he would

forthwith lead his army against the city and that a monarchy[303]

would be firmly established. Crassus taking his sons and his money

secretly got away from Rome, whether it was that he really was afraid,

or, what is more probable, he wished to give credibility to the

calumny and to strengthen the odium against Pompeius. As soon,

however, as Pompeius landed[304] in Italy, he summoned his soldiers to

an assembly,and after saying what was suitable to the occasion and

expressing his affectionate thanks to them, he bade them disperse

among their several cities and each go to his home, remembering to

meet again for his triumph. The army being thus dispersed, and the

fact being generally known, a wonderful circumstance happened. For the

cities seeing Pompeius Magnus unarmed and advancing with a few

friends, as if he were returning from an ordinary journey, pouring

forth through good will and forming an escort brought him into Rome

with a larger force, so that if he had designed to make any change and

revolution at that time he would not have wanted the army which he had

disbanded.

XLIV. As the law did not allow a general to enter the city before his

triumph, Pompeius sent to the Senate to request they would put off the

consular elections and to grant him this favour, that he might in his

own person assist Piso in his canvass. As Cato opposed his request, he

did not attain his object. But Pompeius admiring Cato's boldness of

speech and the vigour which he alone openly displayed in behalf of the

law, desired in some way or other to gain the man; and as Cato had two

nieces, Pompeius wished to take one of them to wife and to marry the

other to his son. Cato saw his object, which he viewed as a way of

corrupting him and in a manner bribing him by a matrimonial alliance;

but his sister and wife took it ill that he should reject an alliance

with Pompeius Magnus. In the mean time Pompeius wishing to get

Afranius[305] made consul, expended money on his behalf among the

tribes, and the voters came down to the gardens of Pompeius where they

received the money, so that the thing became notorious and Pompeius

had an ill name for making that office which was the highest of all

and which he obtained for his services, venal for those who were

unable to attain to it by merit. "These reproaches however," said Cato

to the women, "we must take our share of, if we become allied to

Pompeius." On hearing this the women agreed that he formed a better

judgment than themselves as to what was proper.

XLV. Though the triumph[306] was distributed over two days, such was

its magnitude that the time was not sufficient, but much of the

preparation was excluded from the spectacle, and enough for the

splendour and ornament of another procession. The nations over which

Pompeius triumphed were designated by titles placed in front. The

nations were the following, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia,

Media, Colchis, the Iberians, Albani, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, the

parts about Phœnice and Palestine, Judæa, Arabia, and the whole body

of pirates by sea and land who had been subdued. Among these nations

fortified places not fewer than a thousand were taken, and cities not

far short of nine hundred, and eight hundred piratical ships; and

cities forty save one were founded. Besides this it was shown on

written tablets that 5000 myriads (fifty millions) were the produce of

the taxes, while from the additions that he had made to the state they

received 8500 myriads (eighty-five millions), and there were brought

into the public treasury in coined money and vessels of gold and

silver twenty thousand talents, not including what had been given to

the soldiers, of whom he who received the least according to his

proportion received fifteen hundred drachmæ. The captives who appeared

in the procession, besides the chief pirates, were the son of Tigranes

the Armenian with his wife and daughter, and Zosime a wife of King

Tigranes, and Aristobulus King of the Jews, and a wife and five

children of Mithridates, and Scythian women, and also hostages of the

Albani and Iberians and of the King of Commagene, and numerous

trophies, equal in number to all the battles, which Pompeius had won

himself or by his legati. But it was the chief thing towards his

glory, and what had never happened before to any Roman, that he

celebrated his third triumph over the third continent. For though

others before him had triumphed three times, Pompeius by having gained

his first triumph over Libya, his second over Europe, and this the

last over Asia, seemed in a manner to have brought the whole world

into his three triumphs.

XLVI. At this time Pompeius was under four-and-thirty[307] years of

age, as those affirm who in all respects compare him with Alexander

and force a parallel, but in fact he was near forty. How happy would

it have been if he had died at the time up to which he had the fortune

of Alexander; but the period that followed brought to him good fortune

accompanied with odium, and ill fortune that was past all cure. For

the power which he got in the city by fair means, he employed on the

behalf of others illegally; and as much strength as he gave to them,

so much he took from his own reputation, and so he was overthrown by

the strength and magnitude of his own power before he was aware of it.

And as the strongest parts and places in cities, when the enemies have

got possession of them, give to them their own strength, so Cæsar

being raised up through the power of Pompeius against the State,

overthrew and cast down the man by whose help he became strong against

others. And it was brought about thus. Immediately upon Lucullus

returning from Asia, where he had been treated with great contumely by

Pompeius, the Senate gave him a splendid reception, and when Pompeius

had arrived they urged Lucullus still more to take a part in public

affairs, for the purpose of limiting the credit of Pompeius. Though

Lucullus was in other matters now dull and chilled for all active

life, having given himself up to the pleasures of ease and the

enjoyment of wealth, yet he forthwith sprang up against Pompeius, and

by a vigorous attack got a victory over him with respect to the

arrangements of Lucullus that he had annulled, and had the advantage

in the Senate with the co-operation of Cato. Pompeius, defeated and

pressed on all sides, was compelled to fly to tribunes and to attach

himself to young men, of whom the most scandalous and the most daring,

Clodius, took up his cause, but threw him completely under the feet of

the people; and by making him inconsistently with his station

constantly frequent the Forum and carrying him about, he used him for

the purpose of confirming everything that was said or proposed to

please and flatter the people. Further, he asked of Pompeius for his

reward, just as if he were not degrading him but were doing him a

service, and he afterwards got what he asked, the betrayal of

Cicero,[308] who was a friend of Pompeius and had served him in public

matters more than any one else. For when Cicero was in danger and

prayed for his aid, Pompeius would not even see him, but shut the

front door upon those who came on Cicero's part and went out by

another door. Cicero fearing the trial retired from Rome.

XLVII. At this time Cæsar[309] returned from his government and

undertook a political measure, which brought him the greatest

popularity for the present and power for the future, but did the

greatest damage to Pompeius and the State. For he became a candidate

for his first consulship; but seeing that while Crassus was at

variance with Pompeius, if he attached himself to one of them he would

have the other for his enemy, he applied himself to effect a

reconciliation between them, a thing which in other respects was fair

and useful to the State, but was managed by him for a bad reason and

with a dexterity full of treacherous design. For the strength which

kept the State, just as in the case of a vessel, in a condition of

equilibrium and prevented it falling over to this side or that, when

brought together and united caused it to incline to one side with an

irresistible force that overpowered and beat down everything.

Accordingly Cato said that they were mistaken who affirmed that the

State was overturned by the quarrel which afterwards broke out between

Cæsar and Pompeius, for they laid the blame on the last events; for it

was not their disunion nor yet their enmity, but their union and

concord which was the first and greatest misfortune that befel the

State. Cæsar was elected consul, and forthwith he courted the needy

and poor by proposing measures for the establishment of cities, and

the division of lands, wherein he stepped beyond the proprieties of

his office and in a manner made his consulship into a tribunate. When

his colleague Bibulus opposed him and Cato was prepared to support

Bibulus most vigorously, Cæsar brought forward Pompeius on the

Rostra, and put the question to him, "If he approved of the proposed

laws;" upon Pompeius saying that he did, "Will you not then," said

Cæsar, "if any one makes resistance to the laws, come forward before

the people to maintain them?" "Certainly," said Pompeius, "I will come

against those who threaten swords, with sword and shield." It was the

general opinion that Pompeius up to that day had never said or done

anything more arrogant, so that even his friends in his defence said

that the words had escaped him at the moment. But yet it was clear

from what followed that he had completely given himself up to Cæsar to

do what he pleased with him: for contrary to all expectation Pompeius

married Cæsar's daughter Julia, who had been betrothed to Cæpio and

was going to be married to him within a few days; and to pacify Cæpio,

Pompeius gave him his own daughter who was already promised to Faustus

the son of Sulla. Cæsar himself married Calpurnia the daughter of

Piso.

XLVIII. After this Pompeius filled the city with soldiers and managed

everything by force. For the soldiers suddenly fell on the consul

Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum with Lucullus and Cato, and

broke the fasces; and some one bedaubed Bibulus by throwing a basket

of ordure over his head, and two of the tribunes who were conducting

him were wounded. By these means they cleared the Forum of their

opponents and then carried the law about the distribution of lands.

The people being taken with this bait were now become tame and ready

to support any project of theirs, giving no trouble at all, but

silently voting for what was proposed to them. Accordingly the

regulations of Pompeius as to which he was at variance with Lucullus

were confirmed, and Cæsar received Gaul within and without the Alps

and the province of Illyricum for five years with four complete

legions; and it was settled that the consuls for the next year should

be Piso[310] the father-in-law of Cæsar, and Gabinius, who was the

most extravagant of the flatterers of Pompeius. While this was going

on, Bibulus shut himself up in his house and never went out for eight

months, the remainder of the period of his consulship, but he sent out

counter-edicts full of abuse and charges against both: Cato as if

inspired and under divine influence foretold in the Senate what would

happen to the city and to Pompeius; and Lucullus[311] renouncing

public life kept quiet, on the ground that his age disqualified him

for political concerns, on which Pompeius observed that for an old man

luxury was more unsuitable to his age than to mingle in affairs of

state. However Pompeius himself also was soon rendered inactive

through passion for his young wife, with whom he passed the chief part

of his time, and lived in the country and his gardens, and he paid no

attention to what was going on in the Forum, so that even Clodius, who

was then tribune, despised Pompeius and engaged in the most daring

measures. For after Clodius had ejected Cicero and sent off Cato to

Cyprus[312] under colour of giving him a command, and Cæsar was gone

to Gaul, and Clodius saw that the people were devoted to him as he was

doing everything and framing all his measures to please them, he

immediately attempted to repeal some of the regulations of Pompeius,

and seizing the person of the captive Tigranes he kept him in his own

house, and he instituted prosecutions against the friends of Pompeius,

and so made trial of the power of Pompeius by attacking his friends.

At last when Pompeius came forward upon the occasion of a certain

trial, Clodius having with him a body of men filled with insolence and

arrogance took his station in a conspicuous place and put to them the

following questions: "Who is Imperator unlimited? what man seeks

another man? who scratches his head[313] with one finger?" The people

like a Chorus trained to chant corresponding parts, while Clodius was

shaking his toga,[314] at every question with loud shouts replied,

"Pompeius."

XLIX. Now this also annoyed Pompeius, who was unaccustomed to be

abused and had no practice in this kind of warfare; but he was still

more vexed when he perceived that the Senate were pleased at the

insults offered to him and at his paying the penalty for his treachery

to Cicero. But when it happened that they came to blows in the Forum

and even proceeded so far as to wound one another, and a slave of

Clodius was detected in the crowd stealing through the bystanders up

to Pompeius with a dagger in his hand, Pompeius alleging these

proceedings as his excuse, and besides that, being afraid of the

insolence and abuse of Clodius, came no more into the Forum so long as

Clodius was in office, but kept to his house and was planning with his

friends how he could pacify the resentment of the Senate and the

nobles towards him. However he would not listen to Culleo,[315] who

advised him to put away Julia and giving up the friendship of Cæsar to

pass over to the Senate, but he followed the advice of those who

recommended that Cicero[316] should be restored, who was the greatest

enemy of Clodius and most beloved by the Senate. Pompeius with a

strong party accompanied Cicero's brother who was going to make his

entreaty to the people, and after some wounds had been inflicted in

the Forum and some persons were killed, they got the advantage over

Clodius. Cicero returning to the city in pursuance of a law

immediately reconciled Pompeius to the Senate, and, by speaking in

favour of the law relating to grain,[317] in a manner again made

Pompeius master of all the land and sea that the Romans possessed.

For under his control were placed harbours, places of trade, the

disposal of produce, in a word, all the affairs of those who navigated

the sea and cultivated the land. But Clodius complained that the law

had not been made on account of the scarcity of grain, but that the

scarcity of grain was caused in order that the law might be passed,

and that Pompeius might again fan into a flame and recover his power,

which was as it were wasting away through his want of spirit. Others

explained this to have been a device of the consul Spinther, whose

object was to engage Pompeius in a higher official employment, that

himself might be sent out to support king Ptolemæus.[318] However

Canidius the tribune proposed a measure to the effect that Pompeius

without an army and with two lictors should go to bring about a

reconciliation between the Alexandrians and the king. And indeed it

was supposed that Pompeius was not displeased at the measure, but the

Senate rejected it on the specious pretext that they feared for the

safety of Pompeius. There were writings to be found scattered about

the Forum and near the Senate-house, to the effect that Ptolemæus

wished Pompeius to be given to him as general instead of Spinther. And

Timagenes[319] says that Ptolemæus without any reason and without

necessity had quitted Egypt and left it at the advice of Theophanes

who was planning profitable occupation for Pompeius and a subject for

a fresh command. But the villainy of Theophanes does not make this so

probable, as the character of Pompeius makes it improbable, for he had

no ambition of so mean and illiberal a kind.

L. Pompeius being appointed to look after the management and the

supply of corn, sent his deputies and friends to many places, and he

himself sailed to Sicily and Sardinia and Libya and collected grain.

When he was about to set sail, there was a violent wind on the sea,

and the masters of the ships were unwilling to put out, but Pompeius

embarking first and bidding them raise the anchor, cried, "It is

necessary to sail; there is no necessity to live." By such boldness

and zeal, and the help of good fortune, Pompeius filled the markets

with grain and the sea with ships, so that the superfluity of what he

got together sufficed even for those who were without, and there was

as from a spring an abundant overflowing for all.

LI. During this time the Celtic wars[320] raised Cæsar to great

distinction; and though he was considered to be a very long way from

Rome, and to be occupied with Belgæ and Suevi and Britanni, he

contrived, by his skilful management, without being perceived, in the

midst of the popular assemblies, and in the most important matters, to

frustrate the political measures of Pompeius. For Cæsar's military

force was like a body that invested him, and he was training it to

toil, and making it invincible and formidable, not to oppose the

barbarians, but he was disciplining his men in these contests just as

if it were merely hunting wild beasts and pursuing them with dogs; and

in the meantime he was sending to Rome gold and silver, and the rest

of the spoil and wealth which he got in abundance from so many

enemies, and by tempting people there with gifts, and assisting ædiles

in their expenses, and generals and consuls and their wives, he was

gaining over many of them; so that when he had crossed the Alps and

was wintering in Luca, there was a great crowd of men and women who

vied with one another in their eagerness to visit him, besides two

hundred of the Senatorian class, among whom were Pompeius and Crassus;

and one hundred and twenty fasces of proconsuls and prætors were seen

at Cæsar's doors. Now, after filling all the rest with hopes and

money, he sent them off; but a compact was made between him and

Crassus and Pompeius, that they should be candidates for the

consulship, and that Cæsar should help them by sending many of his

soldiers to vote, and that as soon as they were elected, they should

secure for themselves the command of provinces and armies, and should

confirm Cæsar's provinces to him for another five years. Upon this

being publicly known, the first men in the State were displeased, and

Marcellinus coming forward before the popular assembly, asked both

Crassus and Pompeius to their faces, if they would be candidates for

the consulship. The assembly bade them give him an answer, on which

Pompeius spoke first, and said, that perhaps he should and perhaps he

should not. Crassus replied in a manner more befitting a citizen,[321]

for he said that he would act either way, as he should think it best

for the common weal. But when Marcellinus stuck close to Pompeius, and

was considered to be speaking in violent terms, Pompeius said that

Marcellinus, of all men, showed the least regard to fair dealing,

because he was not grateful to him in that he was the means of

Marcellinus becoming eloquent, though he was formerly mute, and of now

being so full as to vomit, though formerly he was starving of hunger.

LII. However, though everybody else declined to become candidates for

the consulship, Cato persuaded Lucius Domitius,[322] and encouraged

him not to give up, for he said the contest with the tyrants was not

for power, but for liberty. But Pompeius and his partisans fearing the

vigour of Cato, and lest, as he had all the Senate on his side, he

should draw away and change the minds of the sounder part of the

people, would not allow Domitius to come down into the Forum, but they

sent armed men and killed the linkbearer, who was advancing in front,

and put the rest to flight. Cato was the last to retreat, after being

wounded in the right arm while he was fighting in front of Domitius.

By such means they attained the consulship, nor did they conduct

themselves in it with more decency. First of all, while the people

were electing Cato prætor and giving their votes, Pompeius broke up

the assembly, alleging that the omens were not favourable; and they

had Vatinius[323] proclaimed in place of Cato by bribing the tribes.

In the next place they introduced measures by means of Trebonius,[324]

which gave to Cæsar, pursuant to the agreement, a second five years,

to Crassus[325] Syria and the Parthian expedition, but to Pompeius all

Libya, and both the provinces of Iberia and four legions, of which he

lent two to Cæsar at his request for the war in Gaul. Now Crassus went

out to his province, after giving up his consular functions; and

Pompeius opened his theatre,[326] and gave gymnastic and musical

contests at the dedication of it, and fights of wild beasts, in which

five hundred lions were killed; and at the end he exhibited an

elephant-fight, a most astonishing spectacle.

LIII. For all this Pompeius got admiration and love; but on the other

hand he brought on himself no less odium by giving up the forces and

the provinces to legati who were his friends, while himself in the

places of amusement in Italy going about from one to another spent his

time with his wife, either because he loved her, or because he could

not bear to leave his wife who was attached to him; for this also is

said. And the love of the young woman for her husband was much talked

about, for her affection towards Pompeius was not what might have been

expected considering his age; but the reason appears to have been the

chaste conduct of her husband who knew only his married wife, and the

dignity of his manners which were not austere but agreeable and

particularly attractive to women, if we must not disbelieve the

testimony even of Flora the courtezan. It happened that at the

election of ædiles some men came to blows and no small number were

killed near Pompeius, and as his garments were drenched with blood, he

changed them. There was great confusion and hurrying to the house of

the slaves who were carrying the vests; and it happened that

Julia,[327] who was with child, saw the bloody toga, upon which she

fainted and with difficulty recovered, and in consequence of that

alarm and the excitement, she miscarried. Even those who found most

fault with the alliance of Cæsar and Pompeius, could not blame the

woman for her affection. She became pregnant a second time and brought

forth a female child, but she died of the pains of labour and the

child did not survive her many days. Pompeius made preparations to

bury her in his Alban villa, but the people by force took the body and

carried it down into the Field of Mars, more from pity for the young

woman than to please Pompeius and Cæsar. But of the two, it was

considered that the people gave a larger portion of the honour to

Cæsar who was absent than to Pompeius who was present. But in the city

the waves forthwith began to move and everything was tossed to and

fro, and was the subject of conversation tending to a complete split,

now that the marriage connection was ended which hitherto rather

veiled than checked the ambition of the two men. After no long time

news also arrived that Crassus had lost his life among the Parthians;

and that which had been a great hindrance to the civil war breaking

out was now removed, for both Cæsar and Pompeius feared Crassus, and

accordingly to some extent confined themselves within limits in their

behaviour towards one another. But when fortune had cut off the man

who was keeping a watch over the struggle, forthwith the words of the

comic poet became applicable:

"Now each against the other smears his limbs,

And strews his hands with dust."

So small a thing is fortune in comparison with men's nature. For

fortune cannot satisfy men's desires, since so great an amount of

command and extent of wide-stretched territory put no check on the

desires of two men, but though they heard and read that "all

things[328] were divided into three portions for the gods and each got

his share of dominion," they thought the Roman empire was not enough

for them who were only two.

LIV. Yet Pompeius once said when he was addressing the people, that

he had obtained every office sooner than he expected, and laid it down

sooner than was expected. And in truth he had the disbandings of his

forces a perpetual testimony of the truth of what he said. But now

being convinced that Cæsar would not give up his power, he sought by

means of the functionaries of the state to strengthen himself against

him, but he attempted no change of any kind and did not wish to be

considered to distrust Cæsar, but to disregard him rather and to

despise him. However when he saw that the officers were not disposed

of according to his judgment, the citizens being bribed, he allowed

anarchy to spring up in the state; and forthwith there was much talk

about a dictator, whom Lucilius the tribune first ventured to mention

by advising the people to choose Pompeius dictator. Cato attacked him

for this, and Lucilius ran the risk of losing his tribunate, and many

of the friends of Pompeius came forward to exculpate him and said that

he did not seek that office or wish for it. Upon this Cato commended

Pompeius and exhorted him to turn his attention to the establishment

of order, and Pompeius then out of shame did turn his attention to it,

and Domitius[329] and Messala were made consuls; but afterwards there

was again anarchy, and a greater number of persons now began to

agitate the question of a dictator more boldly, and Cato and his

partisans fearing that they should be forced to yield, determined to

let Pompeius have a certain legalized authority for the purpose of

diverting him from that pure tyrannical office. Bibulus, who was an

enemy of Pompeius, was the first to propose in the Senate to choose

Pompeius sole consul[330] and he said that the city would thus either

be relieved from the present disorder, or they would be slaves to the

best man among them. This opinion appeared strange from such a person,

when Cato rising for the purpose as it was expected of speaking

against Bibulus, as soon as there was silence, said that for his part

he would not have introduced the proposed measure, but as it was

introduced by another he advised that it should be adopted, for he

preferred any government to no government, and he thought that nobody

would administer affairs better than Pompeius at a time of such

disorder. The Senate accepted the proposal and passed a decree that

Pompeius if elected should be solo consul, and that if he wanted a

colleague, he might choose any person whom he approved of, but not

before two months had elapsed; and Pompeius being made consul on these

terms and declared by Sulpicius the Interrex, addressed Cato in a

friendly manner, admitting his great obligations to him and urging him

to give him his advice as a private man in the discharge of his

office. But Cato would not admit that Pompeius was under any

obligations to him, for he had said nothing that he did say out of

regard to him, but out of regard to the state: he added that he would

give him his advice if he were privately applied to; and if Pompeius

did not invite him, he would publicly tell him his opinion. Such was

Cato in everything.

LV. After entering the city, Pompeius married Cornelia,[331] a

daughter of Metellus Scipio, who was not a virgin, but had lately been

left a widow by Publius, the son of Crassus, who had lost his life

among the Parthians, and whose virgin bride she was. The young woman

possessed many charms besides her youthful beauty, for she was well

instructed in letters, in playing on the lyre, and in geometry, and

she had been accustomed to listen to philosophical discourses with

profit. In addition to this she had a disposition free from all

affectation and pedantic display, faults which such acquirements

generally breed in women: her father also, both in respect to family

and reputation, was above all imputation. Still the marriage did not

please some people on account of the disparity of years; for the youth

of Cornelia made her a fitter match for a son of Pompeius. But those

who were more judicious considered that Pompeius had overlooked the

state, which was in an unfortunate condition, to cure which the state

had selected him for her physician, and put herself solely in his

hands; and he was wearing chaplets and celebrating a marriage, when he

ought to have considered his consulship a calamity, as it would not

have been conferred on him so contrary to all constitutional practice,

if his country were in a prosperous condition. However, he presided at

the trials for corruption and bribery,[332] and drew up laws, pursuant

to which the trials were conducted, and with the exception presently

to be mentioned, he conducted all the proceedings with dignity and

fairness, and he secured to the courts safety, order, and quiet, by

taking his own place there with armed men; but when his father-in-law

Scipio was under trial, he sent for the three hundred and sixty

judices to his house and obtained their support for him, and the

accuser gave up the prosecution when he saw Scipio conducted from the

Forum by the judices.[333] This brought Pompeius again into bad

report, which was still further increased when he came forward to

speak in praise of Plancus,[334] though he had by special law put an

end to encomiums on persons under trial. Cato, who happened to be one

of the judices, stopped his ears with his hands, saying it was not

right in him to listen to the encomiums which were contrary to law. In

consequence of this Cato was rejected before the votes were given, but

Plancus was convicted by the votes of the rest and to the shame of

Pompeius. Now, a few days after, Hypsæus,[335] a consular man, who was

under prosecution, watched for Pompeius as he was going to sup after

taking the bath, and clasping his knees, suppliantly entreated him;

but Pompeius passed by contemptuously, saying that Hypsæus was

spoiling his supper, and doing nothing more. By showing himself thus

partial he got blame. However, in every other respect he established

good order, and took his father-in-law as his colleague for the

remaining five months. A decree also was made that he should hold the

provinces for another four years, and should receive yearly a thousand

talents, out of which he was to feed and maintain his troops.

LVI. Cæsar's friends taking advantage of this, claimed some notice for

Cæsar also, who was fighting so many battles for the supremacy of

Rome; they said that he deserved either another consulship, or to have

a fresh period added to his command, during which no other should

supersede him and carry off the glory due to his labours, but that he

who had accomplished those things should hold the command and quietly

enjoy the honour. A debate arose on those subjects, on which Pompeius,

affecting to deprecate the odium against Cæsar out of regard to him,

said that he had letters of Cæsar, who was willing to have a

successor and to be relieved from service, but still Cæsar thought it

fair that he should be allowed to be a candidate for the consulship

though he was not at Rome. To this Cato made opposition, and said that

Cæsar ought to become a private person and lay down his arms, and then

get any favour that he could from the citizens; and when Pompeius did

not prosecute the debate, but submitted as if he were worsted, his

real opinions about Cæsar became more suspected. He also sent to Cæsar

and demanded back the troops[336] which he had lent him, pretending

that he wanted them for the Parthian war. But Cæsar, though he knew

why he was required to give up the troops, sent them back after

handsomely rewarding them.

LVII. After this Pompeius had a dangerous illness at Neapolis, from

which he recovered. Upon the suggestion of Praxagoras, the people of

Neapolis offered sacrifices for his restoration to health. The

neighbouring people followed their example, and the thing thus going

the round of Italy, every city, small and great, celebrated a festival

for several days. No place was large enough to contain the people, who

flocked together from all parts, but the roads were filled and the

villages and ports with the people rejoicing and sacrificing. Many

persons also with chaplets on their heads and lighted torches received

Pompeius, and accompanied him throwing flowers over him, so that his

journey and progress was a most beautiful sight and very splendid.

However, it is said that this circumstance contributed to bring about

the war as much as anything else. For an arrogant feeling entered the

mind of Pompeius, and, with the greatness of the rejoicing, carried

off all reflection on the present state of affairs; and throwing away

the caution which had always secured his good fortune and his

measures, he fell into a state of such unmingled confidence and

contempt of Cæsar's power, as to suppose that he would require neither

arms to oppose him nor any troublesome preparation, but that he could

put him down much easier than he had raised him. Besides this, Appius

came from Gaul with the troops which Pompeius had lent to Cæsar; and

he greatly disparaged Cæsar's exploits there, and uttered much abuse

against Cæsar; and he said that Pompeius did not know his own power

and reputation, if he intended to strengthen himself against Cæsar by

other troops, for that he could put down Cæsar with Cæsar's own

troops, as soon as he made his appearance; so great, as he said, was

their hatred of Cæsar and their affection towards Pompeius.

Accordingly Pompeius was so much elated, and through his confidence

filled with such contempt, that he even ridiculed those who were

afraid of the war; and to those who said that, if Cæsar advanced

against the city, they saw no troops sufficient to repulse him, with

smiling countenance and tranquil mien he bade them give themselves no

trouble about that, "for in whatever part of Italy," he said, "I stamp

the earth with my foot, there will spring up forces both men and

horse."

LVIII. And now Cæsar also stuck to public affairs more vigorously,

himself keeping at no great distance from Italy, and continually

sending his soldiers to the city to attend the elections, and with

money insinuating himself into the favour of many of the magistrates

and corrupting them; among whom was Paulus[337] the consul who changed

sides for fifteen hundred talents, and Curio[338] the tribune who was

released by Cæsar from countless debts, and Marcus Antonius who

through friendship for Curio was involved in his obligations. Now it

was said that one of the centurions who had come from Cæsar, while

standing near the Senate-house and hearing that the Senate were

refusing to allow Cæsar a prolongation of his term of government, said

as he struck his hand on his sword, "But this will give it." And all

that was doing and preparing had this design in view. Yet the claims

and reasons urged by Curio in favour of Cæsar were of a more

constitutional character. For he asked one of two things, either that

they should require Pompeius also to give up his force, or they should

not take Cæsar's troops from him: he said, "Whether they become

private persons on fair terms or continued a match for one another by

each keeping what he had, they would remain quiet; but he who proposed

to weaken one of them would double the power which he feared." Upon

this Marcellus the consul called Cæsar a robber, and urged the Senate

to vote him an enemy, if he should not lay down his arms. Yet Curio

with the assistance of Antonius and Piso, prevailed so far as to have

it put to a regular vote. Accordingly he proposed that those senators

should move off to one side who were in favour of Cæsar alone laying

down his arms and Pompeius remaining in command; and the majority went

over to that side. Again, upon his proposing that all should withdraw

who were of opinion that both should lay down their arms and that

neither should hold a command, only two-and-twenty were in favour of

Pompeius, and all the rest were on the side of Curio. Curio

considering that he had gained his point, rushed forth to the people

exulting with delight, and the people received him with clapping of

hands and threw on him chaplets and flowers. Pompeius was not in the

Senate, for those who are in command of an army do not enter the city.

But Marcellus rose up and said that he would not sit still to listen

to words, but that as he spied ten legions already appearing in sight

above the Alps and on their march, he also would dispatch a man to

oppose them and to defend their country.

LIX. Upon this they changed their garments as was usual in a public

calamity. Marcellus[339] advanced to Pompeius through the Forum with

the Senate following him, and standing in front of him said, "I bid

you, Pompeius, defend your country and employ the forces that are in

readiness and raise others." Lentulus also said the same, who was one

of the consuls elect for the coming year. But when Pompeius began to

raise recruits, some refused and a few came together tardily and

without any readiness, but the greater part cried out that some terms

should be come to. For Antonius in spite of the Senate had read a

letter of Cæsar to the people which contained proposals likely to

conciliate the mass; for Cæsar proposed that both he and Pompeius

should give up their provinces and dismiss their troops, and so put

themselves in the hande of the people and render an account of what

they had done. Lentulus who was now consul would not assemble the

Senate; but Cicero who had just returned from Cilicia[340] attempted

an amicable settlement on the terms, that Cæsar should quit Gaul and

give up all his army except two legions with which he should hold

Illyricum and wait for his second consulship. As Pompeius was

dissatisfied with this, the friends of Cæsar so far yielded as to

agree that Cæsar should dismiss one of these two legions; but as

Lentulus made opposition and Cato called out that Pompeius was

blundering again if he allowed himself to be deceived, the attempt at

a settlement came to no conclusion.

LX. In the mean time intelligence arrived that Cæsar had taken

Ariminum,[341] a large city of Italy, and was marching straight upon

Rome with all his force. But this was false; for he was advancing with

only three hundred horsemen and five thousand legionary soldiers, and

he did not wait for the rest of his force which was beyond the Alps,

choosing to fall upon his enemies when they were in confusion and did

not expect him, rather than to give them time to prepare to fight with

him. Upon reaching the river Rubico, which was the boundary of his

province, he stood in silence and lingered, reflecting, as we may

presume, on the magnitude of the risk. Then, like those who throw

themselves into a huge abyss from a precipice, closing the eyes of

calculation and wrapping himself up to meet the danger, he called out

in Greek to those who were present these words only, "Let the die be

cast," and took his army over. As soon as the report reached Rome, and

tumult and fear, such as were never known before, together with

consternation filled the city, the Senate immediately hurried in a

body to visit Pompeius, and the magistrates with them; but upon

Tullus[342] asking about an army and force, and Pompeius after some

delay saying in a tone of no great confidence, that he had the men in

readiness who had come from Cæsar, and he thought he should soon be

able to get together those who had been before enrolled to the number

of thirty thousand, Tullus cried aloud, "You have deceived us,

Pompeius," and he advised to send commissioners to Cæsar. One

Favonius,[343] in other respects no bad man, but who with his

self-will and insolence often supposed that he was imitating the bold

language of Cato, bade Pompeius strike the ground with his foot and

call up the troops which he promised. Pompeius mildly submitted to

this ill-timed sarcasm; and when Cato reminded him of what he had

originally predicted to him about Cæsar, Pompeius replied that what

Cato had said was in truth more prophetic, but what he had done was of

a more friendly character.

LXI. Cato advised that Pompeius should be appointed general Imperator,

adding, that it was the business of those who caused great mischief to

put an end to it. Cato immediately left the city for Sicily, for he

had obtained that island as his province; and of the rest each went to

the province which had been assigned to him by lot. But as nearly all

Italy was in commotion, the events that happened caused much

perplexity; for those who were out of Rome hurried from all parts and

crowded into the city, and the inhabitants of Rome hastened to leave

the city, which in such tempest and confusion was weak in available

means, but strong in insubordination and the difficulty that it caused

to the magistrates. For it was not possible to allay the fear, nor did

any one allow Pompeius to follow his own judgment, but in whatever way

a man was affected, whether by fear, grief or perplexity, he carried

it to Pompeius and filled him with it; and opposite measures prevailed

in the same day, and it was impossible for Pompeius to get any true

intelligence about the enemy, because there were many who reported

anything that they chanced to hear, and were vexed if he did not

believe them. Under these circumstances after declaring by an edict

that he saw nothing but confusion, and bidding all the senators follow

him, and giving notice that he should consider all who stayed behind

as partisans of Cæsar, he left the city late in the evening; and the

consuls fled without even making the sacrifices which were usual

before wars. But even in the midst of danger Pompeius was fortunate in

the general affection of the people, for though many blamed the

generalship, there was not one who hated the general, but one might

have found that those who were not willing to leave Pompeius were more

numerous than those who left the city for the cause of liberty.

LXII. A few davs after, Cæsar entered and took possession of

Rome.[344] He behaved with moderation to all and pacified everybody,

except Metellus[345] one of the tribunes who attempted to hinder him

from taking money out of the treasury, on which Cæsar threatened him

with death and added to his threat still harsher words, for he said,

That to say this was harder for him than to do it. Having thus put

Metellus to flight and taken what he wanted, Cæsar pursued Pompeius,

being anxious to drive him out of Italy before his troops from Iberia

arrived. Pompeius who had got possession of Brundisium and had plenty

of ships, immediately put on board the consuls and with them thirty

cohorts and sent them over before him to Dyrrachium: Scipio his

father-in-law and his own son Cneius he sent to Syria to get a fleet

ready. After barricading the gates and placing on the walls the

soldiers who were most lightly armed, he ordered the people of

Brundisium[346] to keep quiet in their houses, and he then broke up

all the ground in the city and intersected it with ditches, and filled

up all the streets with stakes except two through which he went down

to the sea. On the third day he had already embarked at his leisure

all the troops with the exception of those who were guarding the

walls, to whom he suddenly gave a signal, upon which they all ran down

quickly and being taken on board got out to sea. When Cæsar saw the

walls deserted, he concluded that the enemy were making off, and in

his pursuit of them he narrowly escaped getting involved among the

stakes and trenches; but as the people of Brundisium gave him warning,

he avoided the city and, making a circuit round it, he found that all

had got under sail, except two vessels which contained only a few

soldiers.

LXIII. Now everybody else reckons the sailing away of Pompeius among

the best military stratagems, but Cæsar[347] wondered that Pompeius,

who was in possession of a strong city and was expecting his troops

from Iberia and was master of the sea, should desert and abandon

Italy. Cicero[348] also blames Pompeius for imitating the generalship

of Themistokles rather than that of Perikles, the circumstances being

like those of Perikles and not those of Themistokles. And Cæsar showed

by what he did that he was greatly afraid of time:[349] for when he

had taken prisoner Numerius, a friend of Pompeius, he sent him to

Brundisium with instructions to bring about a reconciliation on fair

terms; but Numerius sailed off with Pompeius. Upon this Cæsar, who in

sixty days had become master of Italy without shedding any blood, was

desirous of pursuing Pompeius immediately, but as he had no vessels,

he turned about and marched to Iberia with the design of gaining over

the troops there.

LXIV. During this time Pompeius got together a great force: his naval

power was completely irresistible, for the fighting ships were five

hundred, and the number of Liburnian vessels[350] and other small

craft was immense; the cavalry, the flower of the Romans and Italians,

was seven thousand, distinguished by family, and wealth and courage;

his infantry, which was a mixed body and required discipline, he

exercised in Berœa,[351] not sitting still lazily, but practising

himself in gymnastic exercises[352] as if he were still in the vigour

of his age. And it was a great motive to confidence, when men saw

Pompeius Magnus, who was now sixty years of age save two, exercising

himself among the infantry under arms, then mounting his horse and

drawing his sword without any trouble while his horse was galloping

and easily sheathing it again; and in the throwing of his spear

showing not only an exactness of aim, but a strength of arm in the

distance to which he sent it, which many of the young men could not

surpass. Both kings of nations and governors came to him; and of the

men of rank about him from Rome there were sufficient to make up a

complete Senate.[353] There came also Labeo,[354] who left Cæsar

though he had been his friend and had served with him in Gaul; and

Brutus,[355] son of the Brutus who was put to death in Gaul, a man of

noble spirit who had never yet spoken to Pompeius or saluted him

because Pompeius had put his father to death, but now he took service

under him as the liberator of Rome. Cicero,[356] though he had both in

his writings and his speeches in the Senate recommended other

measures, was ashamed not to join those who were fighting in defence

of their country. There came also to Macedonia Tidius Sextius,[357] a

man of extreme old age, lame of one leg; and while others were

laughing and jeering, Pompeius on seeing him rose up and ran to meet

him, for he considered it a great testimony for men of advanced age

and feeble strength to choose danger with him in preference to safety.

LXV. A Senate being formed, upon the proposition of Cato they came to

a resolution to put no Roman to death except in battle, and not to

plunder any city that was subject to the Romans, which increased still

further the popularity of the party of Pompeius; for those who were

unconcerned about the war by reason of being far removed from it or

who were disregarded on account of their weakness, gave Pompeius the

benefit of their good wishes at least, and as far as words could go

contended on his behalf in favour of the right, considering every man

an enemy to gods and to men who did not wish Pompeius to be

victorious. Cæsar also showed much moderation in his success, for

after he had captured and defeated the forces of Pompeius in

Iberia,[358] he let the generals go and employed the troops. After

crossing the Alps again and hurrying through Italy, he arrived at

Brundisium about the winter solstice. He then crossed the sea and

putting in at Oricum sent Jubius,[359] a friend of Pompeius, who was

his prisoner, to Pompeius[360] to propose that they should both meet

together on the third day, disband all their forces, and after being

reconciled and confirming their union by oath, return to Italy.

Pompeius again considered this to be an ambuscade, and hastily going

down to the sea he took possession of the posts and places which

presented very strong positions for an army; he also seized the naval

stations and landing places which were favourable for those who came

by sea, so that every wind which blew brought to Pompeius corn or

troops or money; but Cæsar being confined in straits both on the sea

and land side was of necessity glad to fight, and he attacked the

lines of Pompeius and continually provoked him to battle, in which

Cæsar had generally the advantage and the superiority in the

skirmishing. But on one occasion he narrowly escaped being completely

crushed and losing his army, for Pompeius fought with great courage

and routed all the enemy, who lost two thousand men; but he was

either unable or was afraid to force his way into Cæsar's camp and to

enter with the fugitives, which made Cæsar say to his friends, "To-day

the victory would have been with the enemy, if they had had a

commander who knew how to conquer."

LXVI. The partisans of Pompeius being greatly elated at this success

were eager to have a decisive battle. Pompeius wrote to the distant

kings and generals and cities to inform them that he was victorious,

but he feared the risk of a battle, thinking that by delay and

reducing the enemy to straits he should finally vanquish men who were

invincible in arms and had long been accustomed to conquer together,

but as to the other military duties, and marches, and change of

position, and digging of trenches and building of walls, were not

efficient by reason of age and on this account were eager to come to

close fighting and to engage hand to hand. However, previous to the

last contest Pompeius had been able in some degree to draw his men

from their purpose by persuading them to keep quiet; but when Cæsar

after the battle was compelled by want of provisions to break up his

camp, and began his march into Thessaly through the country of the

Athamanes,[361] the confidence of the soldiers of Pompeius could no

longer be kept in check, and calling out that Cæsar was flying, some

were for following and pursuing him, and others for crossing over into

Italy, and others were sending to Rome their slaves and friends to get

possession of houses near the Forum, with the intention of forthwith

becoming candidates for office. Many of their own accord sailed to

Cornelia who was in Lesbos bearing the good tidings of the war being

at an end; for Pompeius had sent her there out of the way of danger.

The Senate being assembled, Afranius gave his opinion that they should

stick to Italy, for Italy was the chief prize of the war, and would

bring to those who were masters of it the possession of Sicily,

Sardinia, Corsica, Iberia, and all Gaul; and as to that which was the

greatest concern to Pompeius, his native country who was stretching

out her hands only at a short distance from them, it was not

honourable to leave her to be insulted and enslaved by slaves and

flatterers of tyrants. But Pompeius did not consider it to be

consistent with his reputation to run away from Cæsar a second time

and to be pursued, when fortune gave him the opportunity of being the

pursuer, nor did he think it consistent with his duty to desert

Scipio[362] and the consular men in Hellas and Thessaly who would

immediately fall into Cæsar's hands with their military chests and

large forces; he thought also that Rome was best cared for by fighting

in her defence as far from her as possible, that she might wait for

the conqueror without feeling or hearing of any misfortunes.

LXVII. Having come to this decision, Pompeius pursued Cæsar, resolved

to avoid a battle, but by following close up to hem him in and wear

him out by privation. He had other reasons for thinking this to be the

best plan, and it also reached his ears that it was a subject of

common conversation among the cavalry that they ought to defeat Cæsar

as soon as they could and then put down Pompeius also. Some say that

this was also the reason why Pompeius employed Cato[363] in no matter

of importance, but even when he was marching against Cæsar left him on

the coast to look after the stores, through fear that if Cæsar were

destroyed, Cato might forthwith compel him also to lay down his

command. Accordingly as he followed the enemy leisurely he was much

censured and there was a clamour against him, that his object was not

to defeat Cæsar by his generalship, but his native country and the

Senate, that he might always keep the command and never give over

having as his attendants and guards those who considered themselves

the masters of the world. Domitius Ahenobarbus also by always calling

him Agamemnon and King of Kings made him odious. Favonius too made

himself no less disagreeable by his scoffing manner than others by the

unseasonable freedom of their language, calling out, "Men, we shall

not eat figs in Tusculum[364] even this year!" Lucius Afranius who had

lost his forces in Iberia and on that account had fallen under the

imputation of treachery, now seeing that Pompeius avoided a battle,

said he was surprised that those who accused him did not advance and

fight against the trafficker in provinces. By these and like

expressions often repeated they at last prevailed over Pompeius, a man

who was a slave to public fame and the opinion of his friends, and

drew him on to follow their own hopes and impetuosity and to give up

the best considered plans, a thing which would have been unbefitting

even in the master of a vessel, to say nothing of the

commander-in-chief of so many nations and forces. Pompeius approved of

the physician who never gratifies the desires of his patients, and yet

he yielded to military advisers who were in a diseased state, through

fear of offending if he adopted healing measures. And how can one say

those men were in a healthy state, some of whom were going about among

the troops and already canvassing for consulships and prætorships, and

Spinther and Domitius[365] and Scipio were disputing and quarrelling

about the priesthood of Cæsar and canvassing, just as if Tigranes the

Armenian were encamped by them or the King of the Nabathæans, and not

that Cæsar and that force with which he had taken a thousand cities by

storm, and subdued above three hundred nations, and had fought with

Germans and Gauls unvanquished in more battles than could be counted,

and had taken a hundred times ten thousand prisoners, and had

slaughtered as many after routing them in pitched battles.

LXVIII. However, by importunity and agitation, after the army had

descended into the plain of Pharsalus,[366] they compelled Pompeius to

hold a council of war, in which Labienus, who was commander of the

cavalry, got up first, and swore that he would not leave the battle

till he had routed the enemy; and they all swore to the same effect.

In the night Pompeius dreamed that as he was entering the theatre, the

people clapped, and that he was decorating a temple of Venus the

Victorious[367] with many spoils. And in some respects he was

encouraged, but in others rather depressed by the dream, lest fame and

glory should accrue from him to the race of Cæsar, which traced its

descent from Venus; and certain panic alarms which were rushing

through the camp aroused him. In the morning-watch a bright light[368]

shone forth above the camp of Cæsar, which was in a state of profound

tranquillity, and a flame-like torch springing from this light

descended upon the camp of Pompeius; and Cæsar himself says that he

witnessed this as he was visiting the watches. At daybreak, as Cæsar

was going to move to Scotussa,[369] and the soldiers were engaged in

taking down the tents and sending forward the beasts and

camp-followers, the scouts came with intelligence that they spied many

arms in the enemy's encampment moving backwards and forwards, and that

there was a movement and noise as of men coming out to battle. After

them others came announcing that the vanguard was already putting

itself in battle order. Upon this, Cæsar observing that the expected

day had arrived on which they would have to fight against men, and not

against hunger and poverty, quickly gave orders to hang out in front

of his tent the purple colours,[370] which is the signal for battle

among the Romans. The soldiers at the sight of it left their tents

with loud shouts and rejoicing and hurried to arms; as the centurions

led them to their several ranks, every man, just as if he belonged to

a chorus, without confusion, being well trained, quietly took his

place.

LXIX. Pompeius commanded the right wing, intending to oppose Antonius;

in the centre he placed his father-in-law Scipio against Calvinus

Lucius;[371] and the left was commanded by Lucius Domitius, and

strengthened with the main body of the cavalry. For nearly all the

horsemen had crowded to that point, with the design of overpowering

Cæsar and cutting to pieces the tenth legion, which had a very great

reputation for courage, and Cæsar was accustomed to take his station

in this legion when he fought a battle. But Cæsar, observing that the

enemy's left wing was strengthened by so large a body of cavalry, and

fearing their brilliant equipment, summoned six cohorts from the

reserve, and placed them in the rear of the tenth legion, with orders

to keep quiet and not let the enemy see them; but as soon as the

cavalry advanced, they had orders to run forwards through the first

ranks, and not to throw their javelins, as the bravest soldiers are

used to do in their eagerness to get to fighting with the sword, but

to push upwards and to wound the eyes and faces of the enemy, for

those handsome, blooming pyrrichists would not keep their ground for

fear of their beauty being spoiled, nor would they venture to look at

the iron that was pushed right into their faces. Now Cæsar was thus

employed. But Pompeius, who was examining the order of battle from his

horse, observing that the enemy were quietly awaiting in their ranks

the moment of attack, and the greater part of his own army was not

still, but was in wavelike motion through want of experience and in

confusion, was alarmed lest his troops should be completely separated

at the beginning of the battle, and he commanded the front ranks to

stand with their spears presented, and keeping their ground in compact

order to receive the enemy's attack. But Cæsar finds fault[372] with

this generalship of Pompeius; for he says that he thus weakened the

force of the blows which a rapid assault produces; and the rush to

meet the advancing ranks, which more than anything else fills the mass

of the soldiers with enthusiasm and impetuosity in closing with the

enemy, and combined with the shouts and running increases the

courage--Pompeius, by depriving his men of this, fixed them to the

ground and damped them. On Cæsar's side the numbers were twenty-two

thousand; on the side of Pompeius the numbers[373] were somewhat more

than double.

LXX.[374] And now, when the signal was given on both sides, and the

trumpet was beginning to urge them on to the conflict, every man of

this great mass was busy in looking after himself; but a few of the

Romans, the best, and some Greeks who were present, and not engaged in

the battle, as the conflict drew near, began to reflect to what a

condition ambition and rivalry had brought the Roman State. For

kindred arms and brotherly battalions and common standards,[375] and

the manhood and the might of a single state in such numbers, were

closing in battle, self-matched against self, an example of the

blindness of human nature and its madness, under the influence of

passion. For if they had now been satisfied quietly to govern and

enjoy what they had got, there was the largest and the best portion of

the earth and of the sea subject to them; and if they still wished to

gratify their love of trophies and of triumphs, and their thirst for

them, they might have their fill of Parthian or German wars. Scythia,

too, and the Indians were a labour in reserve, and ambition had a

reasonable pretext for such undertaking, the civilization of barbaric

nations. And what Scythian horse, or Parthian arrows, or Indian wealth

could have checked seventy thousand Romans advancing in arms under

Pompeius and Cæsar, whose name these nations heard of long before they

heard of the name of Rome? Such unsociable, and various, and savage

nations had they invaded and conquered. But now they engaged with one

another in battle, without even feeling any compunction about their

own glory, for which they spared not their native country, up to this

day having always borne the name of invincible. For the relationship

that had been made between them, and the charms of Julia, and that

marriage, were from the very first only deceitful and suspected

pledges of an alliance formed from interested motives, in which there

was not a particle of true friendship.

LXXI. Now when the plain of Pharsalus was filled with men and horses

and arms, and the signal for battle was raised on both sides, the

first to spring forward from the line of Cæsar was Caius

Crassianus[376] a centurion who had the command of one hundred and

twenty men, and was now fulfilling a great promise to Cæsar. For as

Cæsar observed him to be the first that was quitting the camp, he

spoke to him and asked what he thought of the battle; and Crassianus

stretching out his right hand replied with a loud voice, "You shall

have a splendid victory, Cæsar; and as to me, you shall praise me

whether I survive the day or die." Remembering what he had said, he

rushed forward and carrying many along with him fell on the centre of

the enemy. The struggle was forthwith with the sword and many fell;

but while Crassianus was pushing forwards and cutting down those who

were in the front ranks, a soldier made a stand against him and drove

his sword through his mouth so that the point came out at the back of

the neck. When Crassianus had fallen, the battle was equally contested

in this part of the field. Now Pompeius did not quickly lead on the

right wing, but was looking at the opposite wing and lost time in

waiting for the cavalry to get into action. The cavalry were now

extending their companies with the view of surrounding Cæsar, and they

drove Cæsar's cavalry who were few in number upon the line in front of

which they were stationed. But upon Cæsar giving the signal, the

cavalry retired, and the cohorts which had been reserved to meet the

enemy's attempt to outflank them, rushed forward, three thousand in

number, and met the enemy; then fixing themselves by the side of the

horsemen, they pushed their spears upwards, as they had been

instructed, against the horses, aiming at the faces of the riders. The

horsemen, who were altogether inexperienced in fighting, and had never

expected or heard of such a mode of attack, did not venture to stand

or endure the blows aimed at their eyes and mouths, but turning their

backs and holding their hands before their faces they ingloriously

took to flight. The soldiers of Cæsar leaving these fugitives to

escape advanced against the infantry, and they made their attack at

that point where the wing having lost the protection of the cavalry

gave them the opportunity of outflanking and surrounding them. These

men falling on the enemy in the flank and the tenth legion attacking

them in front, the enemy did not stand their ground nor keep together,

for they saw that while they were expecting to surround the enemy,

they were themselves surrounded.

LXXII. After the infantry were routed, and Pompeius seeing the dust

conjectured what had befallen the cavalry, what reflections passed in

his mind, it is difficult to say; but like a madman more than anything

else and one whose reason was affected, without considering that he

was Magnus Pompeius, without speaking a word to any one, he walked

slowly back to his camp, so that one may properly apply to him the

verses[377]

"But lofty father Zeus struck fear in Ajax;

He stood confounded, and behind him threw

His shield of seven-ox-hide, and trembling look'd

Towards the crowd."

In this state Pompeius came to his tent and sat down without speaking,

until many of the pursuers rushed into the camp with the fugitives;

and then merely uttering these words, "What, even to the camp!" and

nothing more, he rose and taking a dress suitable to his present

condition made his way out. The rest of the legions also fled, and

there was great slaughter in the camp of those who were left to guard

the tents and of the slaves; but Asinius Pollio[378] says that only

six thousand soldiers fell, and Pollio fought in that battle on

Cæsar's side. When Cæsar's men took the camp, they saw evidence of the

folly and frivolity of the enemy. For every tent was crowned with

myrtle and furnished with flowered coverings to the couches and tables

loaded with cups; and bowls of wine were laid out, and there was the

preparation and decoration of persons who had performed a sacrifice

and were celebrating a festival,[379] rather than of men who were

arming for battle. So blinded by their hopes, and so full of foolish

confidence did they come out to war.

LXXIII. Pompeius having proceeded a little way from the camp let his

horse go, and with very few persons about him, went on slowly as no

one pursued him, and with such thoughts, as would naturally arise in

the mind of a man who for four-and-thirty years had been accustomed to

conquer and to have the mastery in everything, and now for the first

time in his old age experienced what defeat and flight were;

reflecting also that in a single battle he had lost the reputation and

the power which were the fruit of so many struggles and wars, and

while a little before he was protected by so many armed men and

horses, and armaments, now he was retreating and had become so weak

and humbled, as easily to escape the notice of his enemies who were

looking for him. After passing Larissa[380] and arriving at Tempe,

being thirsty he threw himself down on his face and drank of the

river, and then rising up he proceeded through Tempe till he reached

the sea. There he rested for the remainder of the night in a

fisherman's hut, and at daybreak embarking on board of one of the

river-boats and taking with him those of his followers who were

freemen, and bidding his slaves go to Cæsar without any apprehension

for their safety, he rowed along the coast till he saw a large

merchant-ship preparing to set sail, the master of which was a Roman,

who had no intimacy with Pompeius, but knew him by sight: his name was

Peticius. It happened the night before that Peticius saw Pompeius in a

dream, not as he had often seen him, but humble and downcast, speaking

to him. And it happened that he was telling his dream to his

shipmates, as is usual with men in such weighty matters, who have

nothing to do; when all at once one of the sailors called out that he

spied a river-boat rowing from the land with men in it who were making

signals with their clothes and stretching out their hands to them.

Accordingly Peticius turning his eyes in that direction recognised

Pompeius just as he had seen him in the dream, and striking his

forehead he ordered the sailors to put the boat alongside, and he

stretched out his right hand and called to Pompeius, already

conjecturing from his appearance the fortune and the reverses of the

man. Upon which the master, without waiting to be entreated or

addressed, took on board with him, all whom Pompeius chose (and these

were the two Lentuli[381] and Favonius), and set sail; and shortly

after seeing King Deiotarus making his way from the land as fast as he

could they took him in also. When it was supper time and the master

had made the best preparation that he could, Favonius observing that

Pompeius had no domestics and was beginning to take off his shoes, ran

up to him and loosed his shoes and helped him to anoint himself. And

henceforward Favonius continued to wait on Pompeius and serve him,

just as slaves do their master, even to the washing of his feet and

preparing his meals, so that a witness of the free will of that

service and the simplicity and absence of all affectation might have

exclaimed

"To generous minds how noble every task."[382]

LXXIV. In such wise Pompeius coasted to Amphipolis,[383] and thence

crossed over to Mitylene, wishing to take up Cornelia and her son.

Upon reaching the shore of the island he sent a message to the city,

not such as Cornelia expected, for the pleasing intelligence that she

had received both by report and by letter led her to hope that the war

was terminated near Dyrrachium, and that all that remained for

Pompeius was to pursue Cæsar. The messenger, who found her in this

state of expectation, did not venture to salute her, but indicating by

tears more than words the chief and greatest of her misfortunes, he

bade her hasten, if she wished to see Pompeius in a single vessel and

that not his own. Cornelia, on hearing these words, threw herself on

the ground, and lay there a long time without sense or speech, and

with difficulty recovering herself, and seeing that it was not a time

for tears and lamentations, she ran through the city to the sea.

Pompeius met and caught her in his arms as she was just ready to sink

down and fall upon him, when Cornelia said, "I see you, husband, not

through your own fortune but mine, reduced to a single vessel, you who

before your marriage with Cornelia sailed along this sea with five

hundred ships. Why have you come to see me, and why did you not leave

to her evil dæmon one who has loaded you also with so much misfortune?

How happy a woman should I have been had I died before I heard that

Publius, whose virgin bride I was, had perished by the Parthians; and

how wise, if even after he died I had put an end to my own life, as I

attempted to do; but forsooth I have been kept alive to be the ruin of

Pompeius Magnus also."

LXXV. So it is said Cornelia spoke, and thus Pompeius replied: "It is

true, Cornelia, you have hitherto known only one fortune, and that the

better; and perhaps it has deceived you too, in that it has abided

with me longer than is wont. But as we are mortals, we must bear this

change, and still try fortune; for it is not hopeless for a man to

attempt from this condition to recover his former state who has come

to this after being in that other." Accordingly Cornelia sent for her

property and slaves from the city; and though the Mitylenæans came to

pay their respects to Pompeius, and invited him to enter the city, he

would not, but he exhorted them also to yield to the conqueror and to

be of good heart, for Cæsar was merciful and of a humane disposition.

But turning to Kratippus[384] the philosopher, for he had come down

from the city to see him, Pompeius found fault with and in a few

words expressed some doubts about Providence, Kratippus rather giving

way to him and trying to lead him to better hopes, that he might not

give him pain at so unseasonable a time by arguing against him; for

Pompeius might have questioned him about Providence, and Kratippus

might have shown that the state of affairs at Rome required a monarchy

on account of the political disorder; and he might have asked

Pompeius, "How, Pompeius, and by what evidence shall we be persuaded

that you would have used your fortune better than Cæsar, if you had

been victorious?" But these matters that concern the gods we must

leave as they are.

LXXVI. Taking on board his wife and friends, Pompeius continued his

voyage, only putting in at such ports as of necessity he must for

water or provisions. The first city that he came to was Attaleia[385]

of Pamphylia; and there some galleys from Cilicia met him, and some

soldiers were collecting, and there were again about sixty senators

about him. Hearing that his navy still kept together, and that Cato

had recruited many soldiers and was passing over to Libya, he lamented

to his friends and blamed himself for being forced to engage with his

army only, and for not making any use of the force which was beyond

all dispute superior to that of the enemy; and that his navy was not

so stationed that if he were defeated by land he might forthwith have

had what would have made him a match for the enemy, a strength and

power so great by sea close at hand. Indeed Pompeius committed no

greater fault, nor did Cæsar show any greater generalship, than in

withdrawing the field of battle so far beyond the reach of assistance

from the navy. However, being compelled in the present state of

affairs to decide and do something, he sent round to the cities, and

himself sailing about to some, asked them for money, and began to man

ships. But fearing the rapid movements and speed of his enemy, lest he

should come upon him and take him before he was prepared, he looked

about for a place of refuge for the present and a retreat. Now there

appeared to them upon consideration to be no province to which they

could safely fly; and as to the kingdoms, Pompeius gave it as his

opinion that the Parthian[386] at the present was the best able to

receive and protect them in their present weakness, and to strengthen

them again and to send them forth with the largest force; of the rest,

some turned their thoughts towards Libya and Juba,[387] but Theophanes

of Lesbos pronounced it madness to leave Egypt, which was only three

days' sail distant, and Ptolemæus,[388] who was still a youth, and

indebted to Pompeius for the friendship and favour which his father

had received from him, and to put himself in the hands of the

Parthians, a most treacherous nation; and to be the first of all

persons who did not choose to submit to a Roman who had been connected

with him by marriage, nor to make trial of his moderation, and to put

himself in the power of Arsakes,[389] who was not able to take even

Crassus so long as he was alive; and to carry a young wife of the

family of Scipio among barbarians, who measured their power by their

insolence and unbridled temper; and if no harm should befall Cornelia,

and it should only be apprehended that she might suffer injury, it

would be a sad thing for her to be in the power of those who were able

to do it. This alone, it is said diverted Pompeius from proceeding to

the Euphrates; if indeed any reflection still guided Pompeius, and he

was not rather directed by a dæmon to the way that he took.

LXXVII. Accordingly when the proposal to fly to Egypt prevailed,

Pompeius setting sail from Cyprus in a galley of Seleukeia[390] with

his wife (and of the rest some accompanied him also in ships of war,

and others in merchant vessels), crossed the sea safely; and hearing

that Ptolemæus[391] was seated before Pelusium with his army, being

engaged in war against his sister, he came to that part of the coast

and sent forward a person to announce his arrival to the king and to

pray for his protection. Now Ptolemæus was very young, and Potheinus

who managed everything, summoned a council of the chief persons; and

the chief persons were those whom he chose to make so, and he bade

each man give his opinion. It was indeed a sad thing that such men

should deliberate about Pompeius Magnus, as Potheinus the eunuch and

Theodotus of Chios who was hired as a teacher of rhetoric and the

Egyptian Achillas: for these were the chief advisers of the king among

the eunuchs and others who had the care of his person; and such was

the court whose decision Pompeius was waiting for at anchor some

distance from the shore and tossed by the waves, he who thought it

beneath him to be indebted to Cæsar for his life. Now opinions among

the rest were so far divided that some advised they should drive away

Pompeius, and others, that they should invite and receive him: but

Theodotus displaying his power in speech and his rhetorical art proved

that neither of these courses was safe, but that if they received

Pompeius, they would have Cæsar for an enemy and Pompeius for their

master, and if they drove him away, they would incur the displeasure

of Pompeius for ejecting him and of Cæsar for the trouble of the

pursuit; it was therefore best to send for the man and kill him, for

thus they would please Cæsar and have nothing to fear from Pompeius.

And he concluded with a smile, as it is said, A dead man does not

bite.

LXXVIII. Having determined on this they intrust the execution to

Achillas, who taking with him one Septimius who had a long time ago

served under Pompeius as a centurion and Salvius another centurion and

three or four slaves, put out towards the ship of Pompeius. It

happened that all the most distinguished persons who accompanied

Pompeius had come on board his ship to see what was going on.

Accordingly when they saw a reception which was neither royal nor

splendid nor corresponding to the expectations of Theophanes, but a

few men in a fishing-boat sailing towards them, this want of respect

made them suspect treachery and they advised Pompeius to row back into

the open sea, while they were still out of reach of missiles. In the

mean time as the boat was nearing, Septimius was the first to rise and

he addressed Pompeius as Imperator in the Roman language and Achillas

saluting him in Greek invited him to enter the boat, because, as he

said, the shallows were of great extent and the sea being rather sandy

had not depth enough to float a trireme. At the same time it was

observed that some of the king's ships were getting their men on

board, and soldiers occupied the shore, so that it appeared impossible

to escape even if they changed their minds and made the attempt; and

besides, this want of confidence would give the murderers some excuse

for their crime. Accordingly, after embracing Cornelia who was

anticipating and bewailing his fate, he ordered two centurions to step

into the boat before him, and Philippus one of his freedmen and a

slave called Scythes, and while Achillas was offering him his hand out

of the boat, he turned round to his wife and son and repeated the

iambics of Sophocles,

"Whoever to a tyrant bends his way,

Is made his slave, e'en if he goes a freeman."

LXXIX.[392] These were the last words that he spoke to his friends

before he entered the boat: and as it was a considerable distance to

the land from the galley, and none of those in the boat addressed any

friendly conversation to him, looking at Septimius he said, "I am not

mistaken I think in recognising you as an old comrade of mine;" and

Septimius nodded without making any reply or friendly acknowledgment.

As there was again a profound silence, Pompeius who had a small roll

on which he had written a speech in Greek that he intended to address

to Ptolemæus, began reading it. As they neared the land, Cornelia with

her friends in great anxiety was watching the result from the galley,

and she began to have good hopes when she saw some of the king's

people collecting together at the landing as if to honor Pompeius and

give him a reception. In the mean time, while Pompeius was taking the

hand of Philippus that he might rise more easily, Septimius from

behind was the first to transfix him with his sword; and Salvius, and

after him Achillas drew their swords. Pompeius drawing his toga close

with both hands over his face, without saying or doing anything

unworthy of himself, but giving a groan only, submitted to the blows,

being sixty years of age save one, and ending his life just one day

after his birthday.

LXXX. Those in the ships seeing the murder uttered a shriek which

could be heard even to the land, and quickly raising their anchors,

took to flight: and a strong breeze aided them in their escape to the

open sea, so that the Egyptians, though desirous of pursuing, turned

back. They cut off the head of Pompeius, and throwing the body naked

out of the boat, left it for those to gaze at who felt any curiosity.

Philippus stayed by the body, till the people were satisfied with

looking at it, and then washing it with sea-water he wrapped it up in

a tunic of his own; and as he had no other means, he looked about till

he found the wreck of a small fishing-boat, which was decayed indeed,

but enough to make a funeral pile in case of need for a naked body,

and that not an entire corpse. As he was collecting these fragments

and putting them together, a Roman, now an old man[393] who had served

his first campaigns in his youth under Pompeius, stood by him and

said: "Who are you, my friend, that are preparing to perform the

funeral rites to Pompeius Magnus?" Philippus replying that he was a

freedman, the man said: "But you shall not have this honour to

yourself: allow me too to share in this pious piece of good fortune,

that I may not altogether have to complain of being in a strange land,

if in requital for many sufferings I get this honour at least, to

touch and to tend with my hands the greatest of the Roman generals."

Such were the obsequies of Pompeius. On the next day Lucius Lentulus

who was on his voyage from Cyprus, not knowing what had happened, was

coasting along the shore, when he saw the pile and Philippus standing

by it before he was seen himself and said, "Who is resting here after

closing his career?" and after a slight interval, with a groan, he

added, "perhaps it is you, Pompeius Magnus." Presently he landed, and

being seized was put to death. This was the end of Pompeius. Not long

after Cæsar arriving in Egypt, which was filled with this horrid deed,

turned away from the man who brought him the head of Pompeius, as from

a murderer, and when he received the seal of Pompeius, he shed tears;

the device was a lion holding a sword. He put to death Achillas and

Potheinus, and the king himself being defeated in battle was lost

somewhere near the river. Theodotus the sophist escaped the vengeance

of Cæsar, for he fled from Egypt and wandered about in a miserable

state, the object of detestation; but Brutus Marcus, after he had

killed Cæsar and got the power in his hands, finding Theodotus in

Asia, put him to death with every circumstance of contumely. Cornelia

obtained the remains of Pompeius and had them carried to his Alban

villa and interred there.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 189: This line is from the Prometheus Loosed ([Greek:

luomenos] λυόμενος) of Aeschylus which is lost. Prometheus Bound

([Greek: desmôtês] δεσμώτης) is extant. Hermann is of opinion that the

Prometheus Loosed did not belong to the same Tetralogy as the

Prometheus Bound.]

[Footnote 190: The Gens to which Pompeius belonged was Plebeian. Cn.

Pompeius Strabo, the father of Pompeius Magnus, was consul B.C. 89.

Strabo, a name derived like many other Roman names from some personal

peculiarity, signifies one who squints, and it was borne by members of

other Roman Gentes also, as the Julia, and Fannia. It is said that the

father of Pompeius Magnus had a cook Menogenes, who was called Strabo,

and that the name was given to Cn. Pompeius because he resembled his

cook. However this may be, Cn. Pompeius adopted the name, and it

appears on his coins and in the Fasti. He had a bad character and

appears to have deserved it. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p.

306.) Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 6. Notes.

The latter part of this chapter is somewhat obscure in the original.

See the note of Coræs.]

[Footnote 191: L. Marcius Philippus, Consul B.C. 91 with Sextus Julius

Cæsar, was a distinguished orator.]

[Footnote 192: Some of the commentators have had strange opinions

about the meaning of this passage, which Kaltwasser has mistranslated.

It is rightly explained in Schaefer's note, and the learned Lambinus

has fully expounded it in a note on Horatius (_Od._ i. 13): but in

place of [Greek: adêktos] ἀδήκτος he has a wrong reading [Greek:

adêkto] ἀδήκτο. Flora was not the only courtesan who received the

distinction mentioned in the text. The gilded statue of Phryne, the

work of Praxiteles, was placed in the temple at Delphi, presented by

the lady herself. (Pausanias, x. 15).]

[Footnote 193: Pompeius Magnus was born B.C. 106. He was younger than

Marcus Crassus, of the same age as Cicero, and six years older than

the Dictator Cæsar. The event mentioned in the chapter belongs to the

year B.C 87, in which his father fought against L. Cinna. Pompeius

Strabo died in this year.]

[Footnote 194: This town, now Ascoli on the Tronto, in Picenum, was

taken by Pompeius Strabo B.C. 89 in the Marsic war, and burnt. The

inhabitants, who had killed the proconsul P. Servilius and other

Romans, were severely handled; and Pompeius Strabo had a triumph

(December 89) for his success against the Asculani and other

inhabitants of Picenum. (Velleius, ii. 21.)]

[Footnote 195: P. Antistius was prætor B.C. 86, the year after the

death of Pompeius Strabo.]

[Footnote 196: Compare the Life of Romulus, c. 14.]

[Footnote 197: Cinna was killed in his fourth consulate, B.C. 84.

Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 78) states that he was massacred by his

soldiers, but his account may be true and that of Plutarch also, which

is more particular, (See also Livius, _Epit._ 83.)]

[Footnote 198: The father of Pompeius had enriched himself during the

Social wars.]

[Footnote 199: Now Osimo, was one of the cities of Picenum, south of

Ancona. It was a Roman colony.]

[Footnote 200: The three commanders were C. Albius Carinnas, C. Cœlius

Caldus and M. Junius Brutus. The word Clœlius in Plutarch may be a

mistake of the copyists. Brutus was the father of M. Brutus, one of

Cæsar's assassins.]

[Footnote 201: L. Cornelius Scipio, consul B.C. 83. Plutarch speaks of

the same event in the Life of Sulla, c. 28, where he states that the

soldiers of Scipio came over to Sulla. The two statements are

contradictory, Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 85) tells the story of

Scipio's army going over to Sulla.]

[Footnote 202: A mistake for Æsis (Esino, or Finmesino), a river which

formed the boundary between Umbria and Picenum, and enters the sea

north of Ancona. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 87) states that Metellus

defeated Carinnas, the legatus of Carbo, on the Æsis (B.C. 82).]

[Footnote 203: This was Q. Metellus Pius who afterwards commanded in

Iberia against Sertorius. See the Life of Sertorius.]

[Footnote 204: The Greek writers often employ similes and metaphors

derived from the athletic contests. There were contests both for boys

and full-grown men. Compare the Life of Agesilaus, c. 13.]

[Footnote 205: The marriage arrangements mentioned in this chapter

took place after the capture of Præneste, B.C. 82. See the Life of

Sulla, c. 33. Sulla attempted to make Cæsar also part with his wife

(Cæsar, c. 1): but Cæsar would not. Sulla, who was a cunning man,

wished to gain over to his side all the young men of promise.

Antistius had been murdered in the Senate-house, by the order of the

consul, the younger Marius, who was then blockaded in Præneste. Q.

Mucius Scævola, the Pontifex, was murdered at the same time.

(Appianus, _Civil Wars_, i. 88.)]

[Footnote 206: His true name is Perperna. See the Life of Sertorius.]

[Footnote 207: Cn. Papirius Carbo was put to death, B.C. 82, in his

third consulship. Compare Appianus, _Civil Wars_, i. 96, and Life of

Sulla, c. 28, Notes. Valerius Maximus, ix. c. 13, gives the story of

his begging for a short respite, with some other particulars.]

[Footnote 208: Caius Oppius, an intimate friend of Cæsar. Some persons

believed that he was the author of the Books on the Alexandrine,

African, and Spanish campaigns, which are printed with the Gallic War

of Cæsar. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 56.) Hs wrote various biographies.

Oppius is often mentioned by Cicero. There is extant a letter of

Cicero to him _Ad Diversos_, xi. 29); but it is entitled in some

editions of Cicero 'To Appius.']

[Footnote 209: This was Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the father-in-law of

Cinna. He had been consul B.C. 96 with C. Cassius Longinus.]

[Footnote 210: C. Memmius, according to Drumann, the same who

afterwards fell in the war against Sertorius. (Life of Sertorius, c.

21.)]

[Footnote 211: The expedition of Pompeius to Africa was in B.C. 81.

Iarbas is said to have been a descendant of Massinissa. He escaped

from the battle. The scene of the battle and the subsequent movements

of Pompeius cannot be collected from Plutarch's narrative, which here,

as in the case of military operations generally, is of no value. As to

the age of Pompeius, see the note in Clinton's Fasti B.C. 81.]

[Footnote 212: The lion is a native of North Africa, but it is

doubtful if the elephant is. The Carthaginians employed many elephants

in their armies, which they probably got from the countries south of

the great desert. Plutarch evidently considers the elephant as a

native of North Africa, or he would not speak of hunting it; yet in