CHAPTER XII.
THE MILITARY TRACT–PERILS OF FRONTIER LIFE–GATHERING SETTLEMENTS
ABOUT BLACK HAWK’S VILLAGE–FRICTION–ATTEMPTED
COMPROMISE–CORRESPONDENCE–GAINES AT FORT ARMSTRONG.
It may be possible that this fresh outbreak was superinduced by the
gradual appearance of the hated American further and further northward
toward Black Hawk’s village, but, if true, the act was indefensible as
it was meddlesome. He deliberately assisted in precipitating the trouble
between Red Bird (who was a remarkably decent Indian) and the Americans,
without the slightest provocation.
By acts of Congress[63] bounty land warrants were voted to the soldiers
of the war of “’twelve,” and for their especial benefit the so-called
“Military Tract” was erected in the State of Illinois, comprising the
territory between the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, 169 miles north
to a line drawn from the great bend of the river above Peru to the
Mississippi, containing 5,360,000 acres.[64] Into this, two classes of
settlers poured–as Catlin aptly put it, “the overwhelming torrent of
emigration to the ‘Far West.’”
From the conclusion of the first peace with Great Britain, the native
white population increased at a ratio astonishing to the observer and
writer of those days, particularly James Hall, and with the advent of
the “twenties” the overflow was moving into this “Military Tract.” One
class comprised the soldier, who was the beneficiary, with his family,
while the other was composed of families from Kentucky and Tennessee,
the purchasers of those warrants, which had been gradually working
northward from the beginning of the century, and which up to this time
largely predominated in the population of Illinois. In both of these
classes were the Indian fighters; men whose homes had been desolated or
whose fathers and mothers had been murdered by blood-thirsty savages;
men whose bodies carried lead placed there by Indian muskets, and who,
from sad experience, were not likely to receive with composure the raids
of bandit Sacs. These men were tired of tilling the soil with rifles
lashed to the plowbeam and of being constantly called away from the
field to awful scenes of carnage, where perhaps neighbor or wife or
child had just been burned at the stake. Gen. A.C. Dodge, who was a
pioneer by birth, a man whose honesty of purpose and soundness of
judgment on Indian questions have never yet been questioned, forcibly
illustrated those conditions in a speech at the semi-centennial of
Burlington, Iowa: “In the settlement of Kentucky five of my father’s
uncles fell under the Indian hatchet. Among the incidents of his very
earliest recollection was to have seen the dead and bleeding body of one
of those uncles borne in the arms of another on horseback to the
stockade fort in which they lived. My own brother, Henry LaFayette
Dodge, * * * was captured and burned to death at the stake.”
James Hall, the friend and defender of the Indian, has pictured the
vicissitudes of the pioneers who blazed the way for later generations to
follow. Among other things, we find, on page 152, Vol. 2, “Sketches of
the West,” the following:
“They left behind them all the comforts of life. They brought but
little furniture, but few farming implements, and no store of
provisions. Until their lands were cleared and brought into culture,
and their domestic animals became productive, they depended for
subsistence chiefly upon the game of the forest. They ate their fresh
meat without salt, without vegetables, and in many instances without
bread; and they slept in cabins hastily erected, of green logs, and in
which they were exposed to much of the inclemency of the weather. To
their other sufferings that of sickness was often added; and they
found themselves assailed, in situations where medical assistance
could not be procured, by diseases of sudden development and fatal
character.
“While thus overburthened by toil and assailed by disaster, the
settler found employment for all the energy of his character and all
the inventive powers of his mind. The savage was watching, with
malignant vigilance, to grasp every opportunity to harass the intruder
into the hunting grounds of his fathers. Sometimes he contented
himself with seizing the horses or driving away the cattle of the
emigrant, depriving the wretched family of the means of support, and
reserving the consummation of his vengeance to a future occasion;
sometimes, with a subtle refinement of cruelty, the Indian warrior
crept into a settlement by stealth, and created universal dismay by
stealing away a child, or robbing a family of the wife and mother;
sometimes a father was the victim, and the widow and orphans were
thrown upon the protection of the friends who, on such occasions, were
never deaf to the claims of the unfortunate, while as often the
yelling band surrounded the peaceful cabin at the midnight hour,
applied the firebrand to the slight fabric, and murdered the whole of
its defenseless inmates.”
Exhausted by such scenes, these men had come to Illinois with their
children, whose tender memories had gathered material never to be
effaced, to enjoy peaceful pursuits and erect homes for their families.
When, therefore, Black Hawk sought to renew such tactics, he trod the
mine which exploded and tore his power to shreds. The final conflict was
inevitable, and though during the first portion of the campaign, for
want of discipline, those spirited, independent and unrestrained young
fellows brought no great honor to their arms, when the iron hand of Gen.
James D. Henry brought them to reason, they marched with a grim
determination to avenge the murders of their ancestors by hurling Black
Hawk forever from the power to molest them more, and they did it in a
manner sufficiently decisive.
In 1829[65] these settlers, observing the fertility of the lands at the
mouth of Rock River, the protecting influence of a Government fort,
pushed over to that point and squatted upon the lands there. Settlements
multiplying by the reputation of the land, the President was persuaded
that the time had come to survey and open them up for sale, and he
issued his proclamation accordingly. This survey included the village
occupied by Black Hawk.
It has been urged by some that there was no necessity for opening up
this tract for settlement, because the nearest settlements were far
away, leaving an extensive belt between, which should first have been
occupied. Who is to judge of man’s choice in the public domain but the
man himself? The fort and public buildings made a respectable settlement
by themselves. Add to these the traders and a garrison with all the
hangers-on, and the neighborhood became an inviting one for settlers.
The mines to the north were booming; the river boats were carrying great
numbers of passengers, who always stopped at this point, and one must
repeat, why should it not be attractive?
When requested, Keokuk and the other chiefs issued proclamations, and,
with most of their people, removed to the west side of the river.[66]
Wapello, the head chief of the Foxes, and Pash-e-pa-ho of the Sacs,
making the decision almost unanimous, also went over, but Black Hawk,
finding it possible to annoy the Americans, refused, claiming that when
he signed the treaty of 1816 he had been deceived and never knew that
his village had been included in its terms. His offenses had been
condoned so many times by the indulgent Americans that he had grown to
consider himself above danger from them, and doggedly remained, in
defiance of the wish of the President and the proclamations of Keokuk
and Wapello. The promotion of Keokuk to be chief of the Sacs had its
influence, for any proclamation Keokuk might make would certainly be
defied by Black Hawk. Keokuk urged him to avoid friction by peaceably
removing with the others, but this appeal only strengthened his
determination to remain, and he sat back upon his haunches like the bull
before the locomotive, and, to carry the simile to a logical conclusion,
was very naturally annihilated.
The disposition to quarrel may be seen from the following extract from a
letter written to Governor Clark by Agent Forsythe:
Rocky Island, 17th May, 1829.
Sir:–Some time early in the spring, a number of settlers came to the
Sac village on Rock river and enclosed nearly all the Sac Indians’
corn fields. The Indians, on their arrival, were surprised at this, as
also the destruction committed by the settlers by tearing down many of
their lodges. The settlers who reside at the Sac village have called
on me frequently, wishing me to drive the Indians away; that they must
go, ought to go, pointing out the necessity of sending them away,
etc., etc.
I yesterday had a meeting with a number of Indians, and had a very
long talk with them on the subject of all the Indians moving onto
their own lands.
Quash-qua-me denying that he ever sold any land above Rock river,
etc., the Black Hawk also saying that the white people were in the
habit of saying one thing to the Indians and putting another on paper;
and both those Indians made use of every argument they were masters of
to convince me that they never had sold the land above Rock river,
etc.
I acquainted all the Indians with the provisions of the treaty of
1804, where Quash-qua-me’s name is, as one of the chiefs who sold the
land in question (the other chiefs being dead). I also reminded the
Black Hawk of the treaty of 1816, when the commissioners refused to
smoke with him and the other Sac chiefs (who accompanied him down to
St. Louis), to make peace, until they signed the treaty, etc.
The Black Hawk denied that any mention was made to him about land in
making the treaty of 1816; but that the commissioners must have
inserted in the treaty what was not expressly explained to him and
friends.
The Indians and myself had a great deal of talk at this meeting, the
most of which was quite unnecessary, at the winding up of which I told
the Indians I would not listen to any complaints that might come in
future from any Indians who would remain at Rocky river.
The chief Keokuk inquired of me in private if he and some of his
friends could remain at Rocky river to raise the corn they had
planted,[67] saying at the same time that most of the principal chiefs
and braves had gone to reside at a place a few miles within the mouth
of Ioway river, and that more than one-half of those now at Rocky
river would also go shortly to the same place.
I told Keokuk that he had heard what I had said to the Indians in
council, and that it was out of my power to give any Indians such
permission as he asked for.
It is my opinion that but few Indians will remain at Rocky river this
summer, but yet I am fearful that some difficulties will take place
among them and the settlers during the ensuing summer. All the Fox
Indians formerly residing in this vicinity have gone and made a new
village at the Grand Mascatin.
As has been stated, Black Hawk was not a chief, and was never recognized
as such. He was simply a brave who had gathered around him a party of
disaffected spirits, eager to foment strife; being no Pontiac or
Tecumseh, and having no call upon him by his nation or his tribe to
rectify any wrongs, his controversies in 1830 had degenerated into petty
quarrels with the incoming settlers.
He refused to cross the Mississippi because he was meanly jealous of
Keokuk and his influence and because of his hatred of the Americans, and
not because of fealty to any principle. He considered every argument of
his friends to mean that his removal meant his absorption as an
attraction. Removal west, with Keokuk above him, meant desuetude and dry
rot for his schemes. He preferred being a small quarreler to being none
at all, and he remained.
The Indian inclosures were made with stakes driven into the ground, to
which poles were transversely laid and tied with strips of bark. When
the crop of 1830 had been planted within these enclosures, or otherwise,
the Indians left for a summer hunt. Returning when the corn was in the
milk, it was gathered and their horses were turned into the fields. The
aftermath of those meagerly cropped fields was uninviting while the
ripening grain of the whites was near at hand, and, without any
ceremony, the slight fences were trampled down and the grain of the
white man more or less consumed or destroyed. A casual glance at this
state of things would disclose no premeditation on the part of the
Indians to molest the whites, but the whites complained and seem to have
proven beyond all doubt that the Indians, finding they could harass the
whites by these tactics, carried them a little further, until they
secretly drove horses into the fields and upon various occasions killed
the live stock of the whites. The correspondence entire upon the
subject, as found in public document No. 2 of the proceedings of the
Twenty-second Congress, first session, is scattered along through this
chapter. These depredations continued until autumn, when Black Hawk and
his band departed on their winter’s hunt.
By way of experiment, a compromise for the year 1830 was attempted
whereby the whites and Indians were to try to live together in peace,
but the antagonistic natures of both made success impossible and the
attempt was abandoned, with the determination by the whites that if
Black Hawk annoyed them in their future efforts to develop their farms
his actions would be met with resistance and his removal by force
demanded of the authorities. In the spring of 1831 the Indians returned
to find the whites prepared to resist them. Black Hawk’s wick-a-up was
occupied. This act brought his contention to a climax, as might have
been expected, by openly attempting the destruction of property. This he
did without molesting the owner, adroitly provoking the Americans to
menace and possibly force him to assume an attitude of defense of Indian
rights and the “graves of his fathers.” On April 30, 1831, the following
letter was sent to Governor Reynolds, setting forth grievances, and
signed by a numerical force which should command attention from any
executive:
“April 30, 1831.
“His Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois:
“We, the undersigned, being citizens of Rock River and its vicinity,
beg leave to state to your honor the grievances which we labor under,
and pray your protection against the Sac and Fox tribe of Indians, who
have again taken possession of our lands near the mouth of Rock River
and its vicinity. They have, and now are, burning our fences,
destroying our crops of wheat now growing, by turning in all their
horses. They also threaten our lives if we attempt to plant corn, and
say they will cut it up; that we have stolen their lands from them,
and they are determined to exterminate us, provided we don’t leave the
country. Your honor, no doubt, is aware of the outrages that were
committed by said Indians heretofore. Particularly last fall, they
almost destroyed all our crops, and made several attempts on the
owners’ lives when they attempted to prevent their depredations, and
actually wounded one man by stabbing him in several places. This
spring they act in a much more outrageous and menacing manner, so that
we consider ourselves compelled to beg protection of you, which the
agent and garrison on Rock Island refuse to give, inasmuch as they say
they have no orders from government; therefore, should we not receive
adequate aid from your honor, we shall be compelled to abandon our
settlement, and the lands which we have purchased of government.
Therefore, we have no doubt but your honor will better anticipate our
condition than it is represented, and grant us immediate relief in the
manner that to you may seem most likely to produce the desired effect.
The number of Indians now among us is about six or seven hundred. They
say there are more coming, and that the Pottawattomies and some of the
Winnebagoes will help them, in case of an irruption with the whites.
The warriors now here are the Black Hawk’s party, with other chiefs,
the names of whom we are not acquainted with. Therefore, looking up to
you for protection, we beg leave to remain yours, etc.”[68]
“John Wells, “Erastus Kent, “G.V. Miller,
“B.F. Pike, “Levi Wells, “Edward Burner,
“H. McNiel, “Joel Wells, “Joel Thompson,
“Albert Wells, “Michael Bartlet, “Joel Wells, Jr.,
“Griffith Ausbury, “Huntington Wells, “J.W. Spencer,
“Thomas Gardiner, “Thomas Davis, “Joseph Danforth,
“J. Vandruff, “Thomas Lovitt, “William Brazher,
“S. Vandruff, “William Heans, “Jonah H. Case,
“John L. Bain, “Charles French, “Samuel Wells,
“Horace Cook, “M.S. Hulls, “Charles French,
“David B. Hail, “Eli Wells, “Benjamin Goble,
“John Barrel, “Asaph Wells, “Gentry McCall.”
“William Henry,
Receiving no reply to that request, the citizens waited until the 19th
of May, when they fancied they would have to send a personal embassy to
Reynolds, which they did, in as much haste as possible, as they were
expecting momentary trouble from those Indians. They accordingly drew up
the following petition and sent it by one of the most respectable of
their citizens, who in person laid it before the Governor:
“Farnhamburg, May 19th, 1831.
“To his Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois:
“We, the undersigned, citizens of Rock River and its vicinity, having
previously sent a petition to your honor, praying your protection
against these Sac Indians, who were at that time doing every kind of
mischief, as was set forth and represented to your honor; but feeling
ourselves more aggrieved, and our situation more precarious, we have
been compelled to make our distress known to you by sending one of our
neighbors, who is well acquainted with our situation. If we do not get
relief speedily, we must leave our habitations to these savages, and
seek safety for our families by taking them down into the lower
counties and suffer our houses and fences to be destroyed, as one of
the principal war chiefs has threatened, if we do not abandon our
settlement, his warriors should burn our houses over our heads. They
were, at the time we sent our other petition, destroying our crops of
wheat, and are still pasturing their horses in our fields, burning our
fences, and have thrown the roof off one house. They shot arrows at
our cattle, killed our hogs, and every mischief.
“We have tried every argument to the agent for relief, but he tells us
they are a lawless band, and he has nothing to do with them until
further orders, leaving us still in suspense, as the Indians say, if
we plant we shall not reap, a proof of which we had last fall; they
almost entirely destroyed all our crops of corn, potatoes, etc.
Believing we shall receive protection from your excellency, we shall
go on with our farms until the return of the bearer; and ever remain
your humble supplicants, etc.,”
Which petition was signed by nearly the same citizens as the first.
Benjamin F. Pike, the bearer of the above petition, and also Hiram
Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, made oath to the truth of the allegations
contained in it, as follows:
“State of Illinois, St. Clair County.
“Present, Benjamin F. Pike, before me, a Justice of the Peace in and
for the said county, and made oath and deposed, that he has resided in
the vicinity of Rock River, in the State of Illinois, for almost three
years last past; that he is well acquainted with the band of the Sac
Indians whose chief is the Black Hawk, and who have resided and do now
reside near the mouth of Rock River, in this State; that he
understands so much of the said Indian language, as to converse with
the said Indians intelligibly; that he is well satisfied that said
Indians, to the amount of about three hundred warriors, are extremely
unfriendly to the white people; that said Indians are determined, if
not prevented by force, to drive off the white people, who have some
of them purchased land of the United States, near said Indians, and
said Indians to remain the sole occupiers of the said country.
“That said Indians do not only make threats to this effect, but have,
in various instances, done much damage to said white inhabitants, by
throwing down their fences, destroying the fall grain, pulling off the
roofs of houses, and positively asserting that if the whites do not go
away, they would kill them; that there are about forty inhabitants and
heads of families in the vicinity of said Indians, who are immediately
affected by said band of Indians; that said Pike is certain that said
forty heads of families, if not protected, will be compelled to leave
their habitations and homes from the actual injury that said Indians
will commit on said inhabitants. That said band of Indians consists,
as above stated, of about three hundred warriors, and that the whole
band is actuated by the same hostile feelings towards the white
inhabitants; and that, if not prevented by an armed force of men, will
commit murders on said white inhabitants. That said Indians have said,
that they would fight for their country where they reside, and would
not permit the white people to occupy it at all. That said white
inhabitants are desirous to be protected, and that immediately, so
that they may raise crops this spring and summer.
“BENJAMIN F. PIKE.
“Sworn and subscribed before me, this 26th May, 1831.
“JOHN H. DENNIS, J.P.”
“The deposition of Hiram Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, taken before
Stephen Dewey, Esq., a Justice of the Peace for Fulton County.
“State of Illinois, Fulton County.
“Personally appeared before me, Stephen Dewey, an acting Justice of
the Peace in and for said county of Fulton, and State of Illinois,
Hiram Sanders, and Ammyson Chapman, of the aforesaid county and State,
and made oath that some time in the month of April last, they went to
the old Indian Sac town, about thirty miles up Rock River, for the
purpose of farming and establishing a ferry across said river, and the
Indians ordered us to move away, and not to come there again and we
remained there a few hours.
“They then sent for their chief, and he informed us that we might
depart peaceably, and if we did not that he would make us go.
“He therefore ordered the Indians to throw our furniture out of the
house; they accordingly did so, and threatened to kill us if we did
not depart. We therefore discovered that our lives were in danger, and
consequently moved back again to the above county.
“We supposed them to be principally Winnebagoes.
“H. SANDERS,
“A. CHAPMAN.
“Sworn and subscribed this 11th. day of May, 1831.
“STEPHEN DEWEY,
J.P.”
There were several other petitions sent to the Governor from Henderson
River and elsewhere; likewise a number of depositions were taken, the
substance of which will be found in General Gaines’ report to the
Secretary of War.
For almost twenty-seven years, much over an average Indian’s lifetime,
the Government had faithfully observed its compact of 1804 to allow the
Sacs and Foxes the privilege of remaining on the ceded lands until
surveyed and thrown upon the market. With each new treaty acknowledging
that one, additional annuities had been granted them, until the annual
distribution amounted to $27,000.00: “The Sacs and Foxes are already
drawing an annuity of twenty-seven thousand dollars for thirty years to
come, in cash, and by the present treaty that amount will be enlarged to
thirty-seven thousand dollars per annum.”[69] The last named treaty,
mentioned by Catlin, brought these Indians seventy-five cents per acre
for their lands. Yet Black Hawk, regardless of the obligation of his
lawful superiors and his own, under those repeated treaties and
payments, lingered and quibbled and quarreled, thinking, no doubt, by
this time that he could not or would not be removed at all.
The little band of whites, unable to contend successfully against the
overwhelming numbers of Indians and their exasperating thefts and
annoyances, applied to the agent and got no relief and, as it seemed to
the settlers, almost no thought. The United States authorities,
particularly Governor Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St.
Louis, were the ones to furnish protection, _vi et armis_ or otherwise.
Governor Reynolds was very unwilling at first to send the militia to the
scene without invitation from those army officers; therefore, when he
received the first petition, instead of replying at once to it, he
applied to the Indian agents at Rock Island and to General Gaines.
Failing of receiving any consideration, the second message from the
citizens, who thought he had ignored them, compelled the “Old Ranger,”
as the Governor was called, to take the initiative by calling out the
militia to the number of 700, which he did on May 26th, with
instructions to rendezvous at Beardstown June 10, 1831.[70] On the day
of issuing that call, he wrote Governor Clark a letter, calculated to
leave no room for doubt as to the course he should pursue and the manner
of his treatment of the Indians if they did not move.
“Belleville, 26th May, 1831.
“Sir:–In order to protect the citizens of this State, who reside near
Rock River, from Indian invasion and depredations, I have considered
it necessary to call out a force of militia of this State of about
seven hundred strong, to remove a band of the Sac Indians who are now
about Rock Island. The object of the government of the State is to
protect those citizens, by removing said Indians, peaceably, if they
can, but forcibly if they must. Those Indians are now, and so I have
considered them, in a state of actual invasion of the State.
“As you act as the public agent of the United States in relation to
those Indians, I considered it my duty to inform you of the above call
on the militia, and that in or about fifteen days a sufficient force
will appear before said Indians to remove them, dead or alive, over to
the west side of the Mississippi; but to save all this disagreeable
business, perhaps a request from you to them, for them to remove to
the west side of the river, would effect the object of procuring peace
to the citizens of the State. There is no disposition on the part of
the people of this State to injure those unfortunate and deluded
savages if they will let us alone; but a government that does not
protect its citizens deserves not the name of a government. Please
correspond with me to this place on this subject.
“Your obedient servant,
“JOHN REYNOLDS.
“GEN. CLARK, Supt., etc.”
Reynolds’ letter hastened the following reply, which clearly indicated
that much had really been done by Governor Clark to remove the Indians:
“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.
“Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 26th inst., informing me of your having considered it necessary to
call out a force of militia of about seven hundred for the protection
of the citizens of Illinois who reside near Rock Island from Indian
invasion and for the purpose of removing a band of Sac Indians who are
now about Rock Island, etc.
“You intimate that to prevent the necessity of employing this force,
perhaps a request from me to those Indians to remove to the west side
of the Mississippi would effect the object of procuring peace to the
citizens of your State. In answer to which, I would beg leave to
observe, that every effort on my part has been made to effect the
removal of all those tribes who had ceded their lands. For the purpose
of affording you a view (in part) of what has been done in this
matter, I enclose you herewith extracts from the reports of the agents
for the Sacs and Foxes, by which it will be seen that every means,
short of actual force, has been employed to effect their removal.
“I have communicated the contents of your letter to Gen. Gaines, who
commands the western division of the army, and who has full power to
act and execute any military movement deemed necessary for the
protection of the frontier. I shall also furnish him with such
information regarding the Sacs and Foxes as I am possessed of, and
would beg leave to refer you to him for any further proceedings in
relation to this subject. I have the honor to be, with great respect,
“Your obedient servant,
“WM. CLARK.
“His Excellency, JOHN REYNOLDS, Governor of Illinois.”
The fact that Governor Reynolds did not immediately hear from General
Gaines or the Indian agents led him into the mistaken belief that they
were entirely inactive and unsympathetic as to the fate of the settlers.
The contrary is the truth, as the following letters, mentioned in the
foregoing, from Agent St. Vrain, a most courteous and conscientious man,
will disclose. This same good man was subsequently butchered in a most
shocking manner by the Indians:[71]
“Rock Island, May 15, 1831.
“Respected Sir:–I have again to mention to you that the Black Hawk (a
Sac chief) and his party are now at their old village on Rock River.
They have commenced planting corn and say they will keep possession. I
have been informed that they have pulled down a house and some fences,
which they have burned. They have also turned their horses in wheat
fields and say they will destroy the wheat, so that the white people
shall not remain among them.
“This is what I expected from their manner of acting last fall, and
which I mentioned to you in my letter of the 8th October last. I would
not be at a loss were it not for the 7th article of the treaty with
the Sacs and Foxes of 3d November, 1804.
”I respectfully ask, would it not be better to hold a treaty with
those Indians and get them to remove peaceably, than to call on the
military to force them off? None of this band has as yet called on me
for information. A few have been at my agency to have work done at the
smith’s shops. I have the honor to be,
“Your obedient servant,
“FELIX ST. VRAIN, Indian Agent.
“GEN. WILLIAM CLARK, Supt. Ind. of St. Louis.”
“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.
“Respected Sir:–Since my last of the 15th inst. on the subject of the
band of Sac Indians, etc., the Indian village on Rock River near Rock
Island, I have heard from the Indians and some of the whites, that a
house had been unroofed instead of pulled down and burned and that the
fence had caught fire by accident. As regards the destroying of the
wheat, etc., the Indians say that a white man hauled some timber
through a field and left the fence down, by which means their horses
got into the field. This, however, has been contradicted by the white
inhabitants of that place. They say that the Indians are constantly
troubling them by letting their horses into their fields and killing
their hogs, etc., etc. This, however, I am confident is occasioned in
a great measure by whisky being given to the Indians in exchange for
their guns, traps, etc.
“I had a talk with the principal chief and braves of that band of
Indians. I spoke to the Black Thunder, who is the principal of that
band. The Black Hawk is only a brave, but has considerable influence
with them. I told them that they had sold those lands to the
government of the United States, and that they ought to remove to
their own lands. They then said that they had only sold the lands
south of the river. I then produced the treaties and explained to them
that they had relinquished their right as far as the Ouisconsin.
Quash-quam-me (the jumping fish) then said that he had only consented
to the limits being Rock River; but that a Fox chief agreed (as he
understands, afterwards) for the Ouisconsin; that he (Quash-quam-me)
had been deceived, and that he did not intend it to be so. I had
considerable talk with them on this subject, and could discover
nothing hostile in their disposition, unless their decided conviction
of their right to the place could be construed as such. I have been
informed that a white man and his family had gone to an Indian village
on the borders of Rock River, about forty miles from Rock Island, for
the purpose of establishing a ferry, and that the Indians at that
place had driven them away, at the same time saying to them that they
would not hurt them, but they should not live there. This village is
occupied by a mixture of Winnebago, Sac and Fox bands and headed by
the Prophet, a chief. I have the honor to be
“Your obedient servant,
“FELIX ST. VRAIN, Indian Agent.
“GEN. WILLIAM CLARK, Supt. Indian Affairs, St. Louis.”
That General Clark was more active than credited by Reynolds will also
be learned from the ensuing letter, which he at once dispatched to
General Gaines:
“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.
“Sir:–I have the honor to inclose to you a copy of a letter of 26th
inst. just received from the Governor of Illinois, by which you will
perceive he has thought it necessary to call out a force of about 700
militia for the protection of the citizens of that State, who reside
near Rock River, and for the purpose of removing a band of Sacs which
he states are now about Rock Island.
“As the commanding General of this division of the army, I have
thought it my duty to communicate to you the above information; and
for the purpose of putting you in possession of the views of the
Government in relation to this subject, as well as to inform, you of
the means which have been heretofore employed for the removal of the
Sacs now complained of, I enclose to you herewith copies of my
correspondence with the War Department and with the agent for those
tribes, also extracts from such of their reports as had immediate
relation to the subject.[72]
“The Sacs and Foxes have been counseled with on the subject of their
removal from the lands which they had ceded to the United States. The
prospect of collisions with the white settlers who were then
purchasing those lands, and the interminable difficulties in which
they would be involved thereby were pointed out, and had the effect of
convincing a large majority of both tribes of the impropriety of
remaining at their old villages. They, therefore, acquiesced in the
justice of the claim of the United States and expressed their
willingness to comply with my request to remove to their new village
on Ioway river, west of the Mississippi, all but parts of two bands
headed by two inconsiderable chiefs, who, after abandoning their old
village, have, it appears, returned again, in defiance of all
consequences.
“Those bands are distinguished and known by the name of ‘The British
Party,’ having been for many years in the habit of making annual
visits at Malden in Upper Canada for the purpose of receiving their
presents, and it is believed to be owing in a great measure to the
counsels they have there received, that so little influence has been
acquired over them by the United States agents.
“In justice to Keokuk, Wapello, The Stabbing Chief, and, indeed, all
the other real chiefs and principal men of both tribes, it should be
observed that they have constantly and zealously co-operated with the
Government agents in furtherance of its views, and in their endeavors
to effect the removal of all their property from the ceded lands.
“Any information in my possession which you may deem necessary in
relation to this subject will be promptly afforded. With high respect,
I have the Honor to be
“Your most obedient servant,
“WILLIAM CLARK.
“MAJOR-GEN. EDMUND P. GAINES, Commanding Western Department, U.S.A”
“P.S. The agent for the Sacs and Foxes (Mr. St. Vrain) has received
his instructions and will perform any service you may require of him
with the Sacs and Foxes.”
Reynolds must have received General Clark’s letter on the date of
writing, since he concurrently addressed General Gaines as follows:
“Belleville, May 28, 1831.
“GENERAL GAINES.
“Sir:–I have received undoubted information that the section of this
State near Rock Island is actually invaded by a hostile band of the
Sac Indians, headed by Black Hawk; and in order to repel said
invasion, and to protect the citizens of the State I have, under the
provisions of the Constitution of the United States and the laws of
this State, called on the militia, to the number of seven hundred men,
who will be mounted and ready for service in a very short time. I
consider it my duty to lay before you the above information, so as
you, commanding the military forces of the United States in this part
of the Union, may adopt such measures in regard to said Indians as you
deem right.
“The above-mentioned mounted volunteers (because such they will be)
will be in readiness immediately to move against said Indians, and, as
Executive of the State of Illinois, I respectfully solicit your
co-operation in this business. Please honor me with an answer to this
letter.
“With sincere respect for your character,
“I am, your obedient servant,
“JOHN REYNOLDS.”
To which rather tart epistle General Gaines replied instanter:
“H.Q. Western Department, May 29, 1831.
“His Excellency, GOVERNOR REYNOLDS.
“Sir:–I do myself the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
of yesterday’s date, advising me of your having received undoubted
information that the section of the frontier of your State near Rock
Island is invaded by a hostile band of Sac Indians, headed by a chief
called Black Hawk. That in order to repel said invasion, and to
protect the citizens of the State, you have called on the militia to
the number of seven hundred militiamen, to be in readiness immediately
to move against the Indians, and you solicit my co-operation.
“In reply, it is my duty to state to you, that I have ordered six
companies of the regular troops stationed at Jefferson Barracks to
embark to-morrow morning and repair forthwith to the spot occupied by
the hostile Sacs. To this detachment I shall, if necessary, add four
companies. With this force I am satisfied that I shall be able to
repel the invasion and give security to the frontier inhabitants of
the State. But should the hostile band be sustained by the residue of
the Sac, Fox and other Indians, to an extent requiring an augmentation
of my force, I will, in that event, communicate with your Excellency
by express, and avail myself of the co-operation which you propose.
But, under existing circumstances, and the present aspect of our
Indian relations on the Rock Island section of the frontier, I do not
deem it necessary or proper to require militia, or any other
description of force, other than that of the regular army at this
place and Prairie du Chien.
“I have the honor to be, very respectfully,
“Your obedient servant,
“EDMUND P. GAINES,
“Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.”
Dignifying Black Hawk’s return with the term invasion was a misnomer, at
least an exaggeration, on the part of Reynolds, but Gaines promptly set
out for Fort Armstrong, where he quickly absorbed the situation and
communicated it to Reynolds.
“Headquarters, Rock Island, June 5, 1831.
“JOHN REYNOLDS, Governor of Illinois.
“Sir:–I do myself the honor to report to your Excellency the result of
my conference with the chiefs and braves of the band of Sac Indians
settled within the limits of your State near this place.
“I called their attention to the facts reported to me of their
disorderly conduct towards the white inhabitants near them. They
disavow any intention of hostility, but at the same time adhere with
stubborn pertinacity to their purpose of remaining on the Rock River
land in question.
“I notified them of my determination to move them peaceably if
possible, but at all events to move them to their own side of the
Mississippi River, pointing out to them the apparent impossibility of
their living on lands purchased by the whites without constant
disturbance. They contended that this part of their country had never
been sold by them. I explained to them the different treaties of 1804,
’16 and ’25, and concluded with a positive assurance that they must
move off, and that I must as soon as they are ready assist them with
boats.
“I have this morning learned that they have invited the Prophet’s band
of Winnebagoes on Rock River, with some Pottawattomies and Kickapoos,
to join them. If I find this to be true, I shall gladly avail myself
of my present visit to see them well punished; and, therefore, I deem
it to be the only safe measure now to be taken to request of your
Excellency the battalion of mounted men which you did me the honor to
say would co-operate with me. They will find at this post a supply of
rations for the men, with some corn for their horses, together with a
supply of powder and lead.
“I have deemed it expedient under all the circumstances of the case to
invite the frontier inhabitants to bring their families to this post
until the difference is over.
“I have the honor to be, with great respect,
“Your obedient servant,
“EDMUND P. GAINES,
“Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.”
“P.S. Since writing the foregoing remarks, I have learned that the
Winnebagoes and Pottawattomie Indians have actually been invited by
the Sacs to join them. But the former evince no disposition to comply;
and it is supposed by Colonel Gratiot, the agent, that none will join
the Sacs, except, perhaps, some few of the Kickapoos.
E.P.G.”
The situation had developed such symptoms, to the mind of General Clark,
that, after writing Governor Reynolds and urging Gaines forward, he made
the following report to the Secretary of War:
“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
“St. Louis, May 30, 1831.
“Sir:–On the 28th inst. I had the honor of receiving a letter from the
Governor of Illinois dated the 26th, informing me of the measures
which he had considered it necessary to pursue for the protection of
the citizens of his State from Indian invasion and for the purpose of
removing a band of Sacs then about Rock Island. A copy of his letter
and my answer is herewith enclosed.
“Deeming the information received from the Governor of Illinois
important, I immediately communicated it to General Gaines, who
happened to be in this place at the time; and shortly after was called
upon by Governor Reynolds himself, to whom I gave such information
respecting the Sacs complained of as had come to my knowledge, and
also furnished him with such of the reports of the agent for those
tribes as had relation to the subject. To the commanding General I
furnished similar information; and also for the purpose of possessing
him of the views of the Government on that subject, I gave him copies
of such of my correspondence with the War Department as had any
relation thereto.
“I also enclose to you copies of two reports of the agent for the Sacs
and Foxes of the 15th and 28th inst. By the first it will be seen that
the band complained of is determined to keep possession of their old
village;[73] and it is probable from a knowledge of the disposition
evinced in the matter by the Sacs and for the purpose of dispossessing
them, that the commanding General has thought proper to make a display
in that quarter of a part of the force under his command, six
companies of which are now leaving this place for Rock River. The
expedition (be the result what it may) cannot fail of producing good
effects, even should the Indians be disposed to move peaceably to
their own lands; and if not, their opposition should, in my opinion,
be put down at once.
“I have the honor to be, with high respect,
“Your most obedient servant,
“WILLIAM CLARK.
“THE HON. JOHN H. EATON, Secretary of War.”
“Rock Island, June 12, 1831.
“Sir:–I have the honor to report to you that, agreeably to my
intimation to you, I visited the village of Sac Indians near this
place yesterday for the purpose of persuading off the Winnebago
Prophet and some young men of his band whom I knew had previously been
there, and, I believe, with an intention to support the Sac Indians. I
found that the Prophet had just left there for his village, which is
within my agency upon Rock River, and although he had previously
promised that he would return home and remain there, I have reason to
believe that his object is to get as many of his band and of the other
bands of the Winnebagoes (who reside at Rock River, within my agency)
as he can, for the purpose of joining the Sacs and of supporting them
in their present pretensions.
“I have recently been at some of the principal villages of Winnebagoes
within my agency, and have ascertained from unquestionable authority
that, although they had been invited to join the Sacs, they had
refused to do so. I think it will be prudent for me to follow the
Prophet, to prevent him from influencing any of the Indians up the
river to join him. Should I, however, find that any of the warriors
have left before my arrival amongst them, I will (if you think it
best) return immediately to this place, bringing with me three or four
influential chiefs who can be relied on and who will, with my
assistance, I think, be able to control them.
“In my opinion there are at least 400 warriors at the Sac village
which I visited yesterday, apparently determined to defend themselves
in their present position. On the receipt of your letter of the 4th
instant, I immediately hastened to this place with a view to give you
the most satisfactory information upon the subject of it and tender my
services in any way you may think useful.
“I am, respectfully yours,
“HENRY GRATIOT, Sub-Agent, etc.
“MAJ.-GEN. GAINES.”
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Footnote 54:
Annals of the West, Perkins & Peck Edition, pp. 713, 795.
Footnote 55:
U.S. Stat., p. 223, and comment in above Annals, p. 796.
Footnote 56:
U.S. Stat., p. 229.
Footnote 57:
U.S. Stat., p. 272.
Footnote 58:
Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 130, _et seq._
Footnote 59:
P. 143, above.
Footnote 60:
Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 144.
Footnote 61:
Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 147.
Footnote 62:
Annals of the West, pp. 796-7; Brown’s Hist. of Illinois, p. 357.
Footnote 63:
December 24, 1811; January 11, 1812, and December 10, 1814.
Footnote 64:
Peck’s Gazeteer for 1825. The land was surveyed in 1815 and 1816.
By letter of the Surveyor-General, August 10, 1815, we are informed
that lands were selected in Southern Michigan, Northern Ohio, the
military tract in Illinois and in Missouri, but by reason of Indian
hostility the first two selections could not be surveyed that
year.–Niles Reg., Vol. 9, p. 15.
Footnote 65:
Annals of the West, p. 797. In 1828 the President issued his
proclamation opening this land, which had been previously surveyed,
and the following year was occupied, and later sold.
Footnote 66:
In 1828 some few lingered, but by May all but Black Hawk’s band and
Quash-qua-me remained.
Footnote 67:
The planting of the corn in 1829 by the squaws was done to feed those
who had gone to the Iowa River and were there preparing new fields,
which could not then be used.
Footnote 68:
Wakefield, Appendix, Note 1, pp. 107-116.
Footnote 69:
Catlin.
Footnote 70:
“My Own Times,” p. 328.
Footnote 71:
See page 170, post.
Footnote 72:
Forsythe’s letter of 1829, _ante_, was one of them.
Footnote 73:
See letter Col. Henry Gratiot, next following.
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