← Table of ContentsThe Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, Or Gustavus Vassa, The African: Written By Himself

CHAPTER I.

_The author's account of his country, and their manners and

customs--Administration of justice--Embrenche--Marriage

ceremony, and public entertainments--Mode of

living--Dress--Manufactures

Buildings--Commerce--Agriculture--War and

religion--Superstition of the natives--Funeral ceremonies of

the priests or magicians--Curious mode of discovering

poison--Some hints concerning the origin of the author's

countrymen, with the opinions of different writers on that

subject._

I believe it is difficult for those who publish their own memoirs to

escape the imputation of vanity; nor is this the only disadvantage

under which they labour: it is also their misfortune, that what is

uncommon is rarely, if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are apt

to turn from with disgust, and to charge the writer with impertinence.

People generally think those memoirs only worthy to be read or

remembered which abound in great or striking events, those, in short,

which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity: all others

they consign to contempt and oblivion. It is therefore, I confess, not

a little hazardous in a private and obscure individual, and a stranger

too, thus to solicit the indulgent attention of the public; especially

when I own I offer here the history of neither a saint, a hero, nor a

tyrant. I believe there are few events in my life, which have not

happened to many: it is true the incidents of it are numerous; and,

did I consider myself an European, I might say my sufferings were

great: but when I compare my lot with that of most of my countrymen, I

regard myself as a _particular favourite of Heaven_, and acknowledge

the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of my life. If then the

following narrative does not appear sufficiently interesting to engage

general attention, let my motive be some excuse for its publication. I

am not so foolishly vain as to expect from it either immortality or

literary reputation. If it affords any satisfaction to my numerous

friends, at whose request it has been written, or in the smallest

degree promotes the interests of humanity, the ends for which it was

undertaken will be fully attained, and every wish of my heart

gratified. Let it therefore be remembered, that, in wishing to avoid

censure, I do not aspire to praise.

That part of Africa, known by the name of Guinea, to which the trade

for slaves is carried on, extends along the coast above 3400 miles,

from the Senegal to Angola, and includes a variety of kingdoms. Of

these the most considerable is the kingdom of Benen, both as to extent

and wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, the power of its

king, and the number and warlike disposition of the inhabitants. It is

situated nearly under the line, and extends along the coast about 170

miles, but runs back into the interior part of Africa to a distance

hitherto I believe unexplored by any traveller; and seems only

terminated at length by the empire of Abyssinia, near 1500 miles from

its beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or

districts: in one of the most remote and fertile of which, called

Eboe, I was born, in the year 1745, in a charming fruitful vale, named

Essaka. The distance of this province from the capital of Benin and

the sea coast must be very considerable; for I had never heard of

white men or Europeans, nor of the sea: and our subjection to the king

of Benin was little more than nominal; for every transaction of the

government, as far as my slender observation extended, was conducted

by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and government of a

people who have little commerce with other countries are generally

very simple; and the history of what passes in one family or village

may serve as a specimen of a nation. My father was one of those elders

or chiefs I have spoken of, and was styled Embrenche; a term, as I

remember, importing the highest distinction, and signifying in our

language a _mark_ of grandeur. This mark is conferred on the person

entitled to it, by cutting the skin across at the top of the forehead,

and drawing it down to the eye-brows; and while it is in this

situation applying a warm hand, and rubbing it until it shrinks up

into a thick _weal_ across the lower part of the forehead. Most of the

judges and senators were thus marked; my father had long born it: I

had seen it conferred on one of my brothers, and I was also

_destined_ to receive it by my parents. Those Embrence, or chief men,

decided disputes and punished crimes; for which purpose they always

assembled together. The proceedings were generally short; and in most

cases the law of retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was brought

before my father, and the other judges, for kidnapping a boy; and,

although he was the son of a chief or senator, he was condemned to

make recompense by a man or woman slave. Adultery, however, was

sometimes punished with slavery or death; a punishment which I believe

is inflicted on it throughout most of the nations of Africa[A]: so

sacred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and so jealous

are they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I recollect an

instance:--a woman was convicted before the judges of adultery, and

delivered over, as the custom was, to her husband to be punished.

Accordingly he determined to put her to death: but it being found,

just before her execution, that she had an infant at her breast; and

no woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurse, she was

spared on account of the child. The men, however, do not preserve the

same constancy to their wives, which they expect from them; for they

indulge in a plurality, though seldom in more than two. Their mode of

marriage is thus:--both parties are usually betrothed when young by

their parents, (though I have known the males to betroth themselves).

On this occasion a feast is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom

stand up in the midst of all their friends, who are assembled for the

purpose, while he declares she is thenceforth to be looked upon as his

wife, and that no other person is to pay any addresses to her. This is

also immediately proclaimed in the vicinity, on which the bride

retires from the assembly. Some time after she is brought home to her

husband, and then another feast is made, to which the relations of

both parties are invited: her parents then deliver her to the

bridegroom, accompanied with a number of blessings, and at the same

time they tie round her waist a cotton string of the thickness of a

goose-quill, which none but married women are permitted to wear: she

is now considered as completely his wife; and at this time the dowry

is given to the new married pair, which generally consists of portions

of land, slaves, and cattle, household goods, and implements of

husbandry. These are offered by the friends of both parties; besides

which the parents of the bridegroom present gifts to those of the

bride, whose property she is looked upon before marriage; but after it

she is esteemed the sole property of her husband. The ceremony being

now ended the festival begins, which is celebrated with bonefires, and

loud acclamations of joy, accompanied with music and dancing.

We are almost a nation of dancers, musicians, and poets. Thus every

great event, such as a triumphant return from battle, or other cause

of public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances, which are

accompanied with songs and music suited to the occasion. The assembly

is separated into four divisions, which dance either apart or in

succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. The first

division contains the married men, who in their dances frequently

exhibit feats of arms, and the representation of a battle. To these

succeed the married women, who dance in the second division. The young

men occupy the third; and the maidens the fourth. Each represents some

interesting scene of real life, such as a great achievement, domestic

employment, a pathetic story, or some rural sport; and as the subject

is generally founded on some recent event, it is therefore ever new.

This gives our dances a spirit and variety which I have scarcely seen

elsewhere[B]. We have many musical instruments, particularly drums of

different kinds, a piece of music which resembles a guitar, and

another much like a stickado. These last are chiefly used by betrothed

virgins, who play on them on all grand festivals.

As our manners are simple, our luxuries are few. The dress of both

sexes is nearly the same. It generally consists of a long piece of

callico, or muslin, wrapped loosely round the body, somewhat in the

form of a highland plaid. This is usually dyed blue, which is our

favourite colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and

richer than any I have seen in Europe. Besides this, our women of

distinction wear golden ornaments; which they dispose with some

profusion on their arms and legs. When our women are not employed with

the men in tillage, their usual occupation is spinning and weaving

cotton, which they afterwards dye, and make it into garments. They

also manufacture earthen vessels, of which we have many kinds. Among

the rest tobacco pipes, made after the same fashion, and used in the

same manner, as those in Turkey[C].

Our manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet the natives are

unacquainted with those refinements in cookery which debauch the

taste: bullocks, goats, and poultry, supply the greatest part of their

food. These constitute likewise the principal wealth of the country,

and the chief articles of its commerce. The flesh is usually stewed in

a pan; to make it savoury we sometimes use also pepper, and other

spices, and we have salt made of wood ashes. Our vegetables are mostly

plantains, eadas, yams, beans, and Indian corn. The head of the family

usually eats alone; his wives and slaves have also their separate

tables. Before we taste food we always wash our hands: indeed our

cleanliness on all occasions is extreme; but on this it is an

indispensable ceremony. After washing, libation is made, by pouring

out a small portion of the food, in a certain place, for the spirits

of departed relations, which the natives suppose to preside over their

conduct, and guard them from evil. They are totally unacquainted with

strong or spirituous liquours; and their principal beverage is palm

wine. This is gotten from a tree of that name by tapping it at the

top, and fastening a large gourd to it; and sometimes one tree will

yield three or four gallons in a night. When just drawn it is of a

most delicious sweetness; but in a few days it acquires a tartish and

more spirituous flavour: though I never saw any one intoxicated by it.

The same tree also produces nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in

perfumes; one sort of these is an odoriferous wood of delicious

fragrance: the other a kind of earth; a small portion of which thrown

into the fire diffuses a most powerful odour[D]. We beat this wood

into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which both men and women

perfume themselves.

In our buildings we study convenience rather than ornament. Each

master of a family has a large square piece of ground, surrounded with

a moat or fence, or enclosed with a wall made of red earth tempered;

which, when dry, is as hard as brick. Within this are his houses to

accommodate his family and slaves; which, if numerous, frequently

present the appearance of a village. In the middle stands the

principal building, appropriated to the sole use of the master, and

consisting of two apartments; in one of which he sits in the day with

his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his friends.

He has besides these a distinct apartment in which he sleeps, together

with his male children. On each side are the apartments of his wives,

who have also their separate day and night houses. The habitations of

the slaves and their families are distributed throughout the rest of

the enclosure. These houses never exceed one story in height: they are

always built of wood, or stakes driven into the ground, crossed with

wattles, and neatly plastered within, and without. The roof is

thatched with reeds. Our day-houses are left open at the sides; but

those in which we sleep are always covered, and plastered in the

inside, with a composition mixed with cow-dung, to keep off the

different insects, which annoy us during the night. The walls and

floors also of these are generally covered with mats. Our beds consist

of a platform, raised three or four feet from the ground, on which are

laid skins, and different parts of a spungy tree called plaintain. Our

covering is calico or muslin, the same as our dress. The usual seats

are a few logs of wood; but we have benches, which are generally

perfumed, to accommodate strangers: these compose the greater part of

our household furniture. Houses so constructed and furnished require

but little skill to erect them. Every man is a sufficient architect

for the purpose. The whole neighbourhood afford their unanimous

assistance in building them and in return receive, and expect no other

recompense than a feast.

As we live in a country where nature is prodigal of her favours, our

wants are few and easily supplied; of course we have few manufactures.

They consist for the most part of calicoes, earthern ware, ornaments,

and instruments of war and husbandry. But these make no part of our

commerce, the principal articles of which, as I have observed, are

provisions. In such a state money is of little use; however we have

some small pieces of coin, if I may call them such. They are made

something like an anchor; but I do not remember either their value or

denomination. We have also markets, at which I have been frequently

with my mother. These are sometimes visited by stout mahogany-coloured

men from the south west of us: we call them Oye-Eboe, which term

signifies red men living at a distance. They generally bring us

fire-arms, gunpowder, hats, beads, and dried fish. The last we

esteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks and springs.

These articles they barter with us for odoriferous woods and earth,

and our salt of wood ashes. They always carry slaves through our land;

but the strictest account is exacted of their manner of procuring them

before they are suffered to pass. Sometimes indeed we sold slaves to

them, but they were only prisoners of war, or such among us as had

been convicted of kidnapping, or adultery, and some other crimes,

which we esteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping induces me to

think, that, notwithstanding all our strictness, their principal

business among us was to trepan our people. I remember too they

carried great sacks along with them, which not long after I had an

opportunity of fatally seeing applied to that infamous purpose.

Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces all kinds of

vegetables in great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and vast

quantities of cotton and tobacco. Our pine apples grow without

culture; they are about the size of the largest sugar-loaf, and finely

flavoured. We have also spices of different kinds, particularly

pepper; and a variety of delicious fruits which I have never seen in

Europe; together with gums of various kinds, and honey in abundance.

All our industry is exerted to improve those blessings of nature.

Agriculture is our chief employment; and every one, even the children

and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all habituated to labour

from our earliest years. Every one contributes something to the common

stock; and as we are unacquainted with idleness, we have no beggars.

The benefits of such a mode of living are obvious. The West India

planters prefer the slaves of Benin or Eboe to those of any other part

of Guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence, integrity, and zeal.

Those benefits are felt by us in the general healthiness of the

people, and in their vigour and activity; I might have added too in

their comeliness. Deformity is indeed unknown amongst us, I mean that

of shape. Numbers of the natives of Eboe now in London might be

brought in support of this assertion: for, in regard to complexion,

ideas of beauty are wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to

have seen three negro children, who were tawny, and another quite

white, who were universally regarded by myself, and the natives in

general, as far as related to their complexions, as deformed. Our

women too were in my eyes at least uncommonly graceful, alert, and

modest to a degree of bashfulness; nor do I remember to have ever

heard of an instance of incontinence amongst them before marriage.

They are also remarkably cheerful. Indeed cheerfulness and affability

are two of the leading characteristics of our nation.

Our tillage is exercised in a large plain or common, some hours walk

from our dwellings, and all the neighbours resort thither in a body.

They use no beasts of husbandry; and their only instruments are hoes,

axes, shovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we

are visited by locusts, which come in large clouds, so as to darken

the air, and destroy our harvest. This however happens rarely, but

when it does, a famine is produced by it. I remember an instance or

two wherein this happened. This common is often the theatre of war;

and therefore when our people go out to till their land, they not only

go in a body, but generally take their arms with them for fear of a

surprise; and when they apprehend an invasion they guard the avenues

to their dwellings, by driving sticks into the ground, which are so

sharp at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipt in

poison. From what I can recollect of these battles, they appear to

have been irruptions of one little state or district on the other, to

obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by those

traders who brought the European goods I mentioned amongst us. Such a

mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common; and I believe more are

procured this way, and by kidnapping, than any other[E]. When a trader

wants slaves, he applies to a chief for them, and tempts him with his

wares. It is not extraordinary, if on this occasion he yields to the

temptation with as little firmness, and accepts the price of his

fellow creatures liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened

merchant. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours, and a desperate

battle ensues. If he prevails and takes prisoners, he gratifies his

avarice by selling them; but, if his party be vanquished, and he falls

into the hands of the enemy, he is put to death: for, as he has been

known to foment their quarrels, it is thought dangerous to let him

survive, and no ransom can save him, though all other prisoners may be

redeemed. We have fire-arms, bows and arrows, broad two-edged swords

and javelins: we have shields also which cover a man from head to

foot. All are taught the use of these weapons; even our women are

warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the men. Our whole

district is a kind of militia: on a certain signal given, such as the

firing of a gun at night, they all rise in arms and rush upon their

enemy. It is perhaps something remarkable, that when our people march

to the field a red flag or banner is borne before them. I was once a

witness to a battle in our common. We had been all at work in it one

day as usual, when our people were suddenly attacked. I climbed a tree

at some distance, from which I beheld the fight. There were many women

as well as men on both sides; among others my mother was there, and

armed with a broad sword. After fighting for a considerable time with

great fury, and after many had been killed our people obtained the

victory, and took their enemy's Chief prisoner. He was carried off in

great triumph, and, though he offered a large ransom for his life, he

was put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been slain in

the battle, and her arm was exposed in our market-place, where our

trophies were always exhibited. The spoils were divided according to

the merit of the warriors. Those prisoners which were not sold or

redeemed we kept as slaves: but how different was their condition from

that of the slaves in the West Indies! With us they do no more work

than other members of the community, even their masters; their food,

clothing and lodging were nearly the same as theirs, (except that they

were not permitted to eat with those who were free-born); and there

was scarce any other difference between them, than a superior degree

of importance which the head of a family possesses in our state, and

that authority which, as such, he exercises over every part of his

household. Some of these slaves have even slaves under them as their

own property, and for their own use.

As to religion, the natives believe that there is one Creator of all

things, and that he lives in the sun, and is girted round with a belt

that he may never eat or drink; but, according to some, he smokes a

pipe, which is our own favourite luxury. They believe he governs

events, especially our deaths or captivity; but, as for the doctrine

of eternity, I do not remember to have ever heard of it: some however

believe in the transmigration of souls in a certain degree. Those

spirits, which are not transmigrated, such as our dear friends or

relations, they believe always attend them, and guard them from the

bad spirits or their foes. For this reason they always before eating,

as I have observed, put some small portion of the meat, and pour some

of their drink, on the ground for them; and they often make oblations

of the blood of beasts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of my

mother, and almost constantly with her. When she went to make these

oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of small solitary

thatched house, I sometimes attended her. There she made her

libations, and spent most of the night in cries and lamentations. I

have been often extremely terrified on these occasions. The loneliness

of the place, the darkness of the night, and the ceremony of libation,

naturally awful and gloomy, were heightened by my mother's

lamentations; and these, concuring with the cries of doleful birds, by

which these places were frequented, gave an inexpressible terror to

the scene.

We compute the year from the day on which the sun crosses the line,

and on its setting that evening there is a general shout throughout

the land; at least I can speak from my own knowledge throughout our

vicinity. The people at the same time make a great noise with rattles,

not unlike the basket rattles used by children here, though much

larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a blessing. It is then

the greatest offerings are made; and those children whom our wise men

foretel will be fortunate are then presented to different people. I

remember many used to come to see me, and I was carried about to

others for that purpose. They have many offerings, particularly at

full moons; generally two at harvest before the fruits are taken out

of the ground: and when any young animals are killed, sometimes they

offer up part of them as a sacrifice. These offerings, when made by

one of the heads of a family, serve for the whole. I remember we often

had them at my father's and my uncle's, and their families have been

present. Some of our offerings are eaten with bitter herbs. We had a

saying among us to any one of a cross temper, 'That if they were to be

eaten, they should be eaten with bitter herbs.'

We practised circumcision like the Jews, and made offerings and feasts

on that occasion in the same manner as they did. Like them also, our

children were named from some event, some circumstance, or fancied

foreboding at the time of their birth. I was named _Olaudah_, which,

in our language, signifies vicissitude or fortune also, one favoured,

and having a loud voice and well spoken. I remember we never polluted

the name of the object of our adoration; on the contrary, it was

always mentioned with the greatest reverence; and we were totally

unacquainted with swearing, and all those terms of abuse and reproach

which find their way so readily and copiously into the languages of

more civilized people. The only expressions of that kind I remember

were 'May you rot, or may you swell, or may a beast take you.'

I have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are

extremely cleanly. This necessary habit of decency was with us a part

of religion, and therefore we had many purifications and washings;

indeed almost as many, and used on the same occasions, if my

recollection does not fail me, as the Jews. Those that touched the

dead at any time were obliged to wash and purify themselves before

they could enter a dwelling-house. Every woman too, at certain times,

was forbidden to come into a dwelling-house, or touch any person, or

any thing we ate. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep from

her, or avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence of

which I was obliged to be kept out with her, in a little house made

for that purpose, till offering was made, and then we were purified.

Though we had no places of public worship, we had priests and

magicians, or wise men. I do not remember whether they had different

offices, or whether they were united in the same persons, but they

were held in great reverence by the people. They calculated our time,

and foretold events, as their name imported, for we called them

Ah-affoe-way-cah, which signifies calculators or yearly men, our year

being called Ah-affoe. They wore their beards, and when they died they

were succeeded by their sons. Most of their implements and things of

value were interred along with them. Pipes and tobacco were also put

into the grave with the corpse, which was always perfumed and

ornamented, and animals were offered in sacrifice to them. None

accompanied their funerals but those of the same profession or tribe.

These buried them after sunset, and always returned from the grave by

a different way from that which they went.

These magicians were also our doctors or physicians. They practised

bleeding by cupping; and were very successful in healing wounds and

expelling poisons. They had likewise some extraordinary method of

discovering jealousy, theft, and poisoning; the success of which no

doubt they derived from their unbounded influence over the credulity

and superstition of the people. I do not remember what those methods

were, except that as to poisoning: I recollect an instance or two,

which I hope it will not be deemed impertinent here to insert, as it

may serve as a kind of specimen of the rest, and is still used by the

negroes in the West Indies. A virgin had been poisoned, but it was not

known by whom: the doctors ordered the corpse to be taken up by some

persons, and carried to the grave. As soon as the bearers had raised

it on their shoulders, they seemed seized with some[F] sudden

impulse, and ran to and fro unable to stop themselves. At last, after

having passed through a number of thorns and prickly bushes unhurt,

the corpse fell from them close to a house, and defaced it in the

fall; and, the owner being taken up, he immediately confessed the

poisoning[G].

The natives are extremely cautious about poison. When they buy any

eatable the seller kisses it all round before the buyer, to shew him

it is not poisoned; and the same is done when any meat or drink is

presented, particularly to a stranger. We have serpents of different

kinds, some of which are esteemed ominous when they appear in our

houses, and these we never molest. I remember two of those ominous

snakes, each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and in

colour resembling a dolphin in the water, crept at different times

into my mother's night-house, where I always lay with her, and coiled

themselves into folds, and each time they crowed like a cock. I was

desired by some of our wise men to touch these, that I might be

interested in the good omens, which I did, for they were quite

harmless, and would tamely suffer themselves to be handled; and then

they were put into a large open earthen pan, and set on one side of

the highway. Some of our snakes, however, were poisonous: one of them

crossed the road one day when I was standing on it, and passed between

my feet without offering to touch me, to the great surprise of many

who saw it; and these incidents were accounted by the wise men, and

therefore by my mother and the rest of the people, as remarkable omens

in my favour.

Such is the imperfect sketch my memory has furnished me with of the

manners and customs of a people among whom I first drew my breath. And

here I cannot forbear suggesting what has long struck me very

forcibly, namely, the strong analogy which even by this sketch,

imperfect as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and customs of

my countrymen and those of the Jews, before they reached the Land of

Promise, and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in that

pastoral state which is described in Genesis--an analogy, which alone

would induce me to think that the one people had sprung from the

other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill, who, in his commentary

on Genesis, very ably deduces the pedigree of the Africans from Afer

and Afra, the descendants of Abraham by Keturah his wife and concubine

(for both these titles are applied to her). It is also conformable to

the sentiments of Dr. John Clarke, formerly Dean of Sarum, in his

Truth of the Christian Religion: both these authors concur in

ascribing to us this original. The reasonings of these gentlemen are

still further confirmed by the scripture chronology; and if any

further corroboration were required, this resemblance in so many

respects is a strong evidence in support of the opinion. Like the

Israelites in their primitive state, our government was conducted by

our chiefs or judges, our wise men and elders; and the head of a

family with us enjoyed a similar authority over his household with

that which is ascribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs. The law of

retaliation obtained almost universally with us as with them: and even

their religion appeared to have shed upon us a ray of its glory,

though broken and spent in its passage, or eclipsed by the cloud with

which time, tradition, and ignorance might have enveloped it; for we

had our circumcision (a rule I believe peculiar to that people:) we

had also our sacrifices and burnt-offerings, our washings and

purifications, on the same occasions as they had.

As to the difference of colour between the Eboan Africans and the

modern Jews, I shall not presume to account for it. It is a subject

which has engaged the pens of men of both genius and learning, and is

far above my strength. The most able and Reverend Mr. T. Clarkson,

however, in his much admired Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the

Human Species, has ascertained the cause, in a manner that at once

solves every objection on that account, and, on my mind at least, has

produced the fullest conviction. I shall therefore refer to that

performance for the theory[H], contenting myself with extracting a

fact as related by Dr. Mitchel[I]. "The Spaniards, who have inhabited

America, under the torrid zone, for any time, are become as dark

coloured as our native Indians of Virginia; of which _I myself have

been a witness_." There is also another instance[J] of a Portuguese

settlement at Mitomba, a river in Sierra Leona; where the inhabitants

are bred from a mixture of the first Portuguese discoverers with the

natives, and are now become in their complexion, and in the woolly

quality of their hair, _perfect negroes_, retaining however a

smattering of the Portuguese language.

These instances, and a great many more which might be adduced, while

they shew how the complexions of the same persons vary in different

climates, it is hoped may tend also to remove the prejudice that some

conceive against the natives of Africa on account of their colour.

Surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with their

complexions! Are there not causes enough to which the apparent

inferiority of an African may be ascribed, without limiting the

goodness of God, and supposing he forbore to stamp understanding on

certainly his own image, because "carved in ebony." Might it not

naturally be ascribed to their situation? When they come among

Europeans, they are ignorant of their language, religion, manners, and

customs. Are any pains taken to teach them these? Are they treated as

men? Does not slavery itself depress the mind, and extinguish all its

fire and every noble sentiment? But, above all, what advantages do not

a refined people possess over those who are rude and uncultivated. Let

the polished and haughty European recollect that his ancestors were

once, like the Africans, uncivilized, and even barbarous. Did Nature

make _them_ inferior to their sons? and should _they too_ have been

made slaves? Every rational mind answers, No. Let such reflections as

these melt the pride of their superiority into sympathy for the wants

and miseries of their sable brethren, and compel them to acknowledge,

that understanding is not confined to feature or colour. If, when they

look round the world, they feel exultation, let it be tempered with

benevolence to others, and gratitude to God, "who hath made of one

blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth[K];

and whose wisdom is not our wisdom, neither are our ways his ways."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote A: See Benezet's "Account of Guinea" throughout.]

[Footnote B: When I was in Smyrna I have frequently seen the Greeks

dance after this manner.]

[Footnote C: The bowl is earthen, curiously figured, to which a long

reed is fixed as a tube. This tube is sometimes so long as to be born

by one, and frequently out of grandeur by two boys.]

[Footnote D: When I was in Smyrna I saw the same kind of earth, and

brought some of it with me to England; it resembles musk in strength,

but is more delicious in scent, and is not unlike the smell of a

rose.]

[Footnote E: See Benezet's Account of Africa throughout.]

[Footnote F: See also Leut. Matthew's Voyage, p. 123.]

[Footnote G: An instance of this kind happened at Montserrat in the

West Indies in the year 1763. I then belonged to the Charming Sally,

Capt. Doran.--The chief mate, Mr. Mansfield, and some of the crew

being one day on shore, were present at the burying of a poisoned

negro girl. Though they had often heard of the circumstance of the

running in such cases, and had even seen it, they imagined it to be a

trick of the corpse-bearers. The mate therefore desired two of the

sailors to take up the coffin, and carry it to the grave. The sailors,

who were all of the same opinion, readily obeyed; but they had

scarcely raised it to their shoulders, before they began to run

furiously about, quite unable to direct themselves, till, at last,

without intention, they came to the hut of him who had poisoned the

girl. The coffin then immediately fell from their shoulders against

the hut, and damaged part of the wall. The owner of the hut was taken

into custody on this, and confessed the poisoning.--I give this story

as it was related by the mate and crew on their return to the ship.

The credit which is due to it I leave with the reader.]

[Footnote H: Page 178 to 216.]

[Footnote I: Philos. Trans. Nº 476, Sect. 4, cited by Mr. Clarkson, p.

205.]

[Footnote J: Same page.]

[Footnote K: Acts, c. xvii. v. 26.]

CHAP. II.

_The author's birth and parentage--His being kidnapped with

his sister--Their separation--Surprise at meeting again--Are

finally separated--Account of the different places and

incidents the author met with till his arrival on the

coast--The effect the sight of a slave ship had on him--He

sails for the West Indies--Horrors of a slave ship--Arrives

at Barbadoes, where the cargo is sold and dispersed._

I hope the reader will not think I have trespassed on his

patience in introducing myself to him with some account of the manners

and customs of my country. They had been implanted in me with great

care, and made an impression on my mind, which time could not erase,

and which all the adversity and variety of fortune I have since

experienced served only to rivet and record; for, whether the love of

one's country be real or imaginary, or a lesson of reason, or an

instinct of nature, I still look back with pleasure on the first

scenes of my life, though that pleasure has been for the most part

mingled with sorrow.

I have already acquainted the reader with the time and place of my

birth. My father, besides many slaves, had a numerous family, of which

seven lived to grow up, including myself and a sister, who was the

only daughter. As I was the youngest of the sons, I became, of course,

the greatest favourite with my mother, and was always with her; and

she used to take particular pains to form my mind. I was trained up

from my earliest years in the art of war; my daily exercise was

shooting and throwing javelins; and my mother adorned me with emblems,

after the manner of our greatest warriors. In this way I grew up till

I was turned the age of eleven, when an end was put to my happiness in

the following manner:--Generally when the grown people in the

neighbourhood were gone far in the fields to labour, the children

assembled together in some of the neighbours' premises to play; and

commonly some of us used to get up a tree to look out for any

assailant, or kidnapper, that might come upon us; for they sometimes

took those opportunities of our parents' absence to attack and carry

off as many as they could seize. One day, as I was watching at the top

of a tree in our yard, I saw one of those people come into the yard of

our next neighbour but one, to kidnap, there being many stout young

people in it. Immediately on this I gave the alarm of the rogue, and

he was surrounded by the stoutest of them, who entangled him with

cords, so that he could not escape till some of the grown people came

and secured him. But alas! ere long it was my fate to be thus

attacked, and to be carried off, when none of the grown people were

nigh. One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as

usual, and only I and my dear sister were left to mind the house, two

men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment seized us both,

and, without giving us time to cry out, or make resistance, they

stopped our mouths, and ran off with us into the nearest wood. Here

they tied our hands, and continued to carry us as far as they could,

till night came on, when we reached a small house, where the robbers

halted for refreshment, and spent the night. We were then unbound, but

were unable to take any food; and, being quite overpowered by fatigue

and grief, our only relief was some sleep, which allayed our

misfortune for a short time. The next morning we left the house, and

continued travelling all the day. For a long time we had kept the

woods, but at last we came into a road which I believed I knew. I had

now some hopes of being delivered; for we had advanced but a little

way before I discovered some people at a distance, on which I began to

cry out for their assistance: but my cries had no other effect than to

make them tie me faster and stop my mouth, and then they put me into a

large sack. They also stopped my sister's mouth, and tied her hands;

and in this manner we proceeded till we were out of the sight of these

people. When we went to rest the following night they offered us some

victuals; but we refused it; and the only comfort we had was in being

in one another's arms all that night, and bathing each other with our

tears. But alas! we were soon deprived of even the small comfort of

weeping together. The next day proved a day of greater sorrow than I

had yet experienced; for my sister and I were then separated, while we

lay clasped in each other's arms. It was in vain that we besought them

not to part us; she was torn from me, and immediately carried away,

while I was left in a state of distraction not to be described. I

cried and grieved continually; and for several days I did not eat any

thing but what they forced into my mouth. At length, after many days

travelling, during which I had often changed masters, I got into the

hands of a chieftain, in a very pleasant country. This man had two

wives and some children, and they all used me extremely well, and did

all they could to comfort me; particularly the first wife, who was

something like my mother. Although I was a great many days journey

from my father's house, yet these people spoke exactly the same

language with us. This first master of mine, as I may call him, was a

smith, and my principal employment was working his bellows, which were

the same kind as I had seen in my vicinity. They were in some respects

not unlike the stoves here in gentlemen's kitchens; and were covered

over with leather; and in the middle of that leather a stick was

fixed, and a person stood up, and worked it, in the same manner as is

done to pump water out of a cask with a hand pump. I believe it was

gold he worked, for it was of a lovely bright yellow colour, and was

worn by the women on their wrists and ancles. I was there I suppose

about a month, and they at last used to trust me some little distance

from the house. This liberty I used in embracing every opportunity to

inquire the way to my own home: and I also sometimes, for the same

purpose, went with the maidens, in the cool of the evenings, to bring

pitchers of water from the springs for the use of the house. I had

also remarked where the sun rose in the morning, and set in the

evening, as I had travelled along; and I had observed that my father's

house was towards the rising of the sun. I therefore determined to

seize the first opportunity of making my escape, and to shape my

course for that quarter; for I was quite oppressed and weighed down by

grief after my mother and friends; and my love of liberty, ever great,

was strengthened by the mortifying circumstance of not daring to eat

with the free-born children, although I was mostly their companion.

While I was projecting my escape, one day an unlucky event happened,

which quite disconcerted my plan, and put an end to my hopes. I used

to be sometimes employed in assisting an elderly woman slave to cook

and take care of the poultry; and one morning, while I was feeding

some chickens, I happened to toss a small pebble at one of them,

which hit it on the middle and directly killed it. The old slave,

having soon after missed the chicken, inquired after it; and on my

relating the accident (for I told her the truth, because my mother

would never suffer me to tell a lie) she flew into a violent passion,

threatened that I should suffer for it; and, my master being out, she

immediately went and told her mistress what I had done. This alarmed

me very much, and I expected an instant flogging, which to me was

uncommonly dreadful; for I had seldom been beaten at home. I therefore

resolved to fly; and accordingly I ran into a thicket that was hard

by, and hid myself in the bushes. Soon afterwards my mistress and the

slave returned, and, not seeing me, they searched all the house, but

not finding me, and I not making answer when they called to me, they

thought I had run away, and the whole neighbourhood was raised in the

pursuit of me. In that part of the country (as in ours) the houses and

villages were skirted with woods, or shrubberies, and the bushes were

so thick that a man could readily conceal himself in them, so as to

elude the strictest search. The neighbours continued the whole day

looking for me, and several times many of them came within a few yards

of the place where I lay hid. I then gave myself up for lost entirely,

and expected every moment, when I heard a rustling among the trees, to

be found out, and punished by my master: but they never discovered me,

though they were often so near that I even heard their conjectures as

they were looking about for me; and I now learned from them, that any

attempt to return home would be hopeless. Most of them supposed I had

fled towards home; but the distance was so great, and the way so

intricate, that they thought I could never reach it, and that I should

be lost in the woods. When I heard this I was seized with a violent

panic, and abandoned myself to despair. Night too began to approach,

and aggravated all my fears. I had before entertained hopes of getting

home, and I had determined when it should be dark to make the attempt;

but I was now convinced it was fruitless, and I began to consider

that, if possibly I could escape all other animals, I could not those

of the human kind; and that, not knowing the way, I must perish in the

woods. Thus was I like the hunted deer:

--"Ev'ry leaf and ev'ry whisp'ring breath

Convey'd a foe, and ev'ry foe a death."

I heard frequent rustlings among the leaves; and being pretty sure

they were snakes I expected every instant to be stung by them. This

increased my anguish, and the horror of my situation became now quite

insupportable. I at length quitted the thicket, very faint and hungry,

for I had not eaten or drank any thing all the day; and crept to my

master's kitchen, from whence I set out at first, and which was an

open shed, and laid myself down in the ashes with an anxious wish for

death to relieve me from all my pains. I was scarcely awake in the

morning when the old woman slave, who was the first up, came to light

the fire, and saw me in the fire place. She was very much surprised to

see me, and could scarcely believe her own eyes. She now promised to

intercede for me, and went for her master, who soon after came, and,

having slightly reprimanded me, ordered me to be taken care of, and

not to be ill-treated.

Soon after this my master's only daughter, and child by his first

wife, sickened and died, which affected him so much that for some time

he was almost frantic, and really would have killed himself, had he

not been watched and prevented. However, in a small time afterwards he

recovered, and I was again sold. I was now carried to the left of the

sun's rising, through many different countries, and a number of large

woods. The people I was sold to used to carry me very often, when I

was tired, either on their shoulders or on their backs. I saw many

convenient well-built sheds along the roads, at proper distances, to

accommodate the merchants and travellers, who lay in those buildings

along with their wives, who often accompany them; and they always go

well armed.

From the time I left my own nation I always found somebody that

understood me till I came to the sea coast. The languages of different

nations did not totally differ, nor were they so copious as those of

the Europeans, particularly the English. They were therefore easily

learned; and, while I was journeying thus through Africa, I acquired

two or three different tongues. In this manner I had been travelling

for a considerable time, when one evening, to my great surprise, whom

should I see brought to the house where I was but my dear sister! As

soon as she saw me she gave a loud shriek, and ran into my arms--I was

quite overpowered: neither of us could speak; but, for a considerable

time, clung to each other in mutual embraces, unable to do any thing

but weep. Our meeting affected all who saw us; and indeed I must

acknowledge, in honour of those sable destroyers of human rights, that

I never met with any ill treatment, or saw any offered to their

slaves, except tying them, when necessary, to keep them from running

away. When these people knew we were brother and sister they indulged

us together; and the man, to whom I supposed we belonged, lay with us,

he in the middle, while she and I held one another by the hands across

his breast all night; and thus for a while we forgot our misfortunes

in the joy of being together: but even this small comfort was soon to

have an end; for scarcely had the fatal morning appeared, when she was

again torn from me for ever! I was now more miserable, if possible,

than before. The small relief which her presence gave me from pain was

gone, and the wretchedness of my situation was redoubled by my anxiety

after her fate, and my apprehensions lest her sufferings should be

greater than mine, when I could not be with her to alleviate them.

Yes, thou dear partner of all my childish sports! thou sharer of my

joys and sorrows! happy should I have ever esteemed myself to

encounter every misery for you, and to procure your freedom by the

sacrifice of my own. Though you were early forced from my arms, your

image has been always rivetted in my heart, from which neither _time

nor fortune_ have been able to remove it; so that, while the thoughts

of your sufferings have damped my prosperity, they have mingled with

adversity and increased its bitterness. To that Heaven which protects

the weak from the strong, I commit the care of your innocence and

virtues, if they have not already received their full reward, and if

your youth and delicacy have not long since fallen victims to the

violence of the African trader, the pestilential stench of a Guinea

ship, the seasoning in the European colonies, or the lash and lust of

a brutal and unrelenting overseer.

I did not long remain after my sister. I was again sold, and carried

through a number of places, till, after travelling a considerable

time, I came to a town called Tinmah, in the most beautiful country I

have yet seen in Africa. It was extremely rich, and there were many

rivulets which flowed through it, and supplied a large pond in the

centre of the town, where the people washed. Here I first saw and

tasted cocoa-nuts, which I thought superior to any nuts I had ever

tasted before; and the trees, which were loaded, were also

interspersed amongst the houses, which had commodious shades

adjoining, and were in the same manner as ours, the insides being

neatly plastered and whitewashed. Here I also saw and tasted for the

first time sugar-cane. Their money consisted of little white shells,

the size of the finger nail. I was sold here for one hundred and

seventy-two of them by a merchant who lived and brought me there. I

had been about two or three days at his house, when a wealthy widow, a

neighbour of his, came there one evening, and brought with her an only

son, a young gentleman about my own age and size. Here they saw me;

and, having taken a fancy to me, I was bought of the merchant, and

went home with them. Her house and premises were situated close to one

of those rivulets I have mentioned, and were the finest I ever saw in

Africa: they were very extensive, and she had a number of slaves to

attend her. The next day I was washed and perfumed, and when meal-time

came I was led into the presence of my mistress, and ate and drank

before her with her son. This filled me with astonishment; and I could

scarce help expressing my surprise that the young gentleman should

suffer me, who was bound, to eat with him who was free; and not only

so, but that he would not at any time either eat or drink till I had

taken first, because I was the eldest, which was agreeable to our

custom. Indeed every thing here, and all their treatment of me, made

me forget that I was a slave. The language of these people resembled

ours so nearly, that we understood each other perfectly. They had also

the very same customs as we. There were likewise slaves daily to

attend us, while my young master and I with other boys sported with

our darts and bows and arrows, as I had been used to do at home. In

this resemblance to my former happy state I passed about two months;

and I now began to think I was to be adopted into the family, and was

beginning to be reconciled to my situation, and to forget by degrees

my misfortunes, when all at once the delusion vanished; for, without

the least previous knowledge, one morning early, while my dear master

and companion was still asleep, I was wakened out of my reverie to

fresh sorrow, and hurried away even amongst the uncircumcised.

Thus, at the very moment I dreamed of the greatest happiness, I found

myself most miserable; and it seemed as if fortune wished to give me

this taste of joy, only to render the reverse more poignant. The

change I now experienced was as painful as it was sudden and

unexpected. It was a change indeed from a state of bliss to a scene

which is inexpressible by me, as it discovered to me an element I had

never before beheld, and till then had no idea of, and wherein such

instances of hardship and cruelty continually occurred as I can never

reflect on but with horror.

All the nations and people I had hitherto passed through resembled our

own in their manners, customs, and language: but I came at length to a

country, the inhabitants of which differed from us in all those

particulars. I was very much struck with this difference, especially

when I came among a people who did not circumcise, and ate without

washing their hands. They cooked also in iron pots, and had European

cutlasses and cross bows, which were unknown to us, and fought with

their fists amongst themselves. Their women were not so modest as

ours, for they ate, and drank, and slept, with their men. But, above

all, I was amazed to see no sacrifices or offerings among them. In

some of those places the people ornamented themselves with scars, and

likewise filed their teeth very sharp. They wanted sometimes to

ornament me in the same manner, but I would not suffer them; hoping

that I might some time be among a people who did not thus disfigure

themselves, as I thought they did. At last I came to the banks of a

large river, which was covered with canoes, in which the people

appeared to live with their household utensils and provisions of all

kinds. I was beyond measure astonished at this, as I had never before

seen any water larger than a pond or a rivulet: and my surprise was

mingled with no small fear when I was put into one of these canoes,

and we began to paddle and move along the river. We continued going on

thus till night; and when we came to land, and made fires on the

banks, each family by themselves, some dragged their canoes on shore,

others stayed and cooked in theirs, and laid in them all night. Those

on the land had mats, of which they made tents, some in the shape of

little houses: in these we slept; and after the morning meal we

embarked again and proceeded as before. I was often very much

astonished to see some of the women, as well as the men, jump into the

water, dive to the bottom, come up again, and swim about. Thus I

continued to travel, sometimes by land, sometimes by water, through

different countries and various nations, till, at the end of six or

seven months after I had been kidnapped, I arrived at the sea coast.

It would be tedious and uninteresting to relate all the incidents

which befell me during this journey, and which I have not yet

forgotten; of the various hands I passed through, and the manners and

customs of all the different people among whom I lived: I shall

therefore only observe, that in all the places where I was the soil

was exceedingly rich; the pomkins, eadas, plantains, yams, &c. &c.

were in great abundance, and of incredible size. There were also vast

quantities of different gums, though not used for any purpose; and

every where a great deal of tobacco. The cotton even grew quite wild;

and there was plenty of redwood. I saw no mechanics whatever in all

the way, except such as I have mentioned. The chief employment in all

these countries was agriculture, and both the males and females, as

with us, were brought up to it, and trained in the arts of war.

The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast was

the sea, and a slave ship, which was then riding at anchor, and

waiting for its cargo. These filled me with astonishment, which was

soon converted into terror when I was carried on board. I was

immediately handled and tossed up to see if I were sound by some of

the crew; and I was now persuaded that I had gotten into a world of

bad spirits, and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions

too differing so much from ours, their long hair, and the language

they spoke, (which was very different from any I had ever heard)

united to confirm me in this belief. Indeed such were the horrors of

my views and fears at the moment, that, if ten thousand worlds had

been my own, I would have freely parted with them all to have

exchanged my condition with that of the meanest slave in my own

country. When I looked round the ship too and saw a large furnace or

copper boiling, and a multitude of black people of every description

chained together, every one of their countenances expressing dejection

and sorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered

with horror and anguish, I fell motionless on the deck and fainted.

When I recovered a little I found some black people about me, who I

believed were some of those who brought me on board, and had been

receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all

in vain. I asked them if we were not to be eaten by those white men

with horrible looks, red faces, and loose hair. They told me I was

not; and one of the crew brought me a small portion of spirituous

liquor in a wine glass; but, being afraid of him, I would not take it

out of his hand. One of the blacks therefore took it from him and gave

it to me, and I took a little down my palate, which, instead of

reviving me, as they thought it would, threw me into the greatest

consternation at the strange feeling it produced, having never tasted

any such liquor before. Soon after this the blacks who brought me on

board went off, and left me abandoned to despair. I now saw myself

deprived of all chance of returning to my native country, or even the

least glimpse of hope of gaining the shore, which I now considered as

friendly; and I even wished for my former slavery in preference to my

present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still

heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long

suffered to indulge my grief; I was soon put down under the decks, and

there I received such a salutation in my nostrils as I had never

experienced in my life: so that, with the loathsomeness of the stench,

and crying together, I became so sick and low that I was not able to

eat, nor had I the least desire to taste any thing. I now wished for

the last friend, death, to relieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of

the white men offered me eatables; and, on my refusing to eat, one of

them held me fast by the hands, and laid me across I think the

windlass, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me severely. I had

never experienced any thing of this kind before; and although, not

being used to the water, I naturally feared that element the first

time I saw it, yet nevertheless, could I have got over the nettings,

I would have jumped over the side, but I could not; and, besides, the

crew used to watch us very closely who were not chained down to the

decks, lest we should leap into the water: and I have seen some of

these poor African prisoners most severely cut for attempting to do

so, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the case

with myself. In a little time after, amongst the poor chained men, I

found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my

mind. I inquired of these what was to be done with us; they gave me to

understand we were to be carried to these white people's country to

work for them. I then was a little revived, and thought, if it were no

worse than working, my situation was not so desperate: but still I

feared I should be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as

I thought, in so savage a manner; for I had never seen among any

people such instances of brutal cruelty; and this not only shewn

towards us blacks, but also to some of the whites themselves. One

white man in particular I saw, when we were permitted to be on deck,

flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast, that he

died in consequence of it; and they tossed him over the side as they

would have done a brute. This made me fear these people the more; and

I expected nothing less than to be treated in the same manner. I could

not help expressing my fears and apprehensions to some of my

countrymen: I asked them if these people had no country, but lived in

this hollow place (the ship): they told me they did not, but came from

a distant one. 'Then,' said I, 'how comes it in all our country we

never heard of them?' They told me because they lived so very far off.

I then asked where were their women? had they any like themselves? I

was told they had: 'and why,' said I, 'do we not see them?' they

answered, because they were left behind. I asked how the vessel could

go? they told me they could not tell; but that there were cloths put

upon the masts by the help of the ropes I saw, and then the vessel

went on; and the white men had some spell or magic they put in the

water when they liked in order to stop the vessel. I was exceedingly

amazed at this account, and really thought they were spirits. I

therefore wished much to be from amongst them, for I expected they

would sacrifice me: but my wishes were vain; for we were so quartered

that it was impossible for any of us to make our escape. While we

stayed on the coast I was mostly on deck; and one day, to my great

astonishment, I saw one of these vessels coming in with the sails up.

As soon as the whites saw it, they gave a great shout, at which we

were amazed; and the more so as the vessel appeared larger by

approaching nearer. At last she came to an anchor in my sight, and

when the anchor was let go I and my countrymen who saw it were lost in

astonishment to observe the vessel stop; and were not convinced it was

done by magic. Soon after this the other ship got her boats out, and

they came on board of us, and the people of both ships seemed very

glad to see each other. Several of the strangers also shook hands with

us black people, and made motions with their hands, signifying I

suppose we were to go to their country; but we did not understand

them. At last, when the ship we were in had got in all her cargo, they

made ready with many fearful noises, and we were all put under deck,

so that we could not see how they managed the vessel. But this

disappointment was the least of my sorrow. The stench of the hold

while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome, that it was

dangerous to remain there for any time, and some of us had been

permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air; but now that the

whole ship's cargo were confined together, it became absolutely

pestilential. The closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate,

added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had

scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced

copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for

respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a

sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to

the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. This

wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains,

now become insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, into

which the children often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks

of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a scene

of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps for myself I was soon

reduced so low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost

always on deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In

this situation I expected every hour to share the fate of my

companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the

point of death, which I began to hope would soon put an end to my

miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep much

more happy than myself. I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as

often wished I could change my condition for theirs. Every

circumstance I met with served only to render my state more painful,

and heighten my apprehensions, and my opinion of the cruelty of the

whites. One day they had taken a number of fishes; and when they had

killed and satisfied themselves with as many as they thought fit, to

our astonishment who were on the deck, rather than give any of them to

us to eat as we expected, they tossed the remaining fish into the sea

again, although we begged and prayed for some as well as we could, but

in vain; and some of my countrymen, being pressed by hunger, took an

opportunity, when they thought no one saw them, of trying to get a

little privately; but they were discovered, and the attempt procured

them some very severe floggings. One day, when we had a smooth sea and

moderate wind, two of my wearied countrymen who were chained together

(I was near them at the time), preferring death to such a life of

misery, somehow made through the nettings and jumped into the sea:

immediately another quite dejected fellow, who, on account of his

illness, was suffered to be out of irons, also followed their example;

and I believe many more would very soon have done the same if they had

not been prevented by the ship's crew, who were instantly alarmed.

Those of us that were the most active were in a moment put down under

the deck, and there was such a noise and confusion amongst the people

of the ship as I never heard before, to stop her, and get the boat out

to go after the slaves. However two of the wretches were drowned, but

they got the other, and afterwards flogged him unmercifully for thus

attempting to prefer death to slavery. In this manner we continued to

undergo more hardships than I can now relate, hardships which are

inseparable from this accursed trade. Many a time we were near

suffocation from the want of fresh air, which we were often without

for whole days together. This, and the stench of the necessary tubs,

carried off many. During our passage I first saw flying fishes, which

surprised me very much: they used frequently to fly across the ship,

and many of them fell on the deck. I also now first saw the use of the

quadrant; I had often with astonishment seen the mariners make

observations with it, and I could not think what it meant. They at

last took notice of my surprise; and one of them, willing to increase

it, as well as to gratify my curiosity, made me one day look through

it. The clouds appeared to me to be land, which disappeared as they

passed along. This heightened my wonder; and I was now more persuaded

than ever that I was in another world, and that every thing about me

was magic. At last we came in sight of the island of Barbadoes, at

which the whites on board gave a great shout, and made many signs of

joy to us. We did not know what to think of this; but as the vessel

drew nearer we plainly saw the harbour, and other ships of different

kinds and sizes; and we soon anchored amongst them off Bridge Town.

Many merchants and planters now came on board, though it was in the

evening. They put us in separate parcels, and examined us attentively.

They also made us jump, and pointed to the land, signifying we were to

go there. We thought by this we should be eaten by these ugly men, as

they appeared to us; and, when soon after we were all put down under

the deck again, there was much dread and trembling among us, and

nothing but bitter cries to be heard all the night from these

apprehensions, insomuch that at last the white people got some old

slaves from the land to pacify us. They told us we were not to be

eaten, but to work, and were soon to go on land, where we should see

many of our country people. This report eased us much; and sure

enough, soon after we were landed, there came to us Africans of all

languages. We were conducted immediately to the merchant's yard, where

we were all pent up together like so many sheep in a fold, without

regard to sex or age. As every object was new to me every thing I saw

filled me with surprise. What struck me first was that the houses were

built with stories, and in every other respect different from those in

Africa: but I was still more astonished on seeing people on horseback.

I did not know what this could mean; and indeed I thought these people

were full of nothing but magical arts. While I was in this

astonishment one of my fellow prisoners spoke to a countryman of his

about the horses, who said they were the same kind they had in their

country. I understood them, though they were from a distant part of

Africa, and I thought it odd I had not seen any horses there; but

afterwards, when I came to converse with different Africans, I found

they had many horses amongst them, and much larger than those I then

saw. We were not many days in the merchant's custody before we were

sold after their usual manner, which is this:--On a signal given,(as

the beat of a drum) the buyers rush at once into the yard where the

slaves are confined, and make choice of that parcel they like best.

The noise and clamour with which this is attended, and the eagerness

visible in the countenances of the buyers, serve not a little to

increase the apprehensions of the terrified Africans, who may well be

supposed to consider them as the ministers of that destruction to

which they think themselves devoted. In this manner, without scruple,

are relations and friends separated, most of them never to see each

other again. I remember in the vessel in which I was brought over, in

the men's apartment, there were several brothers, who, in the sale,

were sold in different lots; and it was very moving on this occasion

to see and hear their cries at parting. O, ye nominal Christians!

might not an African ask you, learned you this from your God, who says

unto you, Do unto all men as you would men should do unto you? Is it

not enough that we are torn from our country and friends to toil for

your luxury and lust of gain? Must every tender feeling be likewise

sacrificed to your avarice? Are the dearest friends and relations, now

rendered more dear by their separation from their kindred, still to be

parted from each other, and thus prevented from cheering the gloom of

slavery with the small comfort of being together and mingling their

sufferings and sorrows? Why are parents to lose their children,

brothers their sisters, or husbands their wives? Surely this is a new

refinement in cruelty, which, while it has no advantage to atone for

it, thus aggravates distress, and adds fresh horrors even to the

wretchedness of slavery.

CHAP. III.

_The author is carried to Virginia--His distress--Surprise

at seeing a picture and a watch--Is bought by Captain

Pascal, and sets out for England--His terror during the

voyage--Arrives in England--His wonder at a fall of snow--Is

sent to Guernsey, and in some time goes on board a ship of

war with his master--Some account of the expedition against

Louisbourg under the command of Admiral Boscawen, in 1758._

I now totally lost the small remains of comfort I had enjoyed in

conversing with my countrymen; the women too, who used to wash and

take care of me, were all gone different ways, and I never saw one of

them afterwards.

I stayed in this island for a few days; I believe it could not be

above a fortnight; when I and some few more slaves, that were not

saleable amongst the rest, from very much fretting, were shipped off

in a sloop for North America. On the passage we were better treated

than when we were coming from Africa, and we had plenty of rice and

fat pork. We were landed up a river a good way from the sea, about

Virginia county, where we saw few or none of our native Africans, and

not one soul who could talk to me. I was a few weeks weeding grass,

and gathering stones in a plantation; and at last all my companions

were distributed different ways, and only myself was left. I was now

exceedingly miserable, and thought myself worse off than any of the

rest of my companions; for they could talk to each other, but I had no

person to speak to that I could understand. In this state I was

constantly grieving and pining, and wishing for death rather than any

thing else. While I was in this plantation the gentleman, to whom I

suppose the estate belonged, being unwell, I was one day sent for to

his dwelling house to fan him; when I came into the room where he was

I was very much affrighted at some things I saw, and the more so as I

had seen a black woman slave as I came through the house, who was

cooking the dinner, and the poor creature was cruelly loaded with

various kinds of iron machines; she had one particularly on her head,

which locked her mouth so fast that she could scarcely speak; and

could not eat nor drink. I was much astonished and shocked at this

contrivance, which I afterwards learned was called the iron muzzle.

Soon after I had a fan put into my hand, to fan the gentleman while he

slept; and so I did indeed with great fear. While he was fast asleep I

indulged myself a great deal in looking about the room, which to me

appeared very fine and curious. The first object that engaged my

attention was a watch which hung on the chimney, and was going. I was

quite surprised at the noise it made, and was afraid it would tell the

gentleman any thing I might do amiss: and when I immediately after

observed a picture hanging in the room, which appeared constantly to

look at me, I was still more affrighted, having never seen such things

as these before. At one time I thought it was something relative to

magic; and not seeing it move I thought it might be some way the

whites had to keep their great men when they died, and offer them

libation as we used to do to our friendly spirits. In this state of

anxiety I remained till my master awoke, when I was dismissed out of

the room, to my no small satisfaction and relief; for I thought that

these people were all made up of wonders. In this place I was called

Jacob; but on board the African snow I was called Michael. I had been

some time in this miserable, forlorn, and much dejected state, without

having any one to talk to, which made my life a burden, when the kind

and unknown hand of the Creator (who in very deed leads the blind in a

way they know not) now began to appear, to my comfort; for one day the

captain of a merchant ship, called the Industrious Bee, came on some

business to my master's house. This gentleman, whose name was Michael

Henry Pascal, was a lieutenant in the royal navy, but now commanded

this trading ship, which was somewhere in the confines of the county

many miles off. While he was at my master's house it happened that he

saw me, and liked me so well that he made a purchase of me. I think I

have often heard him say he gave thirty or forty pounds sterling for

me; but I do not now remember which. However, he meant me for a

present to some of his friends in England: and I was sent accordingly

from the house of my then master, one Mr. Campbell, to the place where

the ship lay; I was conducted on horseback by an elderly black man, (a

mode of travelling which appeared very odd to me). When I arrived I

was carried on board a fine large ship, loaded with tobacco, &c. and

just ready to sail for England. I now thought my condition much

mended; I had sails to lie on, and plenty of good victuals to eat; and

every body on board used me very kindly, quite contrary to what I had

seen of any white people before; I therefore began to think that they

were not all of the same disposition. A few days after I was on board

we sailed for England. I was still at a loss to conjecture my destiny.

By this time, however, I could smatter a little imperfect English; and

I wanted to know as well as I could where we were going. Some of the

people of the ship used to tell me they were going to carry me back to

my own country, and this made me very happy. I was quite rejoiced at

the sound of going back; and thought if I should get home what wonders

I should have to tell. But I was reserved for another fate, and was

soon undeceived when we came within sight of the English coast. While

I was on board this ship, my captain and master named me _Gustavus

Vassa_. I at that time began to understand him a little, and refused to

be called so, and told him as well as I could that I would be called

Jacob; but he said I should not, and still called me Gustavus; and

when I refused to answer to my new name, which at first I did, it

gained me many a cuff; so at length I submitted, and was obliged to

bear the present name, by which I have been known ever since. The ship

had a very long passage; and on that account we had very short

allowance of provisions. Towards the last we had only one pound and a

half of bread per week, and about the same quantity of meat, and one

quart of water a-day. We spoke with only one vessel the whole time we

were at sea, and but once we caught a few fishes. In our extremities

the captain and people told me in jest they would kill and eat me; but

I thought them in earnest, and was depressed beyond measure, expecting

every moment to be my last. While I was in this situation one evening

they caught, with a good deal of trouble, a large shark, and got it on

board. This gladdened my poor heart exceedingly, as I thought it would

serve the people to eat instead of their eating me; but very soon, to

my astonishment, they cut off a small part of the tail, and tossed the

rest over the side. This renewed my consternation; and I did not know

what to think of these white people, though I very much feared they

would kill and eat me. There was on board the ship a young lad who had

never been at sea before, about four or five years older than myself:

his name was Richard Baker. He was a native of America, had received

an excellent education, and was of a most amiable temper. Soon after I

went on board he shewed me a great deal of partiality and attention,

and in return I grew extremely fond of him. We at length became

inseparable; and, for the space of two years, he was of very great use

to me, and was my constant companion and instructor. Although this

dear youth had many slaves of his own, yet he and I have gone through

many sufferings together on shipboard; and we have many nights lain in

each other's bosoms when we were in great distress. Thus such a

friendship was cemented between us as we cherished till his death,

which, to my very great sorrow, happened in the year 1759, when he was

up the Archipelago, on board his majesty's ship the Preston: an event

which I have never ceased to regret, as I lost at once a kind

interpreter, an agreeable companion, and a faithful friend; who, at

the age of fifteen, discovered a mind superior to prejudice; and who

was not ashamed to notice, to associate with, and to be the friend and

instructor of one who was ignorant, a stranger, of a different

complexion, and a slave! My master had lodged in his mother's house in

America: he respected him very much, and made him always eat with him

in the cabin. He used often to tell him jocularly that he would kill

me to eat. Sometimes he would say to me--the black people were not

good to eat, and would ask me if we did not eat people in my country.

I said, No: then he said he would kill Dick (as he always called him)

first, and afterwards me. Though this hearing relieved my mind a

little as to myself, I was alarmed for Dick and whenever he was called

I used to be very much afraid he was to be killed; and I would peep

and watch to see if they were going to kill him: nor was I free from

this consternation till we made the land. One night we lost a man

overboard; and the cries and noise were so great and confused, in

stopping the ship, that I, who did not know what was the matter,

began, as usual, to be very much afraid, and to think they were going

to make an offering with me, and perform some magic; which I still

believed they dealt in. As the waves were very high I thought the

Ruler of the seas was angry, and I expected to be offered up to

appease him. This filled my mind with agony, and I could not any more

that night close my eyes again to rest. However, when daylight

appeared I was a little eased in my mind; but still every time I was

called I used to think it was to be killed. Some time after this we

saw some very large fish, which I afterwards found were called

grampusses. They looked to me extremely terrible, and made their

appearance just at dusk; and were so near as to blow the water on the

ship's deck. I believed them to be the rulers of the sea; and, as the

white people did not make any offerings at any time, I thought they

were angry with them: and, at last, what confirmed my belief was, the

wind just then died away, and a calm ensued, and in consequence of it

the ship stopped going. I supposed that the fish had performed this,

and I hid myself in the fore part of the ship, through fear of being

offered up to appease them, every minute peeping and quaking: but my

good friend Dick came shortly towards me, and I took an opportunity to

ask him, as well as I could, what these fish were. Not being able to

talk much English, I could but just make him understand my question;

and not at all, when I asked him if any offerings were to be made to

them: however, he told me these fish would swallow any body; which

sufficiently alarmed me. Here he was called away by the captain, who

was leaning over the quarter-deck railing and looking at the fish; and

most of the people were busied in getting a barrel of pitch to light,

for them to play with. The captain now called me to him, having

learned some of my apprehensions from Dick; and having diverted

himself and others for some time with my fears, which appeared

ludicrous enough in my crying and trembling, he dismissed me. The

barrel of pitch was now lighted and put over the side into the water:

by this time it was just dark, and the fish went after it; and, to my

great joy, I saw them no more.

However, all my alarms began to subside when we got sight of land; and

at last the ship arrived at Falmouth, after a passage of thirteen

weeks. Every heart on board seemed gladdened on our reaching the

shore, and none more than mine. The captain immediately went on shore,

and sent on board some fresh provisions, which we wanted very much:

we made good use of them, and our famine was soon turned into

feasting, almost without ending. It was about the beginning of the

spring 1757 when I arrived in England, and I was near twelve years of

age at that time. I was very much struck with the buildings and the

pavement of the streets in Falmouth; and, indeed, any object I saw

filled me with new surprise. One morning, when I got upon deck, I saw

it covered all over with the snow that fell over-night: as I had never

seen any thing of the kind before, I thought it was salt; so I

immediately ran down to the mate and desired him, as well as I could,

to come and see how somebody in the night had thrown salt all over the

deck. He, knowing what it was, desired me to bring some of it down to

him: accordingly I took up a handful of it, which I found very cold

indeed; and when I brought it to him he desired me to taste it. I did

so, and I was surprised beyond measure. I then asked him what it was;

he told me it was snow: but I could not in anywise understand him. He

asked me if we had no such thing in my country; and I told him, No. I

then asked him the use of it, and who made it; he told me a great man

in the heavens, called God: but here again I was to all intents and

purposes at a loss to understand him; and the more so, when a little

after I saw the air filled with it, in a heavy shower, which fell down

on the same day. After this I went to church; and having never been at

such a place before, I was again amazed at seeing and hearing the

service. I asked all I could about it; and they gave me to understand

it was worshipping God, who made us and all things. I was still at a

great loss, and soon got into an endless field of inquiries, as well

as I was able to speak and ask about things. However, my little friend

Dick used to be my best interpreter; for I could make free with him,

and he always instructed me with pleasure: and from what I could

understand by him of this God, and in seeing these white people did

not sell one another, as we did, I was much pleased; and in this I

thought they were much happier than we Africans. I was astonished at

the wisdom of the white people in all things I saw; but was amazed at

their not sacrificing, or making any offerings, and eating with

unwashed hands, and touching the dead. I likewise could not help

remarking the particular slenderness of their women, which I did not

at first like; and I thought they were not so modest and shamefaced as

the African women.

I had often seen my master and Dick employed in reading; and I had a

great curiosity to talk to the books, as I thought they did; and so to

learn how all things had a beginning: for that purpose I have often

taken up a book, and have talked to it, and then put my ears to it,

when alone, in hopes it would answer me; and I have been very much

concerned when I found it remained silent.

My master lodged at the house of a gentleman in Falmouth, who had a

fine little daughter about six or seven years of age, and she grew

prodigiously fond of me; insomuch that we used to eat together, and

had servants to wait on us. I was so much caressed by this family that

it often reminded me of the treatment I had received from my little

noble African master. After I had been here a few days, I was sent on

board of the ship; but the child cried so much after me that nothing

could pacify her till I was sent for again. It is ludicrous enough,

that I began to fear I should be betrothed to this young lady; and

when my master asked me if I would stay there with her behind him, as

he was going away with the ship, which had taken in the tobacco again,

I cried immediately, and said I would not leave her. At last, by

stealth, one night I was sent on board the ship again; and in a little

time we sailed for Guernsey, where she was in part owned by a

merchant, one Nicholas Doberry. As I was now amongst a people who had

not their faces scarred, like some of the African nations where I had

been, I was very glad I did not let them ornament me in that manner

when I was with them. When we arrived at Guernsey, my master placed me

to board and lodge with one of his mates, who had a wife and family

there; and some months afterwards he went to England, and left me in

care of this mate, together with my friend Dick: This mate had a

little daughter, aged about five or six years, with whom I used to be

much delighted. I had often observed that when her mother washed her

face it looked very rosy; but when she washed mine it did not look so:

I therefore tried oftentimes myself if I could not by washing make my

face of the same colour as my little play-mate (Mary), but it was all

in vain; and I now began to be mortified at the difference in our

complexions. This woman behaved to me with great kindness and

attention; and taught me every thing in the same manner as she did her

own child, and indeed in every respect treated me as such. I remained

here till the summer of the year 1757; when my master, being appointed

first lieutenant of his majesty's ship the Roebuck, sent for Dick and

me, and his old mate: on this we all left Guernsey, and set out for

England in a sloop bound for London. As we were coming up towards the

Nore, where the Roebuck lay, a man of war's boat came alongside to

press our people; on which each man ran to hide himself. I was very

much frightened at this, though I did not know what it meant, or what

to think or do. However I went and hid myself also under a hencoop.

Immediately afterwards the press-gang came on board with their swords

drawn, and searched all about, pulled the people out by force, and put

them into the boat. At last I was found out also: the man that found

me held me up by the heels while they all made their sport of me, I

roaring and crying out all the time most lustily: but at last the

mate, who was my conductor, seeing this, came to my assistance, and

did all he could to pacify me; but all to very little purpose, till I

had seen the boat go off. Soon afterwards we came to the Nore, where

the Roebuck lay; and, to our great joy, my master came on board to us,

and brought us to the ship. When I went on board this large ship, I

was amazed indeed to see the quantity of men and the guns. However my

surprise began to diminish as my knowledge increased; and I ceased to

feel those apprehensions and alarms which had taken such strong

possession of me when I first came among the Europeans, and for some

time after. I began now to pass to an opposite extreme; I was so far

from being afraid of any thing new which I saw, that, after I had been

some time in this ship, I even began to long for a battle. My griefs

too, which in young minds are not perpetual, were now wearing away;

and I soon enjoyed myself pretty well, and felt tolerably easy in my

present situation. There was a number of boys on board, which still

made it more agreeable; for we were always together, and a great part

of our time was spent in play. I remained in this ship a considerable

time, during which we made several cruises, and visited a variety of

places: among others we were twice in Holland, and brought over

several persons of distinction from it, whose names I do not now

remember. On the passage, one day, for the diversion of those

gentlemen, all the boys were called on the quarter-deck, and were

paired proportionably, and then made to fight; after which the

gentleman gave the combatants from five to nine shillings each. This

was the first time I ever fought with a white boy; and I never knew

what it was to have a bloody nose before. This made me fight most

desperately; I suppose considerably more than an hour: and at last,

both of us being weary, we were parted. I had a great deal of this

kind of sport afterwards, in which the captain and the ship's company

used very much to encourage me. Sometime afterwards the ship went to

Leith in Scotland, and from thence to the Orkneys, where I was

surprised in seeing scarcely any night: and from thence we sailed with

a great fleet, full of soldiers, for England. All this time we had

never come to an engagement, though we were frequently cruising off

the coast of France: during which we chased many vessels, and took in

all seventeen prizes. I had been learning many of the manoeuvres of

the ship during our cruise; and I was several times made to fire the

guns. One evening, off Havre de Grace, just as it was growing dark, we

were standing off shore, and met with a fine large French-built

frigate. We got all things immediately ready for fighting; and I now

expected I should be gratified in seeing an engagement, which I had so

long wished for in vain. But the very moment the word of command was

given to fire we heard those on board the other ship cry 'Haul down

the jib;' and in that instant she hoisted English colours. There was

instantly with us an amazing cry of--Avast! or stop firing; and I

think one or two guns had been let off, but happily they did no

mischief. We had hailed them several times; but they not hearing, we

received no answer, which was the cause of our firing. The boat was

then sent on board of her, and she proved to be the Ambuscade man of

war, to my no small disappointment. We returned to Portsmouth, without

having been in any action, just at the trial of Admiral Byng (whom I

saw several times during it): and my master having left the ship, and

gone to London for promotion, Dick and I were put on board the Savage

sloop of war, and we went in her to assist in bringing off the St.

George man of war, that had ran ashore somewhere on the coast. After

staying a few weeks on board the Savage, Dick and I were sent on shore

at Deal, where we remained some short time, till my master sent for us

to London, the place I had long desired exceedingly to see. We

therefore both with great pleasure got into a waggon, and came to

London, where we were received by a Mr. Guerin, a relation of my

master. This gentleman had two sisters, very amiable ladies, who took

much notice and great care of me. Though I had desired so much to see

London, when I arrived in it I was unfortunately unable to gratify my

curiosity; for I had at this time the chilblains to such a degree that

I could not stand for several months, and I was obliged to be sent to

St. George's Hospital. There I grew so ill, that the doctors wanted to

cut my left leg off at different times, apprehending a mortification;

but I always said I would rather die than suffer it; and happily (I

thank God) I recovered without the operation. After being there

several weeks, and just as I had recovered, the small-pox broke out on

me, so that I was again confined; and I thought myself now

particularly unfortunate. However I soon recovered again; and by this

time my master having been promoted to be first lieutenant of the

Preston man of war of fifty guns, then new at Deptford, Dick and I

were sent on board her, and soon after we went to Holland to bring

over the late Duke of ---- to England.--While I was in this ship an

incident happened, which, though trifling, I beg leave to relate, as I

could not help taking particular notice of it, and considering it then

as a judgment of God. One morning a young man was looking up to the

fore-top, and in a wicked tone, common on shipboard, d----d his eyes

about something. Just at the moment some small particles of dirt fell

into his left eye, and by the evening it was very much inflamed. The

next day it grew worse; and within six or seven days he lost it. From

this ship my master was appointed a lieutenant on board the Royal

George. When he was going he wished me to stay on board the Preston,

to learn the French horn; but the ship being ordered for Turkey I

could not think of leaving my master, to whom I was very warmly

attached; and I told him if he left me behind it would break my heart.

This prevailed on him to take me with him; but he left Dick on board

the Preston, whom I embraced at parting for the last time. The Royal

George was the largest ship I had ever seen; so that when I came on

board of her I was surprised at the number of people, men, women, and

children, of every denomination; and the largeness of the guns, many

of them also of brass, which I had never seen before. Here were also

shops or stalls of every kind of goods, and people crying their

different commodities about the ship as in a town. To me it appeared a

little world, into which I was again cast without a friend, for I had

no longer my dear companion Dick. We did not stay long here. My master

was not many weeks on board before he got an appointment to be sixth

lieutenant of the Namur, which was then at Spithead, fitting up for

Vice-admiral Boscawen, who was going with a large fleet on an

expedition against Louisburgh. The crew of the Royal George were

turned over to her, and the flag of that gallant admiral was hoisted

on board, the blue at the maintop-gallant mast head. There was a very

great fleet of men of war of every description assembled together for

this expedition, and I was in hopes soon to have an opportunity of

being gratified with a sea-fight. All things being now in readiness,

this mighty fleet (for there was also Admiral Cornish's fleet in

company, destined for the East Indies) at last weighed anchor, and

sailed. The two fleets continued in company for several days, and then

parted; Admiral Cornish, in the Lenox, having first saluted our

admiral in the Namur, which he returned. We then steered for America;

but, by contrary winds, we were driven to Teneriffe, where I was

struck with its noted peak. Its prodigious height, and its form,

resembling a sugar-loaf, filled me with wonder. We remained in sight

of this island some days, and then proceeded for America, which we

soon made, and got into a very commodious harbour called St. George,

in Halifax, where we had fish in great plenty, and all other fresh

provisions. We were here joined by different men of war and transport

ships with soldiers; after which, our fleet being increased to a

prodigious number of ships of all kinds, we sailed for Cape Breton in

Nova Scotia. We had the good and gallant General Wolfe on board our

ship, whose affability made him highly esteemed and beloved by all the

men. He often honoured me, as well as other boys, with marks of his

notice; and saved me once a flogging for fighting with a young

gentleman. We arrived at Cape Breton in the summer of 1758: and here

the soldiers were to be landed, in order to make an attack upon

Louisbourgh. My master had some part in superintending the landing;

and here I was in a small measure gratified in seeing an encounter

between our men and the enemy. The French were posted on the shore to

receive us, and disputed our landing for a long time; but at last they

were driven from their trenches, and a complete landing was effected.

Our troops pursued them as far as the town of Louisbourgh. In this

action many were killed on both sides. One thing remarkable I saw this

day:--A lieutenant of the Princess Amelia, who, as well as my master,

superintended the landing, was giving the word of command, and while

his mouth was open a musquet ball went through it, and passed out at

his cheek. I had that day in my hand the scalp of an indian king, who

was killed in the engagement: the scalp had been taken off by an

Highlander. I saw this king's ornaments too, which were very curious,

and made of feathers.

Our land forces laid siege to the town of Louisbourgh, while the

French men of war were blocked up in the harbour by the fleet, the

batteries at the same time playing upon them from the land. This they

did with such effect, that one day I saw some of the ships set on fire

by the shells from the batteries, and I believe two or three of them

were quite burnt. At another time, about fifty boats belonging to the

English men of war, commanded by Captain George Balfour of the Ætna

fire-ship, and another junior captain, Laforey, attacked and boarded

the only two remaining French men of war in the harbour. They also set

fire to a seventy-gun ship, but a sixty-four, called the Bienfaisant,

they brought off. During my stay here I had often an opportunity of

being near Captain Balfour, who was pleased to notice me, and liked me

so much that he often asked my master to let him have me, but he would

not part with me; and no consideration could have induced me to leave

him. At last Louisbourgh was taken, and the English men of war came

into the harbour before it, to my very great joy; for I had now more

liberty of indulging myself, and I went often on shore. When the ships

were in the harbour we had the most beautiful procession on the water

I ever saw. All the admirals and captains of the men of war, full

dressed, and in their barges, well ornamented with pendants, came

alongside of the Namur. The vice-admiral then went on shore in his

barge, followed by the other officers in order of seniority, to take

possession, as I suppose, of the town and fort. Some time after this

the French governor and his lady, and other persons of note, came on

board our ship to dine. On this occasion our ships were dressed with

colours of all kinds, from the topgallant-mast head to the deck; and

this, with the firing of guns, formed a most grand and magnificent

spectacle.

As soon as every thing here was settled Admiral Boscawen sailed with

part of the fleet for England, leaving some ships behind with

Rear-admirals Sir Charles Hardy and Durell. It was now winter; and one

evening, during our passage home, about dusk, when we were in the

channel, or near soundings, and were beginning to look for land, we

descried seven sail of large men of war, which stood off shore.

Several people on board of our ship said, as the two fleets were (in

forty minutes from the first sight) within hail of each other, that

they were English men of war; and some of our people even began to

name some of the ships. By this time both fleets began to mingle, and

our admiral ordered his flag to be hoisted. At that instant the other

fleet, which were French, hoisted their ensigns, and gave us a

broadside as they passed by. Nothing could create greater surprise and

confusion among us than this: the wind was high, the sea rough, and we

had our lower and middle deck guns housed in, so that not a single gun

on board was ready to be fired at any of the French ships. However,

the Royal William and the Somerset being our sternmost ships, became a

little prepared, and each gave the French ships a broadside as they

passed by. I afterwards heard this was a French squadron, commanded by

Mons. Conflans; and certainly had the Frenchmen known our condition,

and had a mind to fight us, they might have done us great mischief.

But we were not long before we were prepared for an engagement.

Immediately many things were tossed overboard; the ships were made

ready for fighting as soon as possible; and about ten at night we had

bent a new main sail, the old one being split. Being now in readiness

for fighting, we wore ship, and stood after the French fleet, who

were one or two ships in number more than we. However we gave them

chase, and continued pursuing them all night; and at daylight we saw

six of them, all large ships of the line, and an English East

Indiaman, a prize they had taken. We chased them all day till between

three and four o'clock in the evening, when we came up with, and

passed within a musquet shot of, one seventy-four gun ship, and the

Indiaman also, who now hoisted her colours, but immediately hauled

them down again. On this we made a signal for the other ships to take

possession of her; and, supposing the man of war would likewise

strike, we cheered, but she did not; though if we had fired into her,

from being so near, we must have taken her. To my utter surprise the

Somerset, who was the next ship astern of the Namur, made way

likewise; and, thinking they were sure of this French ship, they

cheered in the same manner, but still continued to follow us. The

French Commodore was about a gun-shot ahead of all, running from us

with all speed; and about four o'clock he carried his foretopmast

overboard. This caused another loud cheer with us; and a little after

the topmast came close by us; but, to our great surprise, instead of

coming up with her, we found she went as fast as ever, if not faster.

The sea grew now much smoother; and the wind lulling, the seventy-four

gun ship we had passed came again by us in the very same direction,

and so near, that we heard her people talk as she went by; yet not a

shot was fired on either side; and about five or six o'clock, just as

it grew dark, she joined her commodore. We chased all night; but the

next day they were out of sight, so that we saw no more of them; and

we only had the old Indiaman (called Carnarvon I think) for our

trouble. After this we stood in for the channel, and soon made the

land; and, about the close of the year 1758-9, we got safe to St.

Helen's. Here the Namur ran aground; and also another large ship

astern of us; but, by starting our water, and tossing many things

overboard to lighten her, we got the ships off without any damage. We

stayed for a short time at Spithead, and then went into Portsmouth

harbour to refit; from whence the admiral went to London; and my

master and I soon followed, with a press-gang, as we wanted some hands

to complete our complement.

CHAP. IV.

_The author is baptized--Narrowly escapes drowning--Goes on

an expedition to the Mediterranean--Incidents he met with

there--Is witness to an engagement between some English and

French ships--A particular account of the celebrated

engagement between Admiral Boscawen and Mons. Le Clue, off

Cape Logas, in August 1759--Dreadful explosion of a French

ship--The author sails for England--His master appointed to

the command of a fire-ship--Meets a negro boy, from whom he

experiences much benevolence--Prepares for an expedition

against Belle-Isle--A remarkable story of a disaster which

befel his ship--Arrives at Belle-Isle--Operations of the

landing and siege--The author's danger and distress, with

his manner of extricating himself--- Surrender of

Belle-Isle--Transactions afterwards on the coast of

France--Remarkable instance of kidnapping--The author

returns to England--Hears a talk of peace, and expects his

freedom--His ship sails for Deptford to be paid off, and

when he arrives there he is suddenly seized by his master

and carried forcibly on board a West India ship and sold._

It was now between two and three years since I first came to England,

a great part of which I had spent at sea; so that I became inured to

that service, and began to consider myself as happily situated; for my

master treated me always extremely well; and my attachment and

gratitude to him were very great. From the various scenes I had beheld

on shipboard, I soon grew a stranger to terror of every kind, and was,

in that respect at least, almost an Englishman. I have often reflected

with surprise that I never felt half the alarm at any of the numerous

dangers I have been in, that I was filled with at the first sight of

the Europeans, and at every act of theirs, even the most trifling,

when I first came among them, and for some time afterwards. That fear,

however, which was the effect of my ignorance, wore away as I began to

know them. I could now speak English tolerably well, and I perfectly

understood every thing that was said. I now not only felt myself

quite easy with these new countrymen, but relished their society and

manners. I no longer looked upon them as spirits, but as men superior

to us; and therefore I had the stronger desire to resemble them; to

imbibe their spirit, and imitate their manners; I therefore embraced

every occasion of improvement; and every new thing that I observed I

treasured up in my memory. I had long wished to be able to read and

write; and for this purpose I took every opportunity to gain

instruction, but had made as yet very little progress. However, when I

went to London with my master, I had soon an opportunity of improving

myself, which I gladly embraced. Shortly after my arrival, he sent me

to wait upon the Miss Guerins, who had treated me with much kindness

when I was there before; and they sent me to school.

While I was attending these ladies their servants told me I could not

go to Heaven unless I was baptized. This made me very uneasy; for I

had now some faint idea of a future state: accordingly I communicated

my anxiety to the eldest Miss Guerin, with whom I was become a

favourite, and pressed her to have me baptized; when to my great joy

she told me I should. She had formerly asked my master to let me be

baptized, but he had refused; however she now insisted on it; and he

being under some obligation to her brother complied with her request;

so I was baptized in St. Margaret's church, Westminster, in February

1759, by my present name. The clergyman, at the same time, gave me a

book, called a Guide to the Indians, written by the Bishop of Sodor

and Man. On this occasion Miss Guerin did me the honour to stand as

godmother, and afterwards gave me a treat. I used to attend these

ladies about the town, in which service I was extremely happy; as I

had thus many opportunities of seeing London, which I desired of all

things. I was sometimes, however, with my master at his

rendezvous-house, which was at the foot of Westminster-bridge. Here I

used to enjoy myself in playing about the bridge stairs, and often in

the watermen's wherries, with other boys. On one of these occasions

there was another boy with me in a wherry, and we went out into the

current of the river: while we were there two more stout boys came to

us in another wherry, and, abusing us for taking the boat, desired me

to get into the other wherry-boat. Accordingly I went to get out of

the wherry I was in; but just as I had got one of my feet into the

other boat the boys shoved it off, so that I fell into the Thames;

and, not being able to swim, I should unavoidably have been drowned,

but for the assistance of some watermen who providentially came to my

relief.

The Namur being again got ready for sea, my master, with his gang, was

ordered on board; and, to my no small grief, I was obliged to leave my

school-master, whom I liked very much, and always attended while I

stayed in London, to repair on board with my master. Nor did I leave

my kind patronesses, the Miss Guerins, without uneasiness and regret.

They often used to teach me to read, and took great pains to instruct

me in the principles of religion and the knowledge of God. I therefore

parted from those amiable ladies with reluctance; after receiving from

them many friendly cautions how to conduct myself, and some valuable

presents.

When I came to Spithead, I found we were destined for the

Mediterranean, with a large fleet, which was now ready to put to sea.

We only waited for the arrival of the admiral, who soon came on board;

and about the beginning of the spring 1759, having weighed anchor, and

got under way, Sailed for the Mediterranean; and in eleven days, from

the Land's End, we got to Gibraltar. While we were here I used to be

often on shore, and got various fruits in great plenty, and very

cheap.

I had frequently told several people, in my excursions on shore, the

story of my being kidnapped with my sister, and of our being

separated, as I have related before; and I had as often expressed my

anxiety for her fate, and my sorrow at having never met her again. One

day, when I was on shore, and mentioning these circumstances to some

persons, one of them told me he knew where my sister was, and, if I

would accompany him, he would bring me to her. Improbable as this

story was I believed it immediately, and agreed to go with him, while

my heart leaped for joy: and, indeed, he conducted me to a black young

woman, who was so like my sister, that, at first sight, I really

thought it was her: but I was quickly undeceived; and, on talking to

her, I found her to be of another nation.

While we lay here the Preston came in from the Levant. As soon as she

arrived, my master told me I should now see my old companion, Dick,

who had gone in her when she sailed for Turkey. I was much rejoiced at

this news, and expected every minute to embrace him; and when the

captain came on board of our ship, which he did immediately after, I

ran to inquire after my friend; but, with inexpressible sorrow, I

learned from the boat's crew that the dear youth was dead! and that

they had brought his chest, and all his other things, to my master:

these he afterwards gave to me, and I regarded them as a memorial of

my friend, whom I loved, and grieved for, as a brother.

While we were at Gibraltar, I saw a soldier hanging by his heels, at

one of the moles[L]: I thought this a strange sight, as I had seen a

man hanged in London by his neck. At another time I saw the master of

a frigate towed to shore on a grating, by several of the men of war's

boats, and discharged the fleet, which I understood was a mark of

disgrace for cowardice. On board the same ship there was also a sailor

hung up at the yard-arm.

After lying at Gibraltar for some time, we sailed up the Mediterranean

a considerable way above the Gulf of Lyons; where we were one night

overtaken with a terrible gale of wind, much greater than any I had

ever yet experienced. The sea ran so high that, though all the guns

were well housed, there was great reason to fear their getting loose,

the ship rolled so much; and if they had it must have proved our

destruction. After we had cruised here for a short time, we came to

Barcelona, a Spanish sea-port, remarkable for its silk manufactures.

Here the ships were all to be watered; and my master, who spoke

different languages, and used often to interpret for the admiral,

superintended the watering of ours. For that purpose he and the

officers of the other ships, who were on the same service, had tents

pitched in the bay; and the Spanish soldiers were stationed along the

shore, I suppose to see that no depredations were committed by our

men.

I used constantly to attend my master; and I was charmed with this

place. All the time we stayed it was like a fair with the natives, who

brought us fruits of all kinds, and sold them to us much cheaper than

I got them in England. They used also to bring wine down to us in hog

and sheep skins, which diverted me very much. The Spanish officers

here treated our officers with great politeness and attention; and

some of them, in particular, used to come often to my master's tent to

visit him; where they would sometimes divert themselves by mounting me

on the horses or mules, so that I could not fall, and setting them off

at full gallop; my imperfect skill in horsemanship all the while

affording them no small entertainment. After the ships were watered,

we returned to our old station of cruizing off Toulon, for the purpose

of intercepting a fleet of French men of war that lay there. One

Sunday, in our cruise, we came off a place where there were two small

French frigates lying in shore; and our admiral, thinking to take or

destroy them, sent two ships in after them--the Culloden and the

Conqueror. They soon came up to the Frenchmen; and I saw a smart fight

here, both by sea and land: for the frigates were covered by

batteries, and they played upon our ships most furiously, which they

as furiously returned, and for a long time a constant firing was kept

up on all sides at an amazing rate. At last one frigate sunk; but the

people escaped, though not without much difficulty: and a little after

some of the people left the other frigate also, which was a mere

wreck. However, our ships did not venture to bring her away, they were

so much annoyed from the batteries, which raked them both in going and

coming: their topmasts were shot away, and they were otherwise so much

shattered, that the admiral was obliged to send in many boats to tow

them back to the fleet. I afterwards sailed with a man who fought in

one of the French batteries during the engagement, and he told me our

ships had done considerable mischief that day on shore and in the

batteries.

After this we sailed for Gibraltar, and arrived there about August

1759. Here we remained with all our sails unbent, while the fleet was

watering and doing other necessary things. While we were in this

situation, one day the admiral, with most of the principal officers,

and many people of all stations, being on shore, about seven o'clock

in the evening we were alarmed by signals from the frigates stationed

for that purpose; and in an instant there was a general cry that the

French fleet was out, and just passing through the streights. The

admiral immediately came on board with some other officers; and it is

impossible to describe the noise, hurry and confusion throughout the

whole fleet, in bending their sails and slipping their cables; many

people and ships' boats were left on shore in the bustle. We had two

captains on board of our ship who came away in the hurry and left

their ships to follow. We shewed lights from the gun-whale to the main

topmast-head; and all our lieutenants were employed amongst the fleet

to tell the ships not to wait for their captains, but to put the sails

to the yards, slip their cables and follow us; and in this confusion

of making ready for fighting we set out for sea in the dark after the

French fleet. Here I could have exclaimed with Ajax,

"Oh Jove! O father! if it be thy will

That we must perish, we thy will obey,

But let us perish by the light of day."

They had got the start of us so far that we were not able to come up

with them during the night; but at daylight we saw seven sail of the

line of battle some miles ahead. We immediately chased them till about

four o'clock in the evening, when our ships came up with them; and,

though we were about fifteen large ships, our gallant admiral only

fought them with his own division, which consisted of seven; so that

we were just ship for ship. We passed by the whole of the enemy's

fleet in order to come at their commander, Mons. La Clue, who was in

the Ocean, an eighty-four gun ship: as we passed they all fired on us;

and at one time three of them fired together, continuing to do so for

some time. Notwithstanding which our admiral would not suffer a gun to

be fired at any of them, to my astonishment; but made us lie on our

bellies on the deck till we came quite close to the Ocean, who was

ahead of them all; when we had orders to pour the whole three tiers

into her at once.

The engagement now commenced with great fury on both sides: the Ocean

immediately returned our fire, and we continued engaged with each

other for some time; during which I was frequently stunned with the

thundering of the great guns, whose dreadful contents hurried many of

my companions into awful eternity. At last the French line was

entirely broken, and we obtained the victory, which was immediately

proclaimed with loud huzzas and acclamations. We took three prizes, La

Modeste, of sixty-four guns, and Le Temeraire and Centaur, of

seventy-four guns each. The rest of the French ships took to flight

with all the sail they could crowd. Our ship being very much damaged,

and quite disabled from pursuing the enemy, the admiral immediately

quitted her, and went in the broken and only boat we had left on board

the Newark, with which, and some other ships, he went after the

French. The Ocean, and another large French ship, called the

Redoubtable, endeavouring to escape, ran ashore at Cape Logas, on the

coast of Portugal; and the French admiral and some of the crew got

ashore; but we, finding it impossible to get the ships off, set fire

to them both. About midnight I saw the Ocean blow up, with a most

dreadful explosion. I never beheld a more awful scene. In less than a

minute the midnight for a certain space seemed turned into day by the

blaze, which was attended with a noise louder and more terrible than

thunder, that seemed to rend every element around us.

My station during the engagement was on the middle-deck, where I was

quartered with another boy, to bring powder to the aftermost gun; and

here I was a witness of the dreadful fate of many of my companions,

who, in the twinkling of an eye, were dashed in pieces, and launched

into eternity. Happily I escaped unhurt, though the shot and splinters

flew thick about me during the whole fight. Towards the latter part of

it my master was wounded, and I saw him carried down to the surgeon;

but though I was much alarmed for him and wished to assist him I dared

not leave my post. At this station my gun-mate (a partner in bringing

powder for the same gun) and I ran a very great risk for more than

half an hour of blowing up the ship. For, when we had taken the

cartridges out of the boxes, the bottoms of many of them proving

rotten, the powder ran all about the deck, near the match tub: we

scarcely had water enough at the last to throw on it. We were also,

from our employment, very much exposed to the enemy's shots; for we

had to go through nearly the whole length of the ship to bring the

powder. I expected therefore every minute to be my last; especially

when I saw our men fall so thick about me; but, wishing to guard as

much against the dangers as possible, at first I thought it would be

safest not to go for the powder till the Frenchmen had fired their

broadside; and then, while they were charging, I could go and come

with my powder: but immediately afterwards I thought this caution was

fruitless; and, cheering myself with the reflection that there was a

time allotted for me to die as well as to be born, I instantly cast

off all fear or thought whatever of death, and went through the whole

of my duty with alacrity; pleasing myself with the hope, if I survived

the battle, of relating it and the dangers I had escaped to the dear

Miss Guerin, and others, when I should return to London.

Our ship suffered very much in this engagement; for, besides the

number of our killed and wounded, she was almost torn to pieces, and

our rigging so much shattered, that our mizen-mast and main-yard, &c.

hung over the side of the ship; so that we were obliged to get many

carpenters, and others from some of the ships of the fleet, to assist

in setting us in some tolerable order; and, notwithstanding, it took

us some time before we were completely refitted; after which we left

Admiral Broderick to command, and we, with the prizes, steered for

England. On the passage, and as soon as my master was something

recovered of his wounds, the admiral appointed him captain of the Ætna

fire-ship, on which he and I left the Namur, and went on board of her

at sea. I liked this little ship very much. I now became the captain's

steward, in which situation I was very happy: for I was extremely well

treated by all on board; and I had leisure to improve myself in

reading and writing. The latter I had learned a little of before I

left the Namur, as there was a school on board. When we arrived at

Spithead the Ætna went into Portsmouth harbour to refit, which being

done, we returned to Spithead and joined a large fleet that was

thought to be intended against the Havannah; but about that time the

king died: whether that prevented the expedition I know not; but it

caused our ship to be stationed at Cowes, in the isle of Wight, till

the beginning of the year sixty-one. Here I spent my time very

pleasantly; I was much on shore all about this delightful island, and

found the inhabitants very civil.

While I was here, I met with a trifling incident, which surprised me

agreeably. I was one day in a field belonging to a gentleman who had

a black boy about my own size; this boy having observed me from his

master's house, was transported at the sight of one of his own

countrymen, and ran to meet me with the utmost haste. I not knowing

what he was about turned a little out of his way at first, but to no

purpose: he soon came close to me and caught hold of me in his arms as

if I had been his brother, though we had never seen each other before.

After we had talked together for some time he took me to his master's

house, where I was treated very kindly. This benevolent boy and I were

very happy in frequently seeing each other till about the month of

March 1761, when our ship had orders to fit out again for another

expedition. When we got ready, we joined a very large fleet at

Spithead, commanded by Commodore Keppel, which was destined against

Belle-Isle, and with a number of transport ships with troops on board

to make a descent on the place. We sailed once more in quest of fame.

I longed to engage in new adventures and see fresh wonders.

I had a mind on which every thing uncommon made its full impression,

and every event which I considered as marvellous. Every extraordinary

escape, or signal deliverance, either of myself or others, I looked

upon to be effected by the interposition of Providence. We had not

been above ten days at sea before an incident of this kind happened;

which, whatever credit it may obtain from the reader, made no small

impression on my mind.

We had on board a gunner, whose name was John Mondle; a man of very

indifferent morals. This man's cabin was between the decks, exactly

over where I lay, abreast of the quarter-deck ladder. One night, the

20th of April, being terrified with a dream, he awoke in so great a

fright that he could not rest in his bed any longer, nor even remain

in his cabin; and he went upon deck about four o'clock in the morning

extremely agitated. He immediately told those on the deck of the

agonies of his mind, and the dream which occasioned it; in which he

said he had seen many things very awful, and had been warned by St.

Peter to repent, who told him time was short. This he said had greatly

alarmed him, and he was determined to alter his life. People generally

mock the fears of others when they are themselves in safety; and some

of his shipmates who heard him only laughed at him. However, he made

a vow that he never would drink strong liquors again; and he

immediately got a light, and gave away his sea-stores of liquor. After

which, his agitation still continuing, he began to read the

Scriptures, hoping to find some relief; and soon afterwards he laid

himself down again on his bed, and endeavoured to compose himself to

sleep, but to no purpose; his mind still continuing in a state of

agony. By this time it was exactly half after seven in the morning: I

was then under the half-deck at the great cabin door; and all at once

I heard the people in the waist cry out, most fearfully--'The Lord

have mercy upon us! We are all lost! The Lord have mercy upon us!' Mr.

Mondle hearing the cries, immediately ran out of his cabin; and we

were instantly struck by the Lynne, a forty-gun ship, Captain Clark,

which nearly ran us down. This ship had just put about, and was by the

wind, but had not got full headway, or we must all have perished; for

the wind was brisk. However, before Mr. Mondle had got four steps from

his cabin-door, she struck our ship with her cutwater right in the

middle of his bed and cabin, and ran it up to the combings of the

quarter-deck hatchway, and above three feet below water, and in a

minute there was not a bit of wood to be seen where Mr. Mondle's cabin

stood; and he was so near being killed that some of the splinters tore

his face. As Mr. Mondle must inevitably have perished from this

accident had he not been alarmed in the very extraordinary way I have

related, I could not help regarding this as an awful interposition of

Providence for his preservation. The two ships for some time swinged

alongside of each other; for ours being a fire-ship, our

grappling-irons caught the Lynne every way, and the yards and rigging

went at an astonishing rate. Our ship was in such a shocking condition

that we all thought she would instantly go down, and every one ran for

their lives, and got as well as they could on board the Lynne; but our

lieutenant being the aggressor, he never quitted the ship. However,

when we found she did not sink immediately, the captain came on board

again, and encouraged our people to return and try to save her. Many

on this came back, but some would not venture. Some of the ships in

the fleet, seeing our situation, immediately sent their boats to our

assistance; but it took us the whole day to save the ship with all

their help. And by using every possible means, particularly frapping

her together with many hawsers, and putting a great quantity of tallow

below water where she was damaged, she was kept together: but it was

well we did not meet with any gales of wind, or we must have gone to

pieces; for we were in such a crazy condition that we had ships to

attend us till we arrived at Belle-Isle, the place of our destination;

and then we had all things taken out of the ship, and she was properly

repaired. This escape of Mr. Mondle, which he, as well as myself,

always considered as a singular act of Providence, I believe had a

great influence on his life and conduct ever afterwards.

Now that I am on this subject I beg leave to relate another instance

or two which strongly raised my belief of the particular interposition

of Heaven, and which might not otherwise have found a place here, from

their insignificance. I belonged for a few days in the year 1758 to

the Jason, of fifty-four guns, at Plymouth; and one night, when I was

on board, a woman, with a child at her breast, fell from the

upper-deck down into the hold, near the keel. Every one thought that

the mother and child must be both dashed to pieces; but, to our great

surprise, neither of them was hurt. I myself one day fell headlong

from the upper-deck of the Ætna down the after-hold, when the ballast

was out; and all who saw me fall cried out I was killed: but I

received not the least injury. And in the same ship a man fell from

the mast-head on the deck without being hurt. In these, and in many

more instances, I thought I could plainly trace the hand of God,

without whose permission a sparrow cannot fall. I began to raise my

fear from man to him alone, and to call daily on his holy name with

fear and reverence: and I trust he heard my supplications, and

graciously condescended to answer me according to his holy word, and

to implant the seeds of piety in me, even one of the meanest of his

creatures.

When we had refitted our ship, and all things were in readiness for

attacking the place, the troops on board the transports were ordered

to disembark; and my master, as a junior captain, had a share in the

command of the landing. This was on the 8th of April. The French were

drawn up on the shore, and had made every disposition to oppose the

landing of our men, only a small part of them this day being able to

effect it; most of them, after fighting with great bravery, were cut

off; and General Crawford, with a number of others, were taken

prisoners. In this day's engagement we had also our lieutenant killed.

On the 21st of April we renewed our efforts to land the men, while all

the men of war were stationed along the shore to cover it, and fired

at the French batteries and breastworks from early in the morning till

about four o'clock in the evening, when our soldiers effected a safe

landing. They immediately attacked the French; and, after a sharp

encounter, forced them from the batteries. Before the enemy retreated

they blew up several of them, lest they should fall into our hands.

Our men now proceeded to besiege the citadel, and my master was

ordered on shore to superintend the landing of all the materials

necessary for carrying on the siege; in which service I mostly

attended him. While I was there I went about to different parts of the

island; and one day, particularly, my curiosity almost cost me my

life. I wanted very much to see the mode of charging the mortars and

letting off the shells, and for that purpose I went to an English

battery that was but a very few yards from the walls of the citadel.

There, indeed, I had an opportunity of completely gratifying myself in

seeing the whole operation, and that not without running a very great

risk, both from the English shells that burst while I was there, but

likewise from those of the French. One of the largest of their shells

bursted within nine or ten yards of me: there was a single rock close

by, about the size of a butt; and I got instant shelter under it in

time to avoid the fury of the shell. Where it burst the earth was torn

in such a manner that two or three butts might easily have gone into

the hole it made, and it threw great quantities of stones and dirt to

a considerable distance. Three shot were also fired at me and another

boy who was along with me, one of them in particular seemed

"Wing'd with red lightning and impetuous rage;"

for with a most dreadful sound it hissed close by me, and struck a

rock at a little distance, which it shattered to pieces. When I saw

what perilous circumstances I was in, I attempted to return the

nearest way I could find, and thereby I got between the English and

the French centinels. An English serjeant, who commanded the outposts,

seeing me, and surprised how I came there, (which was by stealth along

the seashore), reprimanded me very severely for it, and instantly took

the centinel off his post into custody, for his negligence in

suffering me to pass the lines. While I was in this situation I

observed at a little distance a French horse, belonging to some

islanders, which I thought I would now mount, for the greater

expedition of getting off. Accordingly I took some cord which I had

about me, and making a kind of bridle of it, I put it round the

horse's head, and the tame beast very quietly suffered me to tie him

thus and mount him. As soon as I was on the horse's back I began to

kick and beat him, and try every means to make him go quick, but all

to very little purpose: I could not drive him out of a slow pace.

While I was creeping along, still within reach of the enemy's shot, I

met with a servant well mounted on an English horse. I immediately

stopped; and, crying, told him my case; and begged of him to help me,

and this he effectually did; for, having a fine large whip, he began

to lash my horse with it so severely, that he set off full speed with

me towards the sea, while I was quite unable to hold or manage him. In

this manner I went along till I came to a craggy precipice. I now

could not stop my horse; and my mind was filled with apprehensions of

my deplorable fate should he go down the precipice, which he appeared

fully disposed to do: I therefore thought I had better throw myself

off him at once, which I did immediately with a great deal of

dexterity, and fortunately escaped unhurt. As soon as I found myself

at liberty I made the best of my way for the ship, determined I would

not be so fool-hardy again in a hurry.

We continued to besiege the citadel till June, when it surrendered.

During the siege I have counted above sixty shells and carcases in the

air at once. When this place was taken I went through the citadel, and

in the bomb-proofs under it, which were cut in the solid rock; and I

thought it a surprising place, both for strength and building:

notwithstanding which our shots and shells had made amazing

devastation, and ruinous heaps all around it.

After the taking of this island our ships, with some others commanded

by Commodore Stanhope in the Swiftsure, went to Basse-road, where we

blocked up a French fleet. Our ships were there from June till

February following; and in that time I saw a great many scenes of war,

and stratagems on both sides to destroy each others fleet. Sometimes

we would attack the French with some ships of the line; at other times

with boats; and frequently we made prizes. Once or twice the French

attacked us by throwing shells with their bomb-vessels: and one day as

a French vessel was throwing shells at our ships she broke from her

springs, behind the isle of I de Re: the tide being complicated, she

came within a gun shot of the Nassau; but the Nassau could not bring a

gun to bear upon her, and thereby the Frenchman got off. We were twice

attacked by their fire-floats, which they chained together, and then

let them float down with the tide; but each time we sent boats with

graplings, and towed them safe out of the fleet.

We had different commanders while we were at this place, Commodores

Stanhope, Dennis, Lord Howe, &c. From hence, before the Spanish war

began, our ship and the Wasp sloop were sent to St. Sebastian in

Spain, by Commodore Stanhope; and Commodore Dennis afterwards sent our

ship as a cartel to Bayonne in France[M], after which[N] we went in

February in 1762 to Belle-Isle, and there stayed till the summer, when

we left it, and returned to Portsmouth.

After our ship was fitted out again for service, in September she went

to Guernsey, where I was very glad to see my old hostess, who was now

a widow, and my former little charming companion, her daughter. I

spent some time here very happily with them, till October, when we had

orders to repair to Portsmouth. We parted from each other with a great

deal of affection; and I promised to return soon, and see them again,

not knowing what all-powerful fate had determined for me. Our ship

having arrived at Portsmouth, we went into the harbour, and remained

there till the latter end of November, when we heard great talk about

peace; and, to our very great joy, in the beginning of December we had

orders to go up to London with our ship to be paid off. We received

this news with loud huzzas, and every other demonstration of gladness;

and nothing but mirth was to be seen throughout every part of the

ship. I too was not without my share of the general joy on this

occasion. I thought now of nothing but being freed, and working for

myself, and thereby getting money to enable me to get a good

education; for I always had a great desire to be able at least to read

and write; and while I was on shipboard I had endeavoured to improve

myself in both. While I was in the Ætna particularly, the captain's

clerk taught me to write, and gave me a smattering of arithmetic as

far as the rule of three. There was also one Daniel Queen, about forty

years of age, a man very well educated, who messed with me on board

this ship, and he likewise dressed and attended the captain.

Fortunately this man soon became very much attached to me, and took

very great pains to instruct me in many things. He taught me to shave

and dress hair a little, and also to read in the Bible, explaining

many passages to me, which I did not comprehend. I was wonderfully

surprised to see the laws and rules of my country written almost

exactly here; a circumstance which I believe tended to impress our

manners and customs more deeply on my memory. I used to tell him of

this resemblance; and many a time we have sat up the whole night

together at this employment. In short, he was like a father to me; and

some even used to call me after his name; they also styled me the

black Christian. Indeed I almost loved him with the affection of a

son. Many things I have denied myself that he might have them; and

when I used to play at marbles or any other game, and won a few

half-pence, or got any little money, which I sometimes did, for

shaving any one, I used to buy him a little sugar or tobacco, as far

as my stock of money would go. He used to say, that he and I never

should part; and that when our ship was paid off, as I was as free as

himself or any other man on board, he would instruct me in his

business, by which I might gain a good livelihood. This gave me new

life and spirits; and my heart burned within me, while I thought the

time long till I obtained my freedom. For though my master had not

promised it to me, yet, besides the assurances I had received that he

had no right to detain me, he always treated me with the greatest

kindness, and reposed in me an unbounded confidence; he even paid

attention to my morals; and would never suffer me to deceive him, or

tell lies, of which he used to tell me the consequences; and that if I

did so God would not love me; so that, from all this tenderness, I had

never once supposed, in all my dreams of freedom, that he would think

of detaining me any longer than I wished.

In pursuance of our orders we sailed from Portsmouth for the Thames,

and arrived at Deptford the 10th of December, where we cast anchor

just as it was high water. The ship was up about half an hour, when my

master ordered the barge to be manned; and all in an instant, without

having before given me the least reason to suspect any thing of the

matter, he forced me into the barge; saying, I was going to leave him,

but he would take care I should not. I was so struck with the

unexpectedness of this proceeding, that for some time I did not make a

reply, only I made an offer to go for my books and chest of clothes,

but he swore I should not move out of his sight; and if I did he would

cut my throat, at the same time taking his hanger. I began, however,

to collect myself; and, plucking up courage, I told him I was free,

and he could not by law serve me so. But this only enraged him the

more; and he continued to swear, and said he would soon let me know

whether he would or not, and at that instant sprung himself into the

barge from the ship, to the astonishment and sorrow of all on board.

The tide, rather unluckily for me, had just turned downward, so that

we quickly fell down the river along with it, till we came among some

outward-bound West Indiamen; for he was resolved to put me on board

the first vessel he could get to receive me. The boat's crew, who

pulled against their will, became quite faint different times, and

would have gone ashore; but he would not let them. Some of them strove

then to cheer me, and told me he could not sell me, and that they

would stand by me, which revived me a little; and I still entertained

hopes; for as they pulled along he asked some vessels to receive me,

but they could not. But, just as we had got a little below Gravesend,

we came alongside of a ship which was going away the next tide for the

West Indies; her name was the Charming Sally, Captain James Doran; and

my master went on board and agreed with him for me; and in a little

time I was sent for into the cabin. When I came there Captain Doran

asked me if I knew him; I answered that I did not; 'Then,' said he

'you are now my slave.' I told him my master could not sell me to him,

nor to any one else. 'Why,' said he, 'did not your master buy you?' I

confessed he did. 'But I have served him,' said I, 'many years, and he

has taken all my wages and prize-money, for I only got one sixpence

during the war; besides this I have been baptized; and by the laws of

the land no man has a right to sell me:' And I added, that I had heard

a lawyer and others at different times tell my master so. They both

then said that those people who told me so were not my friends; but I

replied--it was very extraordinary that other people did not know the

law as well as they. Upon this Captain Doran said I talked too much

English; and if I did not behave myself well, and be quiet, he had a

method on board to make me. I was too well convinced of his power over

me to doubt what he said; and my former sufferings in the slave-ship

presenting themselves to my mind, the recollection of them made me

shudder. However, before I retired I told them that as I could not get

any right among men here I hoped I should hereafter in Heaven; and I

immediately left the cabin, filled with resentment and sorrow. The

only coat I had with me my master took away with him, and said if my

prize-money had been 10,000 £. he had a right to it all, and would have

taken it. I had about nine guineas, which, during my long sea-faring

life, I had scraped together from trifling perquisites and little

ventures; and I hid it that instant, lest my master should take that

from me likewise, still hoping that by some means or other I should

make my escape to the shore; and indeed some of my old shipmates told

me not to despair, for they would get me back again; and that, as soon

as they could get their pay, they would immediately come to Portsmouth

to me, where this ship was going: but, alas! all my hopes were

baffled, and the hour of my deliverance was yet far off. My master,

having soon concluded his bargain with the captain, came out of the

cabin, and he and his people got into the boat and put off; I followed

them with aching eyes as long as I could, and when they were out of

sight I threw myself on the deck, while my heart was ready to burst

with sorrow and anguish.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote L: He had drowned himself in endeavouring to desert.]

[Footnote M: Among others whom we brought from Bayonne, two gentlemen,

who had been in the West Indies, where they sold slaves; and they

confessed they had made at one time a false bill of sale, and sold two

Portuguese white men among a lot of slaves.]

[Footnote N: Some people have it, that sometimes shortly before

persons die their ward has been seen; that is, some spirit exactly in

their likeness, though they are themselves at other places at the same

time. One day while we were at Bayonne Mr. Mondle saw one of our men,

as he thought, in the gun-room; and a little after, coming on the

quarter-deck, he spoke of some circumstances of this man to some of

the officers. They told him that the man was then out of the ship, in

one of the boats with the Lieutenant: but Mr. Mondle would not believe

it, and we searched the ship, when he found the man was actually out

of her; and when the boat returned some time afterwards, we found the

man had been drowned at the very time Mr. Mondle thought he saw him.]

CHAP. V.

_The author's reflections on his situation--Is deceived by a

promise of being delivered--His despair at sailing for the

West Indies--Arrives at Montserrat, where he is sold to Mr.

King--Various interesting instances of oppression, cruelty,

and extortion, which the author saw practised upon the

slaves in the West Indies during his captivity from the year

1763 to 1766--Address on it to the planters._

Thus, at the moment I expected all my toils to end, was I plunged, as

I supposed, in a new slavery; in comparison of which all my service

hitherto had been 'perfect freedom;' and whose horrors, always present

to my mind, now rushed on it with tenfold aggravation. I wept very

bitterly for some time: and began to think that I must have done

something to displease the Lord, that he thus punished me so severely.

This filled me with painful reflections on my past conduct; I

recollected that on the morning of our arrival at Deptford I had

rashly sworn that as soon as we reached London I would spend the day

in rambling and sport. My conscience smote me for this unguarded

expression: I felt that the Lord was able to disappoint me in all

things, and immediately considered my present situation as a judgment

of Heaven on account of my presumption in swearing: I therefore, with

contrition of heart, acknowledged my transgression to God, and poured

out my soul before him with unfeigned repentance, and with earnest

supplications I besought him not to abandon me in my distress, nor

cast me from his mercy for ever. In a little time my grief, spent with

its own violence, began to subside; and after the first confusion of

my thoughts was over I reflected with more calmness on my present

condition: I considered that trials and disappointments are sometimes

for our good, and I thought God might perhaps have permitted this in

order to teach me wisdom and resignation; for he had hitherto shadowed

me with the wings of his mercy, and by his invisible but powerful hand

brought me the way I knew not. These reflections gave me a little

comfort, and I rose at last from the deck with dejection and sorrow in

my countenance, yet mixed with some faint hope that the _Lord would

appear_ for my deliverance.

Soon afterwards, as my new master was going ashore, he called me to

him, and told me to behave myself well, and do the business of the

ship the same as any of the rest of the boys, and that I should fare

the better for it; but I made him no answer. I was then asked if I

could swim, and I said, No. However I was made to go under the deck,

and was well watched. The next tide the ship got under way, and soon

after arrived at the Mother Bank, Portsmouth; where she waited a few

days for some of the West India convoy. While I was here I tried every

means I could devise amongst the people of the ship to get me a boat

from the shore, as there was none suffered to come alongside of the

ship; and their own, whenever it was used, was hoisted in again

immediately. A sailor on board took a guinea from me on pretence of

getting me a boat; and promised me, time after time, that it was

hourly to come off. When he had the watch upon deck I watched also;

and looked long enough, but all in vain; I could never see either the

boat or my guinea again. And what I thought was still the worst of

all, the fellow gave information, as I afterwards found, all the while

to the mates, of my intention to go off, if I could in any way do it;

but, rogue like, he never told them he had got a guinea from me to

procure my escape. However, after we had sailed, and his trick was

made known to the ship's crew, I had some satisfaction in seeing him

detested and despised by them all for his behaviour to me. I was still

in hopes that my old shipmates would not forget their promise to come

for me to Portsmouth: and, indeed, at last, but not till the day

before we sailed, some of them did come there, and sent me off some

oranges, and other tokens of their regard. They also sent me word they

would come off to me themselves the next day or the day after; and a

lady also, who lived in Gosport, wrote to me that she would come and

take me out of the ship at the same time. This lady had been once very

intimate with my former master: I used to sell and take care of a

great deal of property for her, in different ships; and in return she

always shewed great friendship for me, and used to tell my master that

she would take me away to live with her: but, unfortunately for me, a

disagreement soon afterwards took place between them; and she was

succeeded in my master's good graces by another lady, who appeared

sole mistress of the Ætna, and mostly lodged on board. I was not so

great a favourite with this lady as with the former; she had conceived

a pique against me on some occasion when she was on board, and she did

not fail to instigate my master to treat me in the manner he did[O].

However, the next morning, the 30th of December, the wind being brisk

and easterly, the Oeolus frigate, which was to escort the convoy,

made a signal for sailing. All the ships then got up their anchors;

and, before any of my friends had an opportunity to come off to my

relief, to my inexpressible anguish our ship had got under way. What

tumultuous emotions agitated my soul when the convoy got under sail,

and I a prisoner on board, now without hope! I kept my swimming eyes

upon the land in a state of unutterable grief; not knowing what to do,

and despairing how to help myself. While my mind was in this situation

the fleet sailed on, and in one day's time I lost sight of the

wished-for land. In the first expressions of my grief I reproached my

fate, and wished I had never been born. I was ready to curse the tide

that bore us, the gale that wafted my prison, and even the ship that

conducted us; and I called on death to relieve me from the horrors I

felt and dreaded, that I might be in that place

"Where slaves are free, and men oppress no more.

Fool that I was, inur'd so long to pain,

To trust to hope, or dream of joy again.

* * * * *

Now dragg'd once more beyond the western main,

To groan beneath some dastard planter's chain;

Where my poor countrymen in bondage wait

The long enfranchisement of ling'ring fate:

Hard ling'ring fate! while, ere the dawn of day,

Rous'd by the lash they go their cheerless way;

And as their souls with shame and anguish burn,

Salute with groans unwelcome morn's return,

And, chiding ev'ry hour the slow-pac'd sun,

Pursue their toils till all his race is run.

No eye to mark their suff'rings with a tear;

No friend to comfort, and no hope to cheer:

Then, like the dull unpity'd brutes, repair

To stalls as wretched, and as coarse a fare;

Thank heaven one day of mis'ry was o'er,

Then sink to sleep, and wish to wake no more[P]."

The turbulence of my emotions however naturally gave way to calmer

thoughts, and I soon perceived what fate had decreed no mortal on

earth could prevent. The convoy sailed on without any accident, with a

pleasant gale and smooth sea, for six weeks, till February, when one

morning the Oeolus ran down a brig, one of the convoy, and she

instantly went down and was ingulfed in the dark recesses of the

ocean. The convoy was immediately thrown into great confusion till it

was daylight; and the Oeolus was illumined with lights to prevent

any farther mischief. On the 13th of February 1763, from the

mast-head, we descried our destined island Montserrat; and soon after

I beheld those

"Regions of sorrow, doleful shades, where peace

And rest can rarely dwell. Hope never comes

That comes to all, but torture without end

Still urges."

At the sight of this land of bondage, a fresh horror ran through all

my frame, and chilled me to the heart. My former slavery now rose in

dreadful review to my mind, and displayed nothing but misery, stripes,

and chains; and, in the first paroxysm of my grief, I called upon

God's thunder, and his avenging power, to direct the stroke of death

to me, rather than permit me to become a slave, and be sold from lord

to lord.

In this state of my mind our ship came to an anchor, and soon after

discharged her cargo. I now knew what it was to work hard; I was made

to help to unload and load the ship. And, to comfort me in my distress

in that time, two of the sailors robbed me of all my money, and ran

away from the ship. I had been so long used to an European climate

that at first I felt the scorching West India sun very painful, while

the dashing surf would toss the boat and the people in it frequently

above high water mark. Sometimes our limbs were broken with this, or

even attended with instant death, and I was day by day mangled and

torn.

About the middle of May, when the ship was got ready to sail for

England, I all the time believing that Fate's blackest clouds were

gathering over my head, and expecting their bursting would mix me with

the dead, Captain Doran sent for me ashore one morning, and I was told

by the messenger that my fate was then determined. With fluttering

steps and trembling heart I came to the captain, and found with him

one Mr. Robert King, a quaker, and the first merchant in the place.

The captain then told me my former master had sent me there to be

sold; but that he had desired him to get me the best master he could,

as he told him I was a very deserving boy, which Captain Doran said he

found to be true; and if he were to stay in the West Indies he would

be glad to keep me himself; but he could not venture to take me to

London, for he was very sure that when I came there I would leave him.

I at that instant burst out a crying, and begged much of him to take

me to England with him, but all to no purpose. He told me he had got

me the very best master in the whole island, with whom I should be as

happy as if I were in England, and for that reason he chose to let him

have me, though he could sell me to his own brother-in-law for a great

deal more money than what he got from this gentleman. Mr. King, my new

master, then made a reply, and said the reason he had bought me was on

account of my good character; and, as he had not the least doubt of my

good behaviour, I should be very well off with him. He also told me he

did not live in the West Indies, but at Philadelphia, where he was

going soon; and, as I understood something of the rules of

arithmetic, when we got there he would put me to school, and fit me

for a clerk. This conversation relieved my mind a little, and I left

those gentlemen considerably more at ease in myself than when I came

to them; and I was very grateful to Captain Doran, and even to my old

master, for the character they had given me; a character which I

afterwards found of infinite service to me. I went on board again, and

took leave of all my shipmates; and the next day the ship sailed. When

she weighed anchor I went to the waterside and looked at her with a

very wishful and aching heart, and followed her with my eyes and tears

until she was totally out of sight. I was so bowed down with grief

that I could not hold up my head for many months; and if my new master

had not been kind to me I believe I should have died under it at last.

And indeed I soon found that he fully deserved the good character

which Captain Doran had given me of him; for he possessed a most

amiable disposition and temper, and was very charitable and humane. If

any of his slaves behaved amiss he did not beat or use them ill, but

parted with them. This made them afraid of disobliging him; and as he

treated his slaves better than any other man on the island, so he was

better and more faithfully served by them in return. By his kind

treatment I did at last endeavour to compose myself; and with

fortitude, though moneyless, determined to face whatever fate had

decreed for me. Mr. King soon asked me what I could do; and at the

same time said he did not mean to treat me as a common slave. I told

him I knew something of seamanship, and could shave and dress hair

pretty well; and I could refine wines, which I had learned on

shipboard, where I had often done it; and that I could write, and

understood arithmetic tolerably well as far as the Rule of Three. He

then asked me if I knew any thing of gauging; and, on my answering

that I did not, he said one of his clerks should teach me to gauge.

Mr. King dealt in all manner of merchandize, and kept from one to six

clerks. He loaded many vessels in a year; particularly to

Philadelphia, where he was born, and was connected with a great

mercantile house in that city. He had besides many vessels and

droggers, of different sizes, which used to go about the island; and

others to collect rum, sugar, and other goods. I understood pulling

and managing those boats very well; and this hard work, which was the

first that he set me to, in the sugar seasons used to be my constant

employment. I have rowed the boat, and slaved at the oars, from one

hour to sixteen in the twenty-four; during which I had fifteen pence

sterling per day to live on, though sometimes only ten pence. However

this was considerably more than was allowed to other slaves that used

to work with me, and belonged to other gentlemen on the island: those

poor souls had never more than nine pence per day, and seldom more

than six pence, from their masters or owners, though they earned them

three or four pisterines[Q]: for it is a common practice in the West

Indies for men to purchase slaves though they have not plantations

themselves, in order to let them out to planters and merchants at so

much a piece by the day, and they give what allowance they chuse out

of this produce of their daily work to their slaves for subsistence;

this allowance is often very scanty. My master often gave the owners

of these slaves two and a half of these pieces per day, and found the

poor fellows in victuals himself, because he thought their owners did

not feed them well enough according to the work they did. The slaves

used to like this very well; and, as they knew my master to be a man

of feeling, they were always glad to work for him in preference to any

other gentleman; some of whom, after they had been paid for these poor

people's labours, would not give them their allowance out of it. Many

times have I even seen these unfortunate wretches beaten for asking

for their pay; and often severely flogged by their owners if they did

not bring them their daily or weekly money exactly to the time; though

the poor creatures were obliged to wait on the gentlemen they had

worked for sometimes for more than half the day before they could get

their pay; and this generally on Sundays, when they wanted the time

for themselves. In particular, I knew a countryman of mine who once

did not bring the weekly money directly that it was earned; and though

he brought it the same day to his master, yet he was staked to the

ground for this pretended negligence, and was just going to receive a

hundred lashes, but for a gentleman who begged him off fifty. This

poor man was very industrious; and, by his frugality, had saved so

much money by working on shipboard, that he had got a white man to buy

him a boat, unknown to his master. Some time after he had this little

estate the governor wanted a boat to bring his sugar from different

parts of the island; and, knowing this to be a negro-man's boat, he

seized upon it for himself, and would not pay the owner a farthing.

The man on this went to his master, and complained to him of this act

of the governor; but the only satisfaction he received was to be

damned very heartily by his master, who asked him how dared any of his

negroes to have a boat. If the justly-merited ruin of the governor's

fortune could be any gratification to the poor man he had thus robbed,

he was not without consolation. Extortion and rapine are poor

providers; and some time after this the governor died in the King's

Bench in England, as I was told, in great poverty. The last war

favoured this poor negro-man, and he found some means to escape from

his Christian master: he came to England; where I saw him afterwards

several times. Such treatment as this often drives these miserable

wretches to despair, and they run away from their masters at the

hazard of their lives. Many of them, in this place, unable to get

their pay when they have earned it, and fearing to be flogged, as

usual, if they return home without it, run away where they can for

shelter, and a reward is often offered to bring them in dead or alive.

My master used sometimes, in these cases, to agree with their owners,

and to settle with them himself; and thereby he saved many of them a

flogging.

Once, for a few days, I was let out to fit a vessel, and I had no

victuals allowed me by either party; at last I told my master of this

treatment, and he took me away from it. In many of the estates, on the

different islands where I used to be sent for rum or sugar, they would

not deliver it to me, or any other negro; he was therefore obliged to

send a white man along with me to those places; and then he used to

pay him from six to ten pisterines a day. From being thus employed,

during the time I served Mr. King, in going about the different

estates on the island, I had all the opportunity I could wish for to

see the dreadful usage of the poor men; usage that reconciled me to my

situation, and made me bless God for the hands into which I had

fallen.

I had the good fortune to please my master in every department in

which he employed me; and there was scarcely any part of his business,

or household affairs, in which I was not occasionally engaged. I often

supplied the place of a clerk, in receiving and delivering cargoes to

the ships, in tending stores, and delivering goods: and, besides this,

I used to shave and dress my master when convenient, and take care of

his horse; and when it was necessary, which was very often, I worked

likewise on board of different vessels of his. By these means I became

very useful to my master; and saved him, as he used to acknowledge,

above a hundred pounds a year. Nor did he scruple to say I was of more

advantage to him than any of his clerks; though their usual wages in

the West Indies are from sixty to a hundred pounds current a year.

I have sometimes heard it asserted that a negro cannot earn his master

the first cost; but nothing can be further from the truth. I suppose

nine tenths of the mechanics throughout the West Indies are negro

slaves; and I well know the coopers among them earn two dollars a day;

the carpenters the same, and oftentimes more; as also the masons,

smiths, and fishermen, &c. and I have known many slaves whose masters

would not take a thousand pounds current for them. But surely this

assertion refutes itself; for, if it be true, why do the planters and

merchants pay such a price for slaves? And, above all, why do those

who make this assertion exclaim the most loudly against the abolition

of the slave trade? So much are men blinded, and to such inconsistent

arguments are they driven by mistaken interest! I grant, indeed, that

slaves are some times, by half-feeding, half-clothing, over-working

and stripes, reduced so low, that they are turned out as unfit for

service, and left to perish in the woods, or expire on a dunghill.

My master was several times offered by different gentlemen one hundred

guineas for me; but he always told them he would not sell me, to my

great joy: and I used to double my diligence and care for fear of

getting into the hands of those men who did not allow a valuable slave

the common support of life. Many of them even used to find fault with

my master for feeding his slaves so well as he did; although I often

went hungry, and an Englishman might think my fare very indifferent;

but he used to tell them he always would do it, because the slaves

thereby looked better and did more work.

While I was thus employed by my master I was often a witness to

cruelties of every kind, which were exercised on my unhappy fellow

slaves. I used frequently to have different cargoes of new negroes in

my care for sale; and it was almost a constant practice with our

clerks, and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the

chastity of the female slaves; and these I was, though with

reluctance, obliged to submit to at all times, being unable to help

them. When we have had some of these slaves on board my master's

vessels to carry them to other islands, or to America, I have known

our mates to commit these acts most shamefully, to the disgrace, not

of Christians only, but of men. I have even known them gratify their

brutal passion with females not ten years old; and these abominations

some of them practised to such scandalous excess, that one of our

captains discharged the mate and others on that account. And yet in

Montserrat I have seen a negro man staked to the ground, and cut most

shockingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit, because he had been

connected with a white woman who was a common prostitute: as if it

were no crime in the whites to rob an innocent African girl of her

virtue; but most heinous in a black man only to gratify a passion of

nature, where the temptation was offered by one of a different colour,

though the most abandoned woman of her species. Another negro man was

half hanged, and then burnt, for attempting to poison a cruel

overseer. Thus by repeated cruelties are the wretched first urged to

despair, and then murdered, because they still retain so much of human

nature about them as to wish to put an end to their misery, and

retaliate on their tyrants! These overseers are indeed for the most

part persons of the worst character of any denomination of men in the

West Indies. Unfortunately, many humane gentlemen, by not residing on

their estates, are obliged to leave the management of them in the

hands of these human butchers, who cut and mangle the slaves in a

shocking manner on the most trifling occasions, and altogether treat

them in every respect like brutes. They pay no regard to the situation

of pregnant women, nor the least attention to the lodging of the

field negroes. Their huts, which ought to be well covered, and the

place dry where they take their little repose, are often open sheds,

built in damp places; so that, when the poor creatures return tired

from the toils of the field, they contract many disorders, from being

exposed to the damp air in this uncomfortable state, while they are

heated, and their pores are open. This neglect certainly conspires

with many others to cause a decrease in the births as well as in the

lives of the grown negroes. I can quote many instances of gentlemen

who reside on their estates in the West Indies, and then the scene is

quite changed; the negroes are treated with lenity and proper care, by

which their lives are prolonged, and their masters are profited. To

the honour of humanity, I knew several gentlemen who managed their

estates in this manner; and they found that benevolence was their true

interest. And, among many I could mention in several of the islands, I

knew one in Montserrat[R] whose slaves looked remarkably well, and

never needed any fresh supplies of negroes; and there are many other

estates, especially in Barbadoes, which, from such judicious

treatment, need no fresh stock of negroes at any time. I have the

honour of knowing a most worthy and humane gentleman, who is a native

of Barbadoes, and has estates there[S]. This gentleman has written a

treatise on the usage of his own slaves. He allows them two hours for

refreshment at mid-day; and many other indulgencies and comforts,

particularly in their lying; and, besides this, he raises more

provisions on his estate than they can destroy; so that by these

attentions he saves the lives of his negroes, and keeps them healthy,

and as happy as the condition of slavery can admit. I myself, as shall

appear in the sequel, managed an estate, where, by those attentions,

the negroes were uncommonly cheerful and healthy, and did more work by

half than by the common mode of treatment they usually do. For want,

therefore, of such care and attention to the poor negroes, and

otherwise oppressed as they are, it is no wonder that the decrease

should require 20,000 new negroes annually to fill up the vacant

places of the dead.

Even in Barbadoes, notwithstanding those humane exceptions which I

have mentioned, and others I am acquainted with, which justly make it

quoted as a place where slaves meet with the best treatment, and need

fewest recruits of any in the West Indies, yet this island requires

1000 negroes annually to keep up the original stock, which is only

80,000. So that the whole term of a negro's life may be said to be

there but sixteen years![T] And yet the climate here is in every

respect the same as that from which they are taken, except in being

more wholesome. Do the British colonies decrease in this manner? And

yet what a prodigious difference is there between an English and West

India climate?

While I was in Montserrat I knew a negro man, named Emanuel Sankey,

who endeavoured to escape from his miserable bondage, by concealing

himself on board of a London ship: but fate did not favour the poor

oppressed man; for, being discovered when the vessel was under sail,

he was delivered up again to his master. This Christian master

immediately pinned the wretch down to the ground at each wrist and

ancle, and then took some sticks of sealing wax, and lighted them, and

droped it all over his back. There was another master who was noted

for cruelty; and I believe he had not a slave but what had been cut,

and had pieces fairly taken out of the flesh: and, after they had been

punished thus, he used to make them get into a long wooden box or case

he had for that purpose, in which he shut them up during pleasure. It

was just about the height and breadth of a man; and the poor wretches

had no room, when in the case, to move.

It was very common in several of the islands, particularly in St.

Kitt's, for the slaves to be branded with the initial letters of their

master's name; and a load of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks.

Indeed on the most trifling occasions they were loaded with chains;

and often instruments of torture were added. The iron muzzle,

thumb-screws, &c. are so well known, as not to need a description, and

were sometimes applied for the slightest faults. I have seen a negro

beaten till some of his bones were broken, for even letting a pot boil

over. Is it surprising that usage like this should drive the poor

creatures to despair, and make them seek a refuge in death from those

evils which render their lives intolerable--while,

"With shudd'ring horror pale, and eyes aghast,

They view their lamentable lot, and find

No rest!"

This they frequently do. A negro-man on board a vessel of my master,

while I belonged to her, having been put in irons for some trifling

misdemeanor, and kept in that state for some days, being weary of

life, took an opportunity of jumping overboard into the sea; however,

he was picked up without being drowned. Another, whose life was also a

burden to him, resolved to starve himself to death, and refused to eat

any victuals; this procured him a severe flogging: and he also, on the

first occasion which offered, jumped overboard at Charles Town, but

was saved.

Nor is there any greater regard shewn to the little property than

there is to the persons and lives of the negroes. I have already

related an instance or two of particular oppression out of many which

I have witnessed; but the following is frequent in all the islands.

The wretched field-slaves, after toiling all the day for an unfeeling

owner, who gives them but little victuals, steal sometimes a few

moments from rest or refreshment to gather some small portion of

grass, according as their time will admit. This they commonly tie up

in a parcel; (either a bit, worth six pence; or half a bit's-worth)

and bring it to town, or to the market, to sell. Nothing is more

common than for the white people on this occasion to take the grass

from them without paying for it; and not only so, but too often also,

to my knowledge, our clerks, and many others, at the same time have

committed acts of violence on the poor, wretched, and helpless

females; whom I have seen for hours stand crying to no purpose, and

get no redress or pay of any kind. Is not this one common and crying

sin enough to bring down God's judgment on the islands? He tells us

the oppressor and the oppressed are both in his hands; and if these

are not the poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, the captive, the

bruised, which our Saviour speaks of, who are they? One of these

depredators once, in St. Eustatia, came on board of our vessel, and

bought some fowls and pigs of me; and a whole day after his departure

with the things he returned again and wanted his money back: I refused

to give it; and, not seeing my captain on board, he began the common

pranks with me; and swore he would even break open my chest and take

my money. I therefore expected, as my captain was absent, that he

would be as good as his word: and he was just proceeding to strike me,

when fortunately a British seaman on board, whose heart had not been

debauched by a West India climate, interposed and prevented him. But

had the cruel man struck me I certainly should have defended myself at

the hazard of my life; for what is life to a man thus oppressed? He

went away, however, swearing; and threatened that whenever he caught

me on shore he would shoot me, and pay for me afterwards.

The small account in which the life of a negro is held in the West

Indies is so universally known, that it might seem impertinent to

quote the following extract, if some people had not been hardy enough

of late to assert that negroes are on the same footing in that respect

as Europeans. By the 329th Act, page 125, of the Assembly of

Barbadoes, it is enacted 'That if any negro, or other slave, under

punishment by his master, or his order, for running away, or any other

crime or misdemeanor towards his said master, unfortunately shall

suffer in life or member, no person whatsoever shall be liable to a

fine; but if any man shall out of _wantonness, or only of

bloody-mindedness, or cruel intention, wilfully kill a negro, or other

slave, of his own, he shall pay into the public treasury fifteen

pounds sterling_.' And it is the same in most, if not all, of the West

India islands. Is not this one of the many acts of the islands which

call loudly for redress? And do not the assembly which enacted it

deserve the appellation of savages and brutes rather than of

Christians and men? It is an act at once unmerciful, unjust, and

unwise; which for cruelty would disgrace an assembly of those who are

called barbarians; and for its injustice and _insanity_ would shock

the morality and common sense of a Samaide or a Hottentot.

Shocking as this and many more acts of the bloody West India code at

first view appear, how is the iniquity of it heightened when we

consider to whom it may be extended! Mr. James Tobin, a zealous

labourer in the vineyard of slavery, gives an account of a French

planter of his acquaintance, in the island of Martinico, who shewed

him many mulattoes working in the fields like beasts of burden; and he

told Mr. Tobin these were all the produce of his own loins! And I

myself have known similar instances. Pray, reader, are these sons and

daughters of the French planter less his children by being begotten on

a black woman? And what must be the virtue of those legislators, and

the feelings of those fathers, who estimate the lives of their sons,

however begotten, at no more than fifteen pounds; though they should

be murdered, as the act says, _out of wantonness and bloody-mindedness_!

But is not the slave trade entirely a war with the heart of man? And

surely that which is begun by breaking down the barriers of virtue

involves in its continuance destruction to every principle, and buries

all sentiments in ruin!

I have often seen slaves, particularly those who were meagre, in

different islands, put into scales and weighed; and then sold from

three pence to six pence or nine pence a pound. My master, however,

whose humanity was shocked at this mode, used to sell such by the

lump. And at or after a sale it was not uncommon to see negroes taken

from their wives, wives taken from their husbands, and children from

their parents, and sent off to other islands, and wherever else their

merciless lords chose; and probably never more during life to see each

other! Oftentimes my heart has bled at these partings; when the

friends of the departed have been at the water side, and, with sighs

and tears, have kept their eyes fixed on the vessel till it went out

of sight.

A poor Creole negro I knew well, who, after having been often thus

transported from island to island, at last resided in Montserrat. This

man used to tell me many melancholy tales of himself. Generally, after

he had done working for his master, he used to employ his few leisure

moments to go a fishing. When he had caught any fish, his master would

frequently take them from him without paying him; and at other times

some other white people would serve him in the same manner. One day he

said to me, very movingly, 'Sometimes when a white man take away my

fish I go to my maser, and he get me my right; and when my maser by

strength take away my fishes, what me must do? I can't go to any body

to be righted; then' said the poor man, looking up above 'I must look

up to God Mighty in the top for right.' This artless tale moved me

much, and I could not help feeling the just cause Moses had in

redressing his brother against the Egyptian. I exhorted the man to

look up still to the God on the top, since there was no redress below.

Though I little thought then that I myself should more than once

experience such imposition, and read the same exhortation hereafter,

in my own transactions in the islands; and that even this poor man and

I should some time after suffer together in the same manner, as shall

be related hereafter.

Nor was such usage as this confined to particular places or

individuals; for, in all the different islands in which I have been

(and I have visited no less than fifteen) the treatment of the slaves

was nearly the same; so nearly indeed, that the history of an island,

or even a plantation, with a few such exceptions as I have mentioned,

might serve for a history of the whole. Such a tendency has the

slave-trade to debauch men's minds, and harden them to every feeling

of humanity! For I will not suppose that the dealers in slaves are

born worse than other men--No; it is the fatality of this mistaken

avarice, that it corrupts the milk of human kindness and turns it into

gall. And, had the pursuits of those men been different, they might

have been as generous, as tender-hearted and just, as they are

unfeeling, rapacious and cruel. Surely this traffic cannot be good,

which spreads like a pestilence, and taints what it touches! which

violates that first natural right of mankind, equality and

independency, and gives one man a dominion over his fellows which God

could never intend! For it raises the owner to a state as far above

man as it depresses the slave below it; and, with all the presumption

of human pride, sets a distinction between them, immeasurable in

extent, and endless in duration! Yet how mistaken is the avarice even

of the planters? Are slaves more useful by being thus humbled to the

condition of brutes, than they would be if suffered to enjoy the

privileges of men? The freedom which diffuses health and prosperity

throughout Britain answers you--No. When you make men slaves you

deprive them of half their virtue, you set them in your own conduct an

example of fraud, rapine, and cruelty, and compel them to live with

you in a state of war; and yet you complain that they are not honest

or faithful! You stupify them with stripes, and think it necessary to

keep them in a state of ignorance; and yet you assert that they are

incapable of learning; that their minds are such a barren soil or

moor, that culture would be lost on them; and that they come from a

climate, where nature, though prodigal of her bounties in a degree

unknown to yourselves, has left man alone scant and unfinished, and

incapable of enjoying the treasures she has poured out for him!--An

assertion at once impious and absurd. Why do you use those instruments

of torture? Are they fit to be applied by one rational being to

another? And are ye not struck with shame and mortification, to see

the partakers of your nature reduced so low? But, above all, are there

no dangers attending this mode of treatment? Are you not hourly in

dread of an insurrection? Nor would it be surprising: for when

"--No peace is given

To us enslav'd, but custody severe;

And stripes and arbitrary punishment

Inflicted--What peace can we return?

But to our power, hostility and hate;

Untam'd reluctance, and revenge, though slow,

Yet ever plotting how the conqueror least

May reap his conquest, and may least rejoice

In doing what we most in suffering feel."

But by changing your conduct, and treating your slaves as men, every

cause of fear would be banished. They would be faithful, honest,

intelligent and vigorous; and peace, prosperity, and happiness, would

attend you.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote O: Thus was I sacrificed to the envy and resentment of this

woman for knowing that the lady whom she had succeeded in my master's

good graces designed to take me into her service; which, had I once

got on shore, she would not have been able to prevent. She felt her

pride alarmed at the superiority of her rival in being attended by a

black servant: it was not less to prevent this than to be revenged on

me, that she caused the captain to treat me thus cruelly.]

[Footnote P: "The Dying Negro," a poem originally published in 1773.

Perhaps it may not be deemed impertinent here to add, that this

elegant and pathetic little poem was occasioned, as appears by the

advertisement prefixed to it, by the following incident. "A black,

who, a few days before had ran away from his master, and got himself

christened, with intent to marry a white woman his fellow-servant,

being taken and sent on board a ship in the Thames, took an

opportunity of shooting himself through the head."]

[Footnote Q: These pisterines are of the value of a shilling.]

[Footnote R: Mr. Dubury, and many others, Montserrat.]

[Footnote S: Sir Philip Gibbes, Baronet, Barbadoes.]

[Footnote T: Benezet's Account of Guinea, p. 16.]

CHAP. VI.

_Some account of Brimstone-Hill in Montserrat--Favourable

change in the author's situation--He commences merchant with

three pence--His various success in dealing in the different

islands, and America, and the impositions he meets with in

his transactions with Europeans--A curious imposition on

human nature--Danger of the surfs in the West

Indies--Remarkable instance of kidnapping a free

mulatto--The author is nearly murdered by Doctor Perkins in

Savannah._

In the preceding chapter I have set before the reader a few of those

many instances of oppression, extortion, and cruelty, which I have

been a witness to in the West Indies: but, were I to enumerate them

all, the catalogue would be tedious and disgusting. The punishments of

the slaves on every trifling occasion are so frequent, and so well

known, together with the different instruments with which they are

tortured, that it cannot any longer afford novelty to recite them; and

they are too shocking to yield delight either to the writer or the

reader. I shall therefore hereafter only mention such as incidentally

befel myself in the course of my adventures.

In the variety of departments in which I was employed by my master, I

had an opportunity of seeing many curious scenes in different islands;

but, above all, I was struck with a celebrated curiosity called

Brimstone-Hill, which is a high and steep mountain, some few miles

from the town of Plymouth in Montserrat. I had often heard of some

wonders that were to be seen on this hill, and I went once with some

white and black people to visit it. When we arrived at the top, I saw

under different cliffs great flakes of brimstone, occasioned by the

steams of various little ponds, which were then boiling naturally in

the earth. Some of these ponds were as white as milk, some quite blue,

and many others of different colours. I had taken some potatoes with

me, and I put them into different ponds, and in a few minutes they

were well boiled. I tasted some of them, but they were very

sulphurous; and the silver shoe buckles, and all the other things of

that metal we had among us, were, in a little time, turned as black

as lead.

Some time in the year 1763 kind Providence seemed to appear rather

more favourable to me. One of my master's vessels, a Bermudas sloop,

about sixty tons, was commanded by one Captain Thomas Farmer, an

Englishman, a very alert and active man, who gained my master a great

deal of money by his good management in carrying passengers from one

island to another; but very often his sailors used to get drunk and

run away from the vessel, which hindered him in his business very

much. This man had taken a liking to me; and many different times

begged of my master to let me go a trip with him as a sailor; but he

would tell him he could not spare me, though the vessel sometimes

could not go for want of hands, for sailors were generally very scarce

in the island. However, at last, from necessity or force, my master

was prevailed on, though very reluctantly, to let me go with this

captain; but he gave great charge to him to take care that I did not

run away, for if I did he would make him pay for me. This being the

case, the captain had for some time a sharp eye upon me whenever the

vessel anchored; and as soon as she returned I was sent for on shore

again. Thus was I slaving as it were for life, sometimes at one thing,

and sometimes at another; so that the captain and I were nearly the

most useful men in my master's employment. I also became so useful to

the captain on shipboard, that many times, when he used to ask for me

to go with him, though it should be but for twenty-four hours, to some

of the islands near us, my master would answer he could not spare me,

at which the captain would swear, and would not go the trip; and tell

my master I was better to him on board than any three white men he

had; for they used to behave ill in many respects, particularly in

getting drunk; and then they frequently got the boat stove, so as to

hinder the vessel from coming back as soon as she might have done.

This my master knew very well; and at last, by the captain's constant

entreaties, after I had been several times with him, one day, to my

great joy, my master told me the captain would not let him rest, and

asked me whether I would go aboard as a sailor, or stay on shore and

mind the stores, for he could not bear any longer to be plagued in

this manner. I was very happy at this proposal, for I immediately

thought I might in time stand some chance by being on board to get a

little money, or possibly make my escape if I should be used ill: I

also expected to get better food, and in greater abundance; for I had

felt much hunger oftentimes, though my master treated his slaves, as I

have observed, uncommonly well. I therefore, without hesitation,

answered him, that I would go and be a sailor if he pleased.

Accordingly I was ordered on board directly. Nevertheless, between the

vessel and the shore, when she was in port, I had little or no rest,

as my master always wished to have me along with him. Indeed he was a

very pleasant gentleman, and but for my expectations on shipboard I

should not have thought of leaving him. But the captain liked me also

very much, and I was entirely his right-hand man. I did all I could to

deserve his favour, and in return I received better treatment from him

than any other I believe ever met with in the West Indies in my

situation.

After I had been sailing for some time with this captain, at length I

endeavoured to try my luck and commence merchant. I had but a very

small capital to begin with; for one single half bit, which is equal

to three pence in England, made up my whole stock. However I trusted

to the Lord to be with me; and at one of our trips to St. Eustatia, a

Dutch island, I bought a glass tumbler with my half bit, and when I

came to Montserrat I sold it for a bit, or sixpence. Luckily we made

several successive trips to St. Eustatia (which was a general mart for

the West Indies, about twenty leagues from Montserrat); and in our

next, finding my tumbler so profitable, with this one bit I bought two

tumblers more; and when I came back I sold them for two bits, equal to

a shilling sterling. When we went again I bought with these two bits

four more of these glasses, which I sold for four bits on our return

to Montserrat; and in our next voyage to St. Eustatia I bought two

glasses with one bit, and with the other three I bought a jug of

Geneva, nearly about three pints in measure. When we came to

Montserrat I sold the gin for eight bits, and the tumblers for two, so

that my capital now amounted in all to a dollar, well husbanded and

acquired in the space of a month or six weeks, when I blessed the Lord

that I was so rich. As we sailed to different islands, I laid this

money out in various things occasionally, and it used to turn out to

very good account, especially when we went to Guadaloupe, Grenada, and

the rest of the French islands. Thus was I going all about the islands

upwards of four years, and ever trading as I went, during which I

experienced many instances of ill usage, and have seen many injuries

done to other negroes in our dealings with Europeans: and, amidst our

recreations, when we have been dancing and merry-making, they, without

cause, have molested and insulted us. Indeed I was more than once

obliged to look up to God on high, as I had advised the poor fisherman

some time before. And I had not been long trading for myself in the

manner I have related above, when I experienced the like trial in

company with him as follows: This man being used to the water, was

upon an emergency put on board of us by his master to work as another

hand, on a voyage to Santa Cruz; and at our sailing he had brought his

little all for a venture, which consisted of six bits' worth of limes

and oranges in a bag; I had also my whole stock, which was about

twelve bits' worth of the same kind of goods, separate in two bags;

for we had heard these fruits sold well in that island. When we came

there, in some little convenient time he and I went ashore with our

fruits to sell them; but we had scarcely landed when we were met by

two white men, who presently took our three bags from us. We could not

at first guess what they meant to do; and for some time we thought

they were jesting with us; but they too soon let us know otherwise,

for they took our ventures immediately to a house hard by, and

adjoining the fort, while we followed all the way begging of them to

give us our fruits, but in vain. They not only refused to return them,

but swore at us, and threatened if we did not immediately depart they

would flog us well. We told them these three bags were all we were

worth in the world, and that we brought them with us to sell when we

came from Montserrat, and shewed them the vessel. But this was rather

against us, as they now saw we were strangers as well as slaves. They

still therefore swore, and desired us to be gone, and even took sticks

to beat us; while we, seeing they meant what they said, went off in

the greatest confusion and despair. Thus, in the very minute of

gaining more by three times than I ever did by any venture in my life

before, was I deprived of every farthing I was worth. An

insupportable misfortune! but how to help ourselves we knew not. In

our consternation we went to the commanding officer of the fort and

told him how we had been served by some of his people; but we obtained

not the least redress: he answered our complaints only by a volley of

imprecations against us, and immediately took a horse-whip, in order

to chastise us, so that we were obliged to turn out much faster than

we came in. I now, in the agony of distress and indignation, wished

that the ire of God in his forked lightning might transfix these cruel

oppressors among the dead. Still however we persevered; went back

again to the house, and begged and besought them again and again for

our fruits, till at last some other people that were in the house

asked if we would be contented if they kept one bag and gave us the

other two. We, seeing no remedy whatever, consented to this; and they,

observing one bag to have both kinds of fruit in it, which belonged to

my companion, kept that; and the other two, which were mine, they gave

us back. As soon as I got them, I ran as fast as I could, and got the

first negro man I could to help me off; my companion, however, stayed

a little longer to plead; he told them the bag they had was his, and

likewise all that he was worth in the world; but this was of no avail,

and he was obliged to return without it. The poor old man, wringing

his hands, cried bitterly for his loss; and, indeed, he then did look

up to God on high, which so moved me with pity for him, that I gave

him nearly one third of my fruits. We then proceeded to the markets to

sell them; and Providence was more favourable to us than we could have

expected, for we sold our fruits uncommonly well; I got for mine about

thirty-seven bits. Such a surprising reverse of fortune in so short a

space of time seemed like a dream to me, and proved no small

encouragement for me to trust the Lord in any situation. My captain

afterwards frequently used to take my part, and get me my right, when

I have been plundered or used ill by these tender Christian

depredators; among whom I have shuddered to observe the unceasing

blasphemous execrations which are wantonly thrown out by persons of

all ages and conditions, not only without occasion, but even as if

they were indulgences and pleasure.

At one of our trips to St. Kitt's I had eleven bits of my own; and my

friendly captain lent me five bits more, with which I bought a Bible.

I was very glad to get this book, which I scarcely could meet with any

where. I think there was none sold in Montserrat; and, much to my

grief, from being forced out of the Ætna in the manner I have related,

my Bible, and the Guide to the Indians, the two books I loved above

all others, were left behind.

While I was in this place, St. Kitt's, a very curious imposition on

human nature took place:--A white man wanted to marry in the church a

free black woman that had land and slaves in Montserrat: but the

clergyman told him it was against the law of the place to marry a

white and a black in the church. The man then asked to be married on

the water, to which the parson consented, and the two lovers went in

one boat, and the parson and clerk in another, and thus the ceremony

was performed. After this the loving pair came on board our vessel,

and my captain treated them extremely well, and brought them safe to

Montserrat.

The reader cannot but judge of the irksomeness of this situation to a

mind like mine, in being daily exposed to new hardships and

impositions, after having seen many better days, and having been as it

were in a state of freedom and plenty; added to which, every part of

the world I had hitherto been in seemed to me a paradise in comparison

of the West Indies. My mind was therefore hourly replete with

inventions and thoughts of being freed, and, if possible, by honest

and honourable means; for I always remembered the old adage; and I

trust it has ever been my ruling principle, that honesty is the best

policy; and likewise that other golden precept--to do unto all men as

I would they should do unto me. However, as I was from early years a

predestinarian, I thought whatever fate had determined must ever come

to pass; and therefore, if ever it were my lot to be freed nothing

could prevent me, although I should at present see no means or hope to

obtain my freedom; on the other hand, if it were my fate not to be

freed I never should be so, and all my endeavours for that purpose

would be fruitless. In the midst of these thoughts I therefore looked

up with prayers anxiously to God for my liberty; and at the same time

I used every honest means, and endeavoured all that was possible on

my part to obtain it. In process of time I became master of a few

pounds, and in a fair way of making more, which my friendly captain

knew very well; this occasioned him sometimes to take liberties with

me: but whenever he treated me waspishly I used plainly to tell him my

mind, and that I would die before I would be imposed on as other

negroes were, and that to me life had lost its relish when liberty was

gone. This I said although I foresaw my then well-being or future

hopes of freedom (humanly speaking) depended on this man. However, as

he could not bear the thoughts of my not sailing with him, he always

became mild on my threats. I therefore continued with him; and, from

my great attention to his orders and his business, I gained him

credit, and through his kindness to me I at last procured my liberty.

While I thus went on, filled with the thoughts of freedom, and

resisting oppression as well as I was able, my life hung daily in

suspense, particularly in the surfs I have formerly mentioned, as I

could not swim. These are extremely violent throughout the West

Indies, and I was ever exposed to their howling rage and devouring

fury in all the islands. I have seen them strike and toss a boat right

up an end, and maim several on board. Once in the Grenada islands,

when I and about eight others were pulling a large boat with two

puncheons of water in it, a surf struck us, and drove the boat and all

in it about half a stone's throw, among some trees, and above the high

water mark. We were obliged to get all the assistance we could from

the nearest estate to mend the boat, and launch it into the water

again. At Montserrat one night, in pressing hard to get off the shore

on board, the punt was overset with us four times; the first time I

was very near being drowned; however the jacket I had on kept me up

above water a little space of time, while I called on a man near me

who was a good swimmer, and told him I could not swim; he then made

haste to me, and, just as I was sinking, he caught hold of me, and

brought me to sounding, and then he went and brought the punt also. As

soon as we had turned the water out of her, lest we should be used ill

for being absent, we attempted again three times more, and as often

the horrid surfs served us as at first; but at last, the fifth time we

attempted, we gained our point, at the imminent hazard of our lives.

One day also, at Old Road in Montserrat, our captain, and three men

besides myself, were going in a large canoe in quest of rum and sugar,

when a single surf tossed the canoe an amazing distance from the

water, and some of us even a stone's throw from each other: most of us

were very much bruised; so that I and many more often said, and really

thought, that there was not such another place under the heavens as

this. I longed therefore much to leave it, and daily wished to see my

master's promise performed of going to Philadelphia. While we lay in

this place a very cruel thing happened on board of our sloop which

filled me with horror; though I found afterwards such practices were

frequent. There was a very clever and decent free young mulatto-man

who sailed a long time with us: he had a free woman for his wife, by

whom he had a child; and she was then living on shore, and all very

happy. Our captain and mate, and other people on board, and several

elsewhere, even the natives of Bermudas, all knew this young man from

a child that he was always free, and no one had ever claimed him as

their property: however, as might too often overcomes right in these

parts, it happened that a Bermudas captain, whose vessel lay there for

a few days in the road, came on board of us, and seeing the

mulatto-man, whose name was Joseph Clipson, he told him he was not

free, and that he had orders from his master to bring him to Bermudas.

The poor man could not believe the captain to be in earnest; but he

was very soon undeceived, his men laying violent hands on him: and

although he shewed a certificate of his being born free in St. Kitt's,

and most people on board knew that he served his time to boat

building, and always passed for a free man, yet he was taken forcibly

out of our vessel. He then asked to be carried ashore before the

secretary or magistrates, and these infernal invaders of human rights

promised him he should; but, instead of that, they carried him on

board of the other vessel: and the next day, without giving the poor

man any hearing on shore, or suffering him even to see his wife or

child, he was carried away, and probably doomed never more in this

world to see them again. Nor was this the only instance of this kind

of barbarity I was a witness to. I have since often seen in Jamaica

and other islands free men, whom I have known in America, thus

villainously trepanned and held in bondage. I have heard of two

similar practices even in Philadelphia: and were it not for the

benevolence of the quakers in that city many of the sable race, who

now breathe the air of liberty, would, I believe, be groaning indeed

under some planter's chains. These things opened my mind to a new

scene of horror to which I had been before a stranger. Hitherto I had

thought only slavery dreadful; but the state of a free negro appeared

to me now equally so at least, and in some respects even worse, for

they live in constant alarm for their liberty; and even this is but

nominal, for they are universally insulted and plundered without the

possibility of redress; for such is the equity of the West Indian

laws, that no free negro's evidence will be admitted in their courts

of justice. In this situation is it surprising that slaves, when

mildly treated, should prefer even the misery of slavery to such a

mockery of freedom? I was now completely disgusted with the West

Indies, and thought I never should be entirely free until I had left

them.

"With thoughts like these my anxious boding mind

Recall'd those pleasing scenes I left behind;

Scenes where fair Liberty in bright array

Makes darkness bright, and e'en illumines day;

Where nor complexion, wealth, or station, can

Protect the wretch who makes a slave of man."

I determined to make every exertion to obtain my freedom, and to

return to Old England. For this purpose I thought a knowledge of

navigation might be of use to me; for, though I did not intend to run

away unless I should be ill used, yet, in such a case, if I understood

navigation, I might attempt my escape in our sloop, which was one of

the swiftest sailing vessels in the West Indies, and I could be at no

loss for hands to join me: and if I should make this attempt, I had

intended to have gone for England; but this, as I said, was only to be

in the event of my meeting with any ill usage. I therefore employed

the mate of our vessel to teach me navigation, for which I agreed to

give him twenty-four dollars, and actually paid him part of the money

down; though when the captain, some time after, came to know that the

mate was to have such a sum for teaching me, he rebuked him, and said

it was a shame for him to take any money from me. However, my

progress in this useful art was much retarded by the constancy of our

work. Had I wished to run away I did not want opportunities, which

frequently presented themselves; and particularly at one time, soon

after this. When we were at the island of Gaurdeloupe there was a

large fleet of merchantmen bound for Old France; and, seamen then

being very scarce, they gave from fifteen to twenty pounds a man for

the run. Our mate, and all the white sailors, left our vessel on this

account, and went on board of the French ships. They would have had me

also to go with them, for they regarded me; and they swore to protect

me, if I would go: and, as the fleet was to sail the next day, I

really believe I could have got safe to Europe at that time. However,

as my master was kind, I would not attempt to leave him; and,

remembering the old maxim, that 'honesty is the best policy,' I

suffered them to go without me. Indeed my captain was much afraid of

my leaving him and the vessel at that time, as I had so fair an

opportunity: but, I thank God, this fidelity of mine turned out much

to my advantage hereafter, when I did not in the least think of it;

and made me so much in favour with the captain, that he used now and

then to teach me some parts of navigation himself: but some of our

passengers, and others, seeing this, found much fault with him for it,

saying it was a very dangerous thing to let a negro know navigation;

thus I was hindered again in my pursuits. About the latter end of the

year 1764 my master bought a larger sloop, called the Providence,

about seventy or eighty tons, of which my captain had the command. I

went with him into this vessel, and we took a load of new slaves for

Georgia and Charles Town. My master now left me entirely to the

captain, though he still wished for me to be with him; but I, who

always much wished to lose sight of the West Indies, was not a little

rejoiced at the thoughts of seeing any other country. Therefore,

relying on the goodness of my captain, I got ready all the little

venture I could; and, when the vessel was ready, we sailed, to my

great joy. When we got to our destined places, Georgia and Charles

Town, I expected I should have an opportunity of selling my little

property to advantage: but here, particularly in Charles Town, I met

with buyers, white men, who imposed on me as in other places.

Notwithstanding, I was resolved to have fortitude; thinking no lot or

trial is too hard when kind Heaven is the rewarder. We soon got loaded

again, and returned to Montserrat; and there, amongst the rest of the

islands, I sold my goods well; and in this manner I continued trading

during the year 1764; meeting with various scenes of imposition, as

usual. After this, my master fitted out his vessel for Philadelphia,

in the year 1765; and during the time we were loading her, and getting

ready for the voyage, I worked with redoubled alacrity, from the hope

of getting money enough by these voyages to buy my freedom in time, if

it should please God; and also to see the town of Philadelphia, which

I had heard a great deal about for some years past; besides which, I

had always longed to prove my master's promise the first day I came to

him. In the midst of these elevated ideas, and while I was about

getting my little merchandize in readiness, one Sunday my master sent

for me to his house. When I came there I found him and the captain

together; and, on my going in, I was struck with astonishment at his

telling me he heard that I meant to run away from him when I got to

Philadelphia: 'And therefore,' said he, 'I must sell you again: you

cost me a great deal of money, no less than forty pounds sterling; and

it will not do to lose so much. You are a valuable fellow,' continued

he; 'and I can get any day for you one hundred guineas, from many

gentlemen in this island.' And then he told me of Captain Doran's

brother-in-law, a severe master, who ever wanted to buy me to make me

his overseer. My captain also said he could get much more than a

hundred guineas for me in Carolina. This I knew to be a fact; for the

gentleman that wanted to buy me came off several times on board of us,

and spoke to me to live with him, and said he would use me well. When

I asked what work he would put me to he said, as I was a sailor, he

would make me a captain of one of his rice vessels. But I refused: and

fearing, at the same time, by a sudden turn I saw in the captain's

temper, he might mean to sell me, I told the gentleman I would not

live with him on any condition, and that I certainly would run away

with his vessel: but he said he did not fear that, as he would catch

me again; and then he told me how cruelly he would serve me if I

should do so. My captain, however, gave him to understand that I knew

something of navigation: so he thought better of it; and, to my great

joy, he went away. I now told my master I did not say I would run away

in Philadelphia; neither did I mean it, as he did not use me ill, nor

yet the captain: for if they did I certainly would have made some

attempts before now; but as I thought that if it were God's will I

ever should be freed it would be so, and, on the contrary, if it was

not his will it would not happen; so I hoped, if ever I were freed,

whilst I was used well, it should be by honest means; but, as I could

not help myself, he must do as he pleased; I could only hope and trust

to the God of Heaven; and at that instant my mind was big with

inventions and full of schemes to escape. I then appealed to the

captain whether he ever saw any sign of my making the least attempt to

run away; and asked him if I did not always come on board according to

the time for which he gave me liberty; and, more particularly, when

all our men left us at Gaurdeloupe and went on board of the French

fleet, and advised me to go with them, whether I might not, and that

he could not have got me again. To my no small surprise, and very

great joy, the captain confirmed every syllable that I had said: and

even more; for he said he had tried different times to see if I would

make any attempt of this kind, both at St. Eustatia and in America,

and he never found that I made the smallest; but, on the contrary, I

always came on board according to his orders; and he did really

believe, if I ever meant to run away, that, as I could never have had

a better opportunity, I would have done it the night the mate and all

the people left our vessel at Gaurdeloupe. The captain then informed

my master, who had been thus imposed on by our mate, though I did not

know who was my enemy, the reason the mate had for imposing this lie

upon him; which was, because I had acquainted the captain of the

provisions the mate had given away or taken out of the vessel. This

speech of the captain was like life to the dead to me, and instantly

my soul glorified God; and still more so on hearing my master

immediately say that I was a sensible fellow, and he never did intend

to use me as a common slave; and that but for the entreaties of the

captain, and his character of me, he would not have let me go from the

stores about as I had done; that also, in so doing, he thought by

carrying one little thing or other to different places to sell I might

make money. That he also intended to encourage me in this by crediting

me with half a puncheon of rum and half a hogshead of sugar at a time;

so that, from being careful, I might have money enough, in some time,

to purchase my freedom; and, when that was the case, I might depend

upon it he would let me have it for forty pounds sterling money, which

was only the same price he gave for me. This sound gladdened my poor

heart beyond measure; though indeed it was no more than the very idea

I had formed in my mind of my master long before, and I immediately

made him this reply: 'Sir, I always had that very thought of you,

indeed I had, and that made me so diligent in serving you.' He then

gave me a large piece of silver coin, such as I never had seen or had

before, and told me to get ready for the voyage, and he would credit

me with a tierce of sugar, and another of rum; he also said that he

had two amiable sisters in Philadelphia, from whom I might get some

necessary things. Upon this my noble captain desired me to go aboard;

and, knowing the African metal, he charged me not to say any thing of

this matter to any body; and he promised that the lying mate should

not go with him any more. This was a change indeed; in the same hour

to feel the most exquisite pain, and in the turn of a moment the

fullest joy. It caused in me such sensations as I was only able to

express in my looks; my heart was so overpowered with gratitude that I

could have kissed both of their feet. When I left the room I

immediately went, or rather flew, to the vessel, which being loaded,

my master, as good as his word, trusted me with a tierce of rum, and

another of sugar, when we sailed, and arrived safe at the elegant town

of Philadelphia. I soon sold my goods here pretty well; and in this

charming place I found every thing plentiful and cheap.

While I was in this place a very extraordinary occurrence befell me. I

had been told one evening of a _wise_ woman, a Mrs. Davis, who

revealed secrets, foretold events, &c. I put little faith in this

story at first, as I could not conceive that any mortal could foresee

the future disposals of Providence, nor did I believe in any other

revelation than that of the Holy Scriptures; however, I was greatly

astonished at seeing this woman in a dream that night, though a

person I never before beheld in my life; this made such an impression

on me, that I could not get the idea the next day out of my mind, and

I then became as anxious to see her as I was before indifferent;

accordingly in the evening, after we left off working, I inquired

where she lived, and being directed to her, to my inexpressible

surprise, beheld the very woman in the very same dress she appeared to

me to wear in the vision. She immediately told me I had dreamed of her

the preceding night; related to me many things that had happened with

a correctness that astonished me; and finally told me I should not be

long a slave: this was the more agreeable news, as I believed it the

more readily from her having so faithfully related the past incidents

of my life. She said I should be twice in very great danger of my life

within eighteen months, which, if I escaped, I should afterwards go on

well; so, giving me her blessing, we parted. After staying here some

time till our vessel was loaded, and I had bought in my little

traffic, we sailed from this agreeable spot for Montserrat, once more

to encounter the raging surfs.

We arrived safe at Montserrat, where we discharged our cargo; and soon

after that we took slaves on board for St. Eustatia, and from thence

to Georgia. I had always exerted myself and did double work, in order

to make our voyages as short as possible; and from thus over-working

myself while we were at Georgia I caught a fever and ague. I was very

ill for eleven days and near dying; eternity was now exceedingly

impressed on my mind, and I feared very much that awful event. I

prayed the Lord therefore to spare me; and I made a promise in my mind

to God, that I would be good if ever I should recover. At length, from

having an eminent doctor to attend me, I was restored again to health;

and soon after we got the vessel loaded, and set off for Montserrat.

During the passage, as I was perfectly restored, and had much business

of the vessel to mind, all my endeavours to keep up my integrity, and

perform my promise to God, began to fail; and, in spite of all I could

do, as we drew nearer and nearer to the islands, my resolutions more

and more declined, as if the very air of that country or climate

seemed fatal to piety. When we were safe arrived at Montserrat, and I

had got ashore, I forgot my former resolutions.--Alas! how prone is

the heart to leave that God it wishes to love! and how strongly do the

things of this world strike the senses and captivate the soul!--After

our vessel was discharged, we soon got her ready, and took in, as

usual, some of the poor oppressed natives of Africa, and other

negroes; we then set off again for Georgia and Charlestown. We arrived

at Georgia, and, having landed part of our cargo, proceeded to

Charlestown with the remainder. While we were there I saw the town

illuminated; the guns were fired, and bonfires and other

demonstrations of joy shewn, on account of the repeal of the stamp

act. Here I disposed of some goods on my own account; the white men

buying them with smooth promises and fair words, giving me however but

very indifferent payment. There was one gentleman particularly who

bought a puncheon of rum of me, which gave me a great deal of trouble;

and, although I used the interest of my friendly captain, I could not

obtain any thing for it; for, being a negro man, I could not oblige

him to pay me. This vexed me much, not knowing how to act; and I lost

some time in seeking after this Christian; and though, when the

Sabbath came (which the negroes usually make their holiday) I was much

inclined to go to public worship, I was obliged to hire some black men

to help to pull a boat across the water to God in quest of this

gentleman. When I found him, after much entreaty, both from myself and

my worthy captain, he at last paid me in dollars; some of them,

however, were copper, and of consequence of no value; but he took

advantage of my being a negro man, and obliged me to put up with those

or none, although I objected to them. Immediately after, as I was

trying to pass them in the market, amongst other white men, I was

abused for offering to pass bad coin; and, though I shewed them the

man I got them from, I was within one minute of being tied up and

flogged without either judge or jury; however, by the help of a good

pair of heels, I ran off, and so escaped the bastinadoes I should have

received. I got on board as fast as I could, but still continued in

fear of them until we sailed, which I thanked God we did not long

after; and I have never been amongst them since.

We soon came to Georgia, where we were to complete our lading; and

here worse fate than ever attended me: for one Sunday night, as I was

with some negroes in their master's yard in the town of Savannah, it

happened that their master, one Doctor Perkins, who was a very severe

and cruel man, came in drunk; and, not liking to see any strange

negroes in his yard, he and a ruffian of a white man he had in his

service beset me in an instant, and both of them struck me with the

first weapons they could get hold of. I cried out as long as I could

for help and mercy; but, though I gave a good account of myself, and

he knew my captain, who lodged hard by him, it was to no purpose. They

beat and mangled me in a shameful manner, leaving me near dead. I lost

so much blood from the wounds I received, that I lay quite motionless,

and was so benumbed that I could not feel any thing for many hours.

Early in the morning they took me away to the jail. As I did not

return to the ship all night, my captain, not knowing where I was, and

being uneasy that I did not then make my appearance, he made inquiry

after me; and, having found where I was, immediately came to me. As

soon as the good man saw me so cut and mangled, he could not forbear

weeping; he soon got me out of jail to his lodgings, and immediately

sent for the best doctors in the place, who at first declared it as

their opinion that I could not recover. My captain on this went to all

the lawyers in the town for their advice, but they told him they could

do nothing for me as I was a negro. He then went to Doctor Perkins,

the hero who had vanquished me, and menaced him, swearing he would be

revenged of him, and challenged him to fight.--But cowardice is ever

the companion of cruelty--and the Doctor refused. However, by the

skilfulness of one Doctor Brady of that place, I began at last to

amend; but, although I was so sore and bad with the wounds I had all

over me that I could not rest in any posture, yet I was in more pain

on account of the captain's uneasiness about me than I otherwise

should have been. The worthy man nursed and watched me all the hours

of the night; and I was, through his attention and that of the doctor,

able to get out of bed in about sixteen or eighteen days. All this

time I was very much wanted on board, as I used frequently to go up

and down the river for rafts, and other parts of our cargo, and stow

them when the mate was sick or absent. In about four weeks I was able

to go on duty; and in a fortnight after, having got in all our

lading, our vessel set sail for Montserrat; and in less than three

weeks we arrived there safe towards the end of the year. This ended my

adventures in 1764; for I did not leave Montserrat again till the

beginning of the following year.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

They ran the ship aground: and the fore part stuck fast, and

remained unmoveable, but the hinder part was broken with

the violence of the waves.

Acts xxvii. 41.

Howbeit, we must be cast upon a certain island;

Wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer: for I believe God, that it

shall be even as it was told me.

Acts xxvii. 26, 25.

Now a thing was secretly brought to me, and mine ear received

a little thereof.

In thoughts from the visions of the night, when deep sleep

falleth on men.

Job iv. 12, 13.

Lo, all these _things_ worketh God oftentimes with man,

To bring back his soul from the pit, to be enlightened with

the light of the living.

Job xxxiii. 29, 30.