CHAPTER X

1841

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_5th January 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for two very kind letters, of

the 26th December and 1st January, and for all your very kind and good

wishes. I am sorry to hear you have all been plagued with colds; we

have as yet escaped them, and I trust will continue to do so. I think,

dearest Uncle, you cannot _really_ wish me to be the "Mamma d'une

_nombreuse_ famille," for I think you will see with me the great

inconvenience a _large_ family would be to us all, and particularly to

the country, independent of the hardship and inconvenience to myself;

men never think, at least seldom think, what a hard task it is for us

women to go through this _very often_. God's will be done, and if He

decrees that we are to have a great number of children, why we must

try to bring them up as useful and exemplary members of society. Our

young lady flourishes exceedingly, and I hope the Van de Weyers (who

have been here for three days), who have seen her twice, will give you

a favourable description of her. I think you would be amused to see

Albert dancing her in his arms; he makes a capital nurse (which I do

not, and she is much too heavy for me to carry), and she already seems

so happy to go to him.

The christening will be at Buckingham Palace on the 10th of February,

our dear marriage-day.

Affairs are certainly still precarious, but I feel confident all will

come right....

Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _8th January 1841._

... I trust also that affairs will come right; what is to be feared

is the _chapter of accidents_. Your name bears glorious fruits in all

climes; this globe will soon be too small for you, and something must

be done to get at the other planets....

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S EDUCATION]

_Memorandum--Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _15th January 1841._

Lord Melbourne said, "The Prince is bored with the sameness of his

chess every evening. He would like to bring literary and scientific

people about the Court, vary the society, and infuse a more useful

tendency into it. The Queen however has no fancy to encourage such

people. This arises from a feeling on her part that her education has

not fitted her to take part in such conversation; she would not like

conversation to be going on in which she could not take her fair

share, and she is far too open and candid in her nature to pretend to

one atom more knowledge than she really possesses on such subjects;

and yet, as the world goes, she would, as any girl, have been

considered accomplished, for she speaks German well and writes it;

understands Italian, speaks French fluently, and writes it with great

elegance. In addition to this old Davys instilled some Latin into her

during his tutorship. The rest of her education she owes to her own

natural shrewdness and quickness, and this perhaps has not been the

proper education for one who was to wear the Crown of England.

"The Queen is very proud of the Prince's utter indifference to the

attractions of all ladies. I told Her Majesty that these were early

days to boast, which made her rather indignant. I think she is a

little jealous of his talking much even to men."

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S SPEECH]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_19th January 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just

received your Majesty's letter. Lord Melbourne is very sorry not

to come down to Windsor, but he really thinks that his absence from

London at this moment might be prejudicial.

Lord Melbourne will do his utmost to have the Speech worded in the

most calm manner, and so as in no respect to offend or irritate any

feelings. Some mention of the good conduct and gallantry of the Navy

there must be--to omit it would be injurious and disheartening--but as

to any expressions complimentary to France or expressive of regret

at our separation from it, it will be hardly possible to introduce

anything of that nature.[1] It is quite unusual in our Speeches from

the Throne to express either approbation or disapprobation of the

conduct of foreign nations and foreign Governments. It is surprising

how very seldom it has been done, and the wisdom and prudence of

abstaining from it is very manifest. It would be giving an opinion

upon that which does not belong to us. Anything which would have the

effect of producing satisfaction in France must be of an apologetic

character, which there is no ground for, and for which neither the

Government nor the country is prepared.

The best course will be a total reserve upon this head, certainly

abstaining from anything that can be in the slightest degree

offensive.

[Footnote 1: France was not mentioned, though the Convention

with the other Powers, and the naval operations in conjunction

with Austria, were referred to.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_22nd January 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty.

Lord Melbourne will be most happy to wait upon your Majesty on

Saturday and Sunday.

Lord Melbourne is very sorry that your Majesty is compelled to come to

London contrary to your inclinations; but Lord Melbourne much rejoices

that your Majesty expresses that reluctance, as there is no surer

sign of complete happiness and contentment in the married life than a

desire to remain quietly in the country, and there is nothing on the

earth Lord Melbourne desires more anxiously than the assurance of your

Majesty's happiness.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INFANCY]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _22nd January 1841._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I thank you very sincerely for your kind letter

of the 19th, which I hasten to answer. I should not have bored you by

my presence, but the act of the christening is, in my eyes, a sort of

closing of the first cyclus of your dear life. I was shooting at the

late Lord Craven's in Berkshire, when I received the messenger who

brought me the horrifying news of your poor father's deadly illness. I

hastened in bitter cold weather to Sidmouth, about two days before his

death. His affairs were so much deranged that your Mother would have

had no means even of leaving Sidmouth if I had not taken all this

under my care and management. That dreary journey, undertaken, I

think, on the 26th of January, in bitter cold and damp weather, I

shall not easily forget. I looked very sharp after the poor little

baby, then about eight months old. Arrived in London we were very

unkindly treated by George IV., _whose great wish was to get you and

your Mamma out of the country_, and I must say without my assistance

you could _not_ have remained.... I state these facts, because it is

useful to remember through what _difficulties_ and _hardships_ one

had to struggle. You will also remember that though there existed

the _possibility_ of your eventually succeeding to the Crown, that

possibility was very doubtful, the then Duchess of Clarence having

been confined after your Mother, and there being every reason to think

that, though poor little Princess Elizabeth did not live more than

some months, other children might appear.[2]

It was a long time from 1820 to 1837! We got over it, however, and, as

far as you are concerned, God be praised! safely and happily. You are

married, with every prospect of many happy years to come, and your

happiness is _crowned_, and _consolidated_, as it were, by the birth

of the dear little lady. Having from motives of discretion, perhaps

_carried even too far_, not assisted at your coming to the throne,

nor at your Coronation, nor afterwards at your marriage, I wished to

assist at the christening of the little Princess, an event which is of

great importance....

[Footnote 2: Two children were born to the Duke and Duchess of

Clarence--Charlotte Augusta Louisa, born and died 29th March

1819, and Elizabeth Georgina Adelaide, born 10th December

1820, and died 4th March 1821.]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON TERRACE, _1st February 1841._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in

submitting this letter from Earl Granville, which coupled with the

despatches from Sir Robert Stopford virtually show that the Turkish

Question is brought to a close, begs most humbly to congratulate your

Majesty upon this rapid and peaceful settlement of a matter which at

different periods has assumed appearances so threatening to the peace

of Europe.[3]

[Footnote 3: See _ante_, pp. 252, 254.

(Ch. IX, Footnote 58; Intro. Note to Ch. X)]

[Pageheading: ILLNESS OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_2nd February 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord

Melbourne will be happy to wait upon your Majesty on Thursday,

Saturday and Sunday, but he finds that there is to be a Cabinet dinner

to-morrow.

Lord Melbourne will speak to Lord Palmerston about Lord John Russell.

Lord Melbourne does not see the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury

as a subscriber to this "Parker" Society, and if your Majesty will

give him leave, he will ask him about it before he gives your Majesty

an answer. It is in some degree a party measure, and levelled against

these new Oxford doctrines. The proposal is to republish the works of

the older divines up to the time of the death of Queen Elizabeth. Up

to that period the doctrines of the Church of England were decidedly

Calvinistic. During the reign of James II.,[4] and particularly after

the Synod of Dort (1618-1619), the English clergy very generally

adopted _Arminian_ opinions.

It is proposed to republish the works of the divines who wrote during

the first period, and to stop short when they come to the second.

There is meaning in this. But, after all, the object is not a bad one,

and it may not be worth while to consider it so closely.

[Footnote 4: Lord Melbourne must have meant James I.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_5th February 1841 (6 o'clock)._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is very

sorry to have to acquaint your Majesty that the Duke of Wellington was

taken ill in the House of Lords this evening with a seizure, probably

paralytic, and of the same nature with those which he has had before.

Lord Brougham, who was standing opposite to the Duke and addressing

the House, observed the Duke's face to be drawn and distorted, and

soon afterwards the Duke rose from his seat and walked staggeringly

towards the door. He walked down the gallery, supported on each side,

but never spoke. A medical man was procured to attend him; he was

placed in his carriage and driven home....

[Pageheading: THE UNITED STATES]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

_6th March 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has

the honour to state that the remainder of the Navy Estimates, and

nearly the whole of the Army Estimates, were voted last night without

any serious opposition. Indeed the chief fault found with the Army

Estimates was that they are not large enough.

Sir Robert Peel made a remarkable speech. Adverting to the present

state of our affairs with the United States,[5] he said that much

as he disliked war, yet if the honour or interests of the country

required it, he should sink all internal differences, and give his

best support to the Government of his country.

This declaration was received with loud cheers. It must be considered

as very creditable to Sir Robert Peel.

[Footnote 5: _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_, p. 254.

(Intro Note to Ch. X)]

[Pageheading: CHINA]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _10th April 1841._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and

has the honour to submit the accompanying letters, which he received

yesterday, about the operations in China, and which have just

been returned to him by Viscount Melbourne, whose letter he also

transmits.[6]

Viscount Palmerston has felt greatly mortified and disappointed at

this result of the expedition to China, and he much fears that the

sequel of the negotiation, which was to follow the conclusion of these

preliminary conditions, will not tend to render the arrangement less

objectionable. Captain Elliot seems to have wholly disregarded the

instructions which had been sent to him, and even when, by the entire

success of the operations of the Fleet, he was in a condition to

dictate his own terms, he seems to have agreed to very inadequate

conditions.[7] The amount of compensation for the opium surrendered

falls short of the value of that opium, and nothing has been obtained

for the expenses of the expedition, nor for the debts of the bankrupt

Hong[8] merchants. The securities which the plenipotentiaries were

expressly ordered to obtain for British residents in China have been

abandoned; and the Island of Chusan which they were specifically

informed was to be retained till the whole of the pecuniary

compensation should have been paid, has been hastily and discreditably

evacuated. Even the cession of Hong Kong has been coupled with a

condition about the payment of duties, which would render that island

not a possession of the British Crown, but, like Macao, a settlement

held by sufferance in the territory of the Crown of China.

Viscount Palmerston deems it his duty in laying these papers before

your Majesty, to state some few of the objections which he feels to

the arrangement, but the Cabinet will have to consider, as soon as

they meet after the Recess, what advice they may wish humbly to tender

to your Majesty upon these important matters. There is no doubt,

however, that much has been accomplished, but it is very mortifying

to find that other things which the plenipotentiaries were ordered

to obtain, and which the force placed at their command was amply

sufficient to enable them to accomplish, have not been attained.

Viscount Palmerston has sent a small map of the Canton River, which

your Majesty may like to keep for future reference.

[Footnote 6: Captain Elliot, after capturing the Chinese

position at the mouth of Canton River, concluded a preliminary

treaty with the Chinese Government, which did not satisfy the

Chinese, and which was strongly disapproved of by the English

Ministry, as containing no mention of the opium traffic,

which had been the cause of all the difficulties; Elliot was

accordingly recalled, and succeeded by Sir Henry Pottinger.]

[Footnote 7: They were the cession of Hong-Kong, and payment

of an indemnity of 6,000,000 dollars to Great Britain,

with provision for commercial facilities and collection of

customs.]

[Footnote 8: The native Canton merchants,--Hong here probably

meaning a "row of houses," a "street." Hong Kong (Hiang Kiang)

means the "fragrant lagoon."]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_13th April 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you much for your kind letter of the 9th,

received yesterday. I have just heard from Stockmar (who, I hope,

reported favourably of us all) that your Ministry is at _last_

settled, of which I wish you joy. I think, dear Uncle, that you would

find the East not only as "absurd" as the West, but very barbarous,

cruel, and dangerous into the bargain.

The Chinese business vexes us much, and Palmerston is deeply mortified

at it. _All_ we wanted might have been got, if it had not been for

the unaccountably strange conduct of Charles Elliot (_not Admiral_

Elliot,[9] for _he_ was obliged to come away from ill-health), who

completely disobeyed his instructions and _tried_ to get the _lowest_

terms he could.... The attack and storming of the Chorempee Forts on

the 7th of January was very gallantly done by the Marines, and immense

destruction of the Chinese took place.[10] The accounts of the cruelty

of the Chinese to one another are horrible. Albert is so much amused

at my having got the Island of Hong Kong, and we think Victoria ought

to be called Princess of Hong Kong in addition to Princess Royal.

She drives out every day in a close carriage with the window open,

since she has been here, which does her worlds of good, and she is to

have a _walk_ to-day.

Stockmar writes me word that Charlotte[11] is quite beautiful. _I_ am

very jealous.

I think Vecto quite right not to travel without Nemours; for it would

look just as if she was unhappy, and ran to her parents for help. I

am sure _if_ Albert ever should be away (which, however, _will_ and

_shall never_ happen, for I would go with him even if he was to go

to the _North Pole_), I should never think of travelling; but I can't

make mamma understand this. Now farewell. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 9: They were both cousins of Lord Minto, the First

Lord of the Admiralty.]

[Footnote 10: Commodore Bremer very speedily reduced some of

the forts, but his further operations were stopped.]

[Footnote 11: Daughter of King Leopold, who married in

1857 the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria (afterwards Emperor

Maximilian of Mexico).]

[Pageheading: LORD CARDIGAN]

[Pageheading: ARMY DISCIPLINE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_24th April 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Mr

Labouchere[12] has desired that the five-pound piece which is about

to be issued from the Mint should be submitted for your Majesty's

inspection and approbation.

We have had under our consideration at the Cabinet the unfortunate

subject of the conduct of Lord Cardigan.[13] The public feeling upon

it is very strong, and it is almost certain that a Motion will be made

in the House of Commons for an Address praying your Majesty to remove

him from the command of his regiment. Such a Motion, if made, there is

very little chance of resisting with success, and nothing is more to

be apprehended and deprecated than such an interference of the House

of Commons with the interior discipline and government of the Army.

It was also felt that the general order issued by the Horse Guards

was not sufficient to meet the case, and in these circumstances it was

thought proper that Lord Melbourne should see Lord Hill, and should

express to him the opinion of the Cabinet, that it was necessary that

he should advise your Majesty to take such measures as should have the

effect of removing Lord Cardigan from the command of the 11th Hussars.

The repeated acts of imprudence of which Lord Cardigan has been

guilty, and the repeated censures which he has drawn down upon

himself, form a ground amply sufficient for such a proceeding, and

indeed seem imperiously to demand it.[14]

Lord Melbourne has seen Lord Hill and made to him this communication,

and has left it for his consideration. Lord Hill is deeply chagrined

and annoyed, but will consider the matter and confer again with Lord

Melbourne upon it to-morrow.

[Footnote 12: President of the Board of Trade, afterwards

created Lord Taunton.]

[Footnote 13: "Within the space of a single twelvemonth, one

of his [Lord Cardigan's] captains was cashiered for writing

him a challenge; he sent a coarse and insulting verbal message

to another, and then punished him with prolonged arrest,

because he respectfully refused to shake hands with the

officer who had been employed to convey the affront; he fought

a duel with a lieutenant who had left the corps, and shot him

through the body; and he flogged a soldier on Sunday, between

the Services, on the very spot where, half an hour before, the

man's comrades had been mustered for public worship."--SIR G.

TREVELYAN, _Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay_, chap. viii.]

[Footnote 14: In February he had been acquitted on technical

grounds by the House of Lords of shooting a Captain Harvey

Garnett Phipps Tuckett. He had accused Tuckett of being the

author of letters which had appeared in the papers reflecting

on his character; a duel on Wimbledon Common followed, and

Tuckett was wounded. The evidence, consisting in part of a

visiting card, showed that a Captain Harvey Tuckett had

been wounded, which was held to be insufficient evidence of

identity.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_25th April 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is most

anxious upon all subjects to be put in possession of Your Majesty's

full and entire opinions. It is true that this question may materially

affect the discipline of the Army, by subjecting the interior

management of regiments to be brought continually under the inspection

and control of the House of Commons upon complaints of officers

against their superiors, or even of private men against the officers.

The danger of the whole of Lord Cardigan's proceedings has been lest

a precedent of this nature should arise out of them. The question is

whether it is not more prudent to prevent a question being brought

forward in the House of Commons, than to wait for it with the

certainty of being obliged to yield to it or of being overpowered by

it. But of course this cannot be done unless it is consistent with

justice and with the usage and prestige of the Service.

Lord Melbourne has desired the Cabinet Ministers to assemble here

to-day at four o'clock, in order to consider the subject. Lord

Melbourne has seen Lord Hill again this morning, and Lord Hill has

seen and consulted the Duke of Wellington, who has stated his opinion

very fully.

The opinion of the Duke is that the Punishment on Sunday was a great

impropriety and indiscretion upon the part of Lord Cardigan, but not a

Military offence, nor a breach of the Mutiny Act or of the Articles of

War; that it called for the censure of the Commander-in-Chief, which

censure was pronounced by the General Order upon which the Duke was

consulted before it was issued, and that according to the usage of the

Service no further step can be taken by the Military Authorities. This

opinion Lord Melbourne will submit to-day to the Cabinet Ministers.

Lord Melbourne perceives that he has unintentionally written upon

two sheets of paper, which he hopes will cause your Majesty no

inconvenience.

[Pageheading: THE NOTTINGHAM ELECTION]

_Lord Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _28th April 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has

himself seen the result of the election at Nottingham[15] without the

least surprise, from his knowledge of the place and his observation of

the circumstances of the contest. What John Russell reported to your

Majesty was the opinion of those who act for us in that place, but as

soon as Lord Melbourne saw that there was a disposition upon the part

of the violent party, Radicals, Chartists, and what not, to support

the Tory candidate, he knew that the contest was formidable and

dubious. The Tory party is very strong, naturally, at Nottingham,

and if it received any accession of strength, was almost certain to

prevail. This combination, or rather this accession of one party to

the Tories, which has taken place at Nottingham, is very likely, and

in Lord Melbourne's opinion almost certain, to take place in many

other parts of the country in the case of a general election, and

forms very serious matter for consideration as to the prudence of

taking such a step as a dissolution of the Parliament.

Lord Melbourne will wait upon your Majesty after the Levée. It

signifies not how late, as there is no House of Lords.

[Footnote 15: Where Mr Walter, a Tory, was elected with a

majority of 238.]

[Pageheading: THE BUDGET]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _1st May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has

the honour to report that Mr Baring yesterday brought forward the

Budget in a remarkably clear and forcible speech.

The changes in the duties on Sugar and Timber,[16] and the

announcement made by Lord John Russell of a proposal for a fixed duty

on Corn, seemed to surprise and irritate the Opposition.

Sir Robert Peel refused to give any opinion on these propositions, and

satisfied himself with attacking the Government on the state of the

finances.

The supporters of the Government were greatly pleased with Mr Baring's

plan, and loud in their cheers.

It is the general opinion that Lord Stanley will not proceed with his

Bill,[17] and there seems little doubt of this fact.

But the two parties are now evenly balanced, and the absence or

defection of some two or three of the Ministerial party may at any

time leave the Government in a minority.

[Footnote 16: The proposals were to increase the duty on

colonial timber from 10_s._ to 20_s._ a load, reducing it on

foreign timber from 55_s._ to 50_s._, to leave the duty on

colonial sugar unloaded at 24_s._ a cwt., reducing that on

foreign sugar from 63_s._ to 36_s._ a cwt.]

[Footnote 17: On Irish Registration.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_3rd May 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We decided at

the Cabinet on Friday that we could not sanction the agreement which

Captain Elliot has probably by this time concluded with the Government

of China, but that it would be necessary to demand a larger amount of

indemnity for the past injury, and also a more complete security for

our trade in future. For this purpose it was determined to send out

instructions, in case the armament should not have left the Chinese

coasts and have been dispersed, to reoccupy the Island of Chusan,[18]

a measure which appears to have had a great effect upon the minds

of the Chinese Government. It was also determined to recall Captain

Elliot, and to send out as soon as possible another officer with

full instructions from hence as to the views and intentions of your

Majesty's Government. Sir Henry Pottinger,[19] an officer in the East

India Company's Service, much distinguished in the recent operations

in Afghanistan, is designated with your Majesty's approbation for this

service, which he has signified his willingness to undertake. It was

also thought that it would be proper to entrust Lord Auckland[20]

with general discretionary powers as to the further conduct of the

expedition. These determinations Lord Melbourne hopes that your

Majesty will approve.

Lord John Russell informed Lord Melbourne yesterday that he knew that

it was not the intention of the Opposition to press Lord Stanley's

Bill; but it is not to be expected in the present position of affairs

that they will not determine upon taking some decisive and united

measure in advance.

In the present state of public measures and of public feeling, when

debate may arise at any moment, it would not be fitting for Lord

Melbourne to absent himself on any sitting day from the House of

Lords. But unless there should be anything so urgent as to prevent

him, he will come down after the House on Tuesday evening and stay

until Thursday morning.

Fanny is highly delighted and immeasurably grateful for your Majesty's

offer of the Lodge in Richmond Park, and most desirous to avail

herself of your Majesty's kindness, and so is Jocelyn. Lord Melbourne

has little doubt that they will thankfully accept it.[21]

[Footnote 18: The Island of Chusan, off the coast of China,

had been occupied in July 1840 as a base of operations, but

evacuated by Elliot in 1841. It was retaken in September 1841,

after Elliot's recall, by Sir Henry Pottinger.]

[Footnote 19: He had served in the Mahratta War, and been

political agent in Scinde.]

[Footnote 20: Governor-General of India.]

[Footnote 21: Lady Fanny Cowper, Lord Melbourne's niece, was

married to Lord Jocelyn on 27th April.]

[Pageheading: CHRISTENING OF COMTE DE PARIS]

_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

PARIS, _3rd May 1841._

MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--As you know surely already, the day of yesterday

went off very well. The christening[22] was very splendid, the weather

beautiful, and everything extremely well managed.... The arrival

at Notre-Dame, and the _coup d'[oe]il_ of the old church, all hung

interiorly with crimson velvet draperies and trophies of flags, was

very splendid. There was in the church three rows _de tribunes_ all

full of well-dressed people. _Les grands corps de l'État étaient

rangés de chaque côté et dans le ch[oe]ur; l'Autel était placé au

centre de l'église. Les cardinaux et tout le clergé étaient alentour._

When my father arrived, the Archbishop of Paris received him at the

door of the church, and we all walked in state. My father _ouvrait la

marche_ with the Queen. _Prie-dieu_ and chairs were disposed for us

_en demi-cercle_ before the altar, or rather before the baptismal

font, which was placed in front of it, in the very middle of the

Church. My father and mother stood in the centre of the row near each

other. Your uncle, Chartres, and all the Princes followed on the

side of my father, and the princesses on the side of my mother. Paris

remained with Hélène till the moment of the christening. When the

ceremony began he advanced near the font with my father and mother

(sponsors), and was taken up in the arms of his nurse. After the

christening a Mass and _Te Deum_ were read, and when we came back to

the Tuileries the _corps municipal_ brought the sword which the City

of Paris has given to the Comte de Paris....

[Footnote 22: Of the Comte de Paris, at this time nearly three

years old, son of the Duc d'Orléans.]

[Pageheading: THE SUGAR DUTIES]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _4th May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has

the honour to report that Lord Stanley yesterday postponed his Bill

for a fortnight, which at this period of the year is equivalent to its

abandonment.

On the other hand, Lord Sandon gave a notice for Friday for a

Resolution on Sugar Duties.

If, as is probable, this Motion is made as a party movement, it is

probable that, with the addition of those on the Ministerial side who

have an interest in the West Indies, the Motion will be successful.

The whole scheme of finance for the year will thus be overturned.

The Tory party seem to expect a dissolution of Parliament, but your

Majesty's advisers will hardly be able to recommend to your Majesty

such a step.

The cry against the Poor Law is sure to be taken up by the worst

politicians of the Tory party, and, as at Nottingham, may be

successful against that most useful law.

The friends of Government who represent counties will be taunted with

the proposal to alter the Corn Law.

Bribery is sure to be resorted to beyond anything yet seen.

A defeat of the Ministry on a dissolution would be final and

irreparable.

On the other hand, their successors in the Government would have to

provide for the excess in the expenditure pledged against the best

measures that could be resorted to for the purpose. It would be a

difficulty of their own seeking, and their want of candour and justice

to their opponents would be the cause of their own embarrassments.

The moment is a very important one, and the consequences of the vote

of Friday, or probably Monday, cannot fail to be serious.

[Pageheading: A MINISTERIAL CRISIS]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

_"The Ministry in jeopardy." (Heading in the Prince Albert's hand.)_

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th May 1841._

Lord Melbourne came down from town after the House of Lords. I went

with him to his room for an hour after the Queen had retired. He said

the main struggle would take place on the Sugar Duties on Friday. His

impression was that the Government would be beat, and he must then

decide whether to go out or dissolve. He leaned to the former. I said,

"I trusted he would not dissolve unless he thought there was some

prospect of increasing his strength, and begged him to remember what

was done would not be considered the act of the Government but that of

himself and the Queen, and that he individually would be held as the

responsible person."

He said he had not written to the Queen to prepare H.M. for coming

events and the course that it would be incumbent upon her to take, for

he felt it extremely difficult and delicate, especially as to the use

she should make of the Prince, and of her mode of communication when

she required it with Lord Melbourne. He thought she ought never to ask

his advice direct, but if she required his opinion there would be no

objection to her obtaining it through the Prince.

He said H.M. had relied so implicitly upon him upon all affairs, that

he felt that she required in this emergency advice upon almost every

subject. That he would tell H.M. that she must carefully abstain from

playing the same part she did, again, on Sir R. Peel's attempt to form

a Ministry, for that nothing but the forbearance of the Tories had

enabled himself and his colleagues to support H.M. at that time. He

feared Peel's doggedness and pertinacity might make him insist, as a

point of honour, on having all discretion granted to him in regard

to the removal of Ladies. I told him of the Prince's suggestion that

before the Queen saw Sir R. Peel some negotiation might be entered

into with Sir Robert, so that the subject might be avoided by mutual

consent, the terms of which might be that Sir Robert should give up

his demand to extort the principle. The Queen, on the other hand,

should require the resignation of those Ladies objected to by Sir

Robert. Lord Melbourne said, however, that the Prince must not have

personal communication with Sir Robert on this subject, but he thought

that I might through the medium of a common friend.

[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S ADVICE]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th May 1841._

Saw Lord Melbourne after his interview this morning with the Queen. He

says Her Majesty was perfectly calm and reasonable, and seemed quite

prepared for the resignation of the Government. He said she was

prepared to give way upon the Ladies if required, but much wished

that that point might be previously settled by negotiation with Sir R.

Peel, to avoid any discussion or difference. Lord Melbourne thinks I

might do this. He would also like Peel to be cautioned not to press

Her Majesty to decide hastily, but to give Her Majesty time, and that

he should feel that if he acted fairly he would be met in the same

spirit by the Queen.

With regard to future communication with Lord Melbourne, the Queen

said she did not mean that a change should exclude her from Lord

Melbourne's society, and when Lord Melbourne said that in society Her

Majesty could not procure Lord Melbourne's opinion upon any subject,

and suggested that that should be obtained through the Prince, Her

Majesty said that that could pass in writing under cover to me, but

that she must communicate direct.

The Queen, he says, leans to sending for the Duke of Wellington. Lord

Melbourne advised that Her Majesty should make up her mind at once to

send for Sir Robert. He told me that it would not be without precedent

to send for both at once; this it appears to me would obviate every

objection. The Queen, he thinks, has a perfect right to exercise her

judgment upon the selection of all persons recommended to Her Majesty

for Household appointments, both as to liking, but chiefly as to their

character and as to the character of the husband or wife of the person

selected. He would advise the Queen to adopt the course which King

William did with Lord Melbourne in 1835, viz. desiring Lord Melbourne,

before His Majesty approved of any appointments, to send a list of

those proposed even to the members of every Board, and the King having

them all before him expressed his objections to certain persons, which

Lord Melbourne yielded to.

Told Lord Melbourne that the Prince wished him to impress upon the

Queen's mind not to act upon the approaching crisis without the

Prince, because she would not be able to go through difficulties by

herself, and the Prince would not be able to help her when he was

ignorant of the considerations which had influenced her actions. He

would wish Lord Melbourne when with the Queen to call in the Prince,

in order that they might both be set right upon Lord Melbourne's

opinions, that he might express in the presence of each other his

views, in order that he should not convey different impressions by

speaking to them separately, so that _they_ might act in concert.

The Prince says the Queen always sees what is right at a glance, but

if her feelings run contrary she avoids the Prince's arguments, which

she feels sure agree with her own, and seeks arguments to support her

wishes against her convictions from other people.

[Pageheading: DISSOLUTION OR RESIGNATION]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _7th May 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and laments

much the prospect that lies before us, more especially as it is so

repugnant to your Majesty's feelings. Your Majesty has often observed

that these events must come in the course of affairs at some moment or

another, but Lord Melbourne knows not whether it is much consolation

to reflect that what is very disagreeable is also natural and

unavoidable. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty will

consider the situation calmly and impartially, will do that which

shall appear the best for your own interests and those of the country,

which are identical.

Everything shall be done that can be; the questions which may arise

shall be considered well, and upon as full information as can be

obtained. But Lord Melbourne has little to add to what he wrote to

your Majesty yesterday. So many interests are affected by this Sugar

question, the West Indian, the East Indian, the opponents of Slavery

and others, that no small number of our supporters will be induced

either to stay away or to vote against us, and this must place us in

a minority upon the main points of our Budget. In this we can hardly

acquiesce, nor can we adopt a different policy and propose other

taxes, when in our opinion the necessary revenue can be raised without

imposing them. This state of things imposes upon us the alternative

of dissolution or of resignation, and to try the former without

succeeding in it would be to place both your Majesty and ourselves in

a worse situation than that in which we are at present.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _8th May 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We have been

considering this question of dissolution at the Cabinet, and we have

had before us a general statement of the public returns for England

and Wales. It is not very favourable, but Lord Melbourne fears that it

is more favourable than the reality would prove. The Chancellor,[23]

Palmerston, and Hobhouse are strongly for dissolution, but the opinion

of the majority is the other way, and in that opinion Lord Melbourne

is strongly inclined to agree.

Lord Melbourne will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty

to-morrow at three.

[Footnote 23: The Earl of Cottenham.]

[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

NOTES UPON AN INTERVIEW WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL (NO. 1).[24]

_9th May 1841._

Told Sir Robert that I had wished to have sought him through the

medium of a common friend, which would have given him a greater

confidence than I had now a right to expect at his hands, but I

felt upon so delicate a mission it was safer, and would be more in

accordance with his wishes, to come direct.

That the Prince had sent me to him, with the object of removing

difficulties upon his coming into office.

That Her Majesty was anxious that the question of the removal of the

Ladies of the Bedchamber should not be revived, and would wish that

in any personal communication with Sir Robert this question might be

avoided.

That it might be arranged that if Sir Robert would not insist upon

carrying out his principle, Her Majesty might procure the resignation

of any Ladies whom Sir Robert might object to; that I thought there

might be a disposition to yield to the removal of the Mistress of the

Robes, Lady Normanby, and the Duchess of Bedford, as being connected

with leading political persons in Government.

Endeavoured to impress upon Sir Robert that if he acts fairly and

kindly towards the Queen, he will be met in the same spirit.

Sir Robert said he had considered the probable object of my interview,

and thought, from my former position with Lord Melbourne, that Lord

Melbourne would be aware of my coming. He must be assured of this

before he could speak confidentially to me.

Upon this I admitted that Lord Melbourne had knowledge of my

intention, but that I was not authorised to say that he had.

Sir Robert said, "I shall put aside all form, and treat you frankly

and confidentially. You may depend upon every word you say being held

as sacred. No part, without further permission, shall be mentioned

even to the Duke, much less to any of my other colleagues.

"_I would waive every pretension to office, I declare to God! sooner

than that my acceptance of it should be attended with any personal

humiliation to the Queen._"

He thought that giving in the names of those Ladies whom he considered

obnoxious was an offensive course towards the Queen.

For the sake of office, which he did not covet, he could not concede

any constitutional principle, but it was not necessary that that

principle should be mooted.

"It would be repulsive to my feelings that Her Majesty should part

with any of her Ladies, as the _result of a forced stipulation on my

part_; in a party sense it would doubtless be advantageous to me to

say that I had demanded from the Queen, and the Queen had conceded to

me the appointments of these three Ladies."

The mode he would like, and which he considered as least objectionable

for Her Majesty, was for Her Majesty to say to him, "There is no

occasion to revive this constitutional question, as those ladies

immediately connected with prominent members of the Administration

have sent in their resignation."

The vacancies existing before Sir Robert Peel sees Her Majesty, there

is no necessity for discussion.

On the one hand, by this means, there was less appearance of insult to

the Queen, and on the other, there was no appearance of concession of

principle upon his.

Sir Robert was ready to make any personal sacrifice for Her Majesty's

comfort, except that of his honour. "Can the Queen for an instant

suppose that I would permit my party to urge me on to insist upon

anything incompatible with Her Majesty's dignity, which it would be my

great aim and honour to defend?"

[This was his indignant reply to my remark upon the rumours that his

party would press him to coerce and subdue Her Majesty.]

Sir Robert thinks it better for the Queen to avoid anything in the

shape of a stipulation. He would like what he would have done upon

a former occasion (and upon which, on the honour of a gentleman, his

views had undergone no change) to be taken as a test of what he would

be ready to concede to.

Nothing but misconception, he said, could in his opinion have led

to failure before. "_Had the Queen told me_" (after the question

was mooted, which it never need have been) "_that those three

ladies immediately connected with the Government had tendered their

resignation, I should have been perfectly satisfied_, and should have

consulted the Queen's feelings in replacing them."

Sir Robert said this conversation shall remain sacred, and to all

effect, as if it had never happened, until he saw me again to-morrow

morning.

There is nothing said, he added, which in any way pledges or

compromises the Queen, the Prince, or Lord Melbourne.

[Footnote 24: See Parker's _Sir Robert Peel_, vol. ii. p. 455,

_et seq._, where Peel's memorandum of the interview is set

out.]

[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]

[Pageheading: HOUSEHOLD APPOINTMENTS]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

INTERVIEW WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL (No. 2).

_10th May 1841._

Peel said: "It is essential to my position with the Queen that Her

Majesty should understand that I have the feelings of a gentleman, and

where my duty does not interfere, I cannot act against her wishes.

Her Majesty doubtless knows how pressed I am as the head of a powerful

party, but the impression I wish to create in Her Majesty's mind is,

that I am bound to defend her against their encroachments."

In regard to Household appointments the holders of which are not in

Parliament, he had not considered the question, but in the meantime he

would in no way commit himself to anyone, or to any understanding

upon the subject, without previous communication. He had no personal

objects to serve, and the Queen's wishes would always be consulted.

He again repeated, that if the Queen's personal feelings would suffer

less by forming an Administration to his exclusion, he should not be

offended. Private life satisfied him, and he had no ambition beyond

it.

Lord Melbourne might rest assured that _he_ fully appreciated his aim,

that his only object was to do that which was most for Her Majesty's

advantage, and no human being should know that he was privy to

this overture. Lord Melbourne might depend upon his honour. If Lord

Melbourne was pressed to a dissolution he should still feel the same

impression of Lord Melbourne's conduct, that it was honourable and

straightforward.

He wished the Prince to send him a list of those Ladies whom it would

be agreeable to Her Majesty to have in her Household. Sir Robert must

propose it to the Ladies, but will be entirely guided by Her Majesty's

wishes. There should be no appearance that Her Majesty has any

understanding, as he was bound to his party to make it appear that the

appointments emanated from himself.[25]

[Footnote 25: There was a further interview on the following

day at which various detailed points were arranged.]

_Memorandum by the Queen._

_11th May 1841._

The Queen considers it her right (and is aware that her predecessors

were peculiarly tenacious of this right) to appoint her Household.

She, however, gives up the great officers of State and those of

her Lords-in-Waiting, Equerries, and Grooms-in-Waiting, who are _in

Parliament_, to the appointment of the Prime Minister, subject to her

approval.

The Queen has _always_ appointed her _Ladies of the Bedchamber

herself_, but has generally mentioned their names to the Prime

Minister before appointing them, in order to leave him room for

objection in case he should deem their appointment injurious to his

Government, when the Queen would probably not appoint the Lady.

The Maids of Honour and Women of the Bedchamber are of course not

included amongst those who are mentioned to the Prime Minister before

their appointment, but are at once appointed by the Queen.

[Pageheading: PRESSURE OF BUSINESS]

_Extract from the Queen's Journal._

_Wednesday, 12th May 1841._

"At seven minutes to five Lord Melbourne came to me and stayed till

half-past five. He gave me the copies of Anson's conversations with

Peel. Lord Melbourne then gave me a letter from the Chancellor to

read, strongly advocating a dissolution, and wishing that there should

be a division also on Lord John Russell's amendment.[26]

"Lord Melbourne left the letter with me. The first part of the letter,

relative to Lord John's amendment, we think good, but the other

part we can't quite agree in. 'There is to be a Cabinet to-morrow

to consider what is to be done,' said Lord Melbourne, 'for the

Chancellor's opinion must be considered. There is a preferment amongst

our people for dissolution,' Lord M. added. The feeling in the country

good. I asked Lord M., 'Must they resign directly, the next day, after

the division (if they intended resigning)?' 'Why,' he said, 'it was

awkward _not_ to do so if Parliament was sitting; if the division were

only to take place on Friday, then they needn't announce it till Monday,'

which we hope will be the case, as we agreed it wouldn't do for me to

have a ball the day Lord M. had resigned, and before I had sent for

anybody else, and therefore I hoped that it could be managed that the

division did not take place till Friday. Lord M. said that in case they

resigned, he wished Vernon Smith[27] to be made a Privy Councillor; the

only addition to the Peers he mentioned the other day he wished to make

is Surrey;[28] we agreed that too many Peers was always a bad thing."

[Footnote 26: To Lord Sandon's resolution on the Sugar Duties.]

[Footnote 27: Robert Vernon Smith (1800-1873), Under-Secretary

for War and the Colonies, afterwards Lord Lyveden.]

[Footnote 28: The Earl of Surrey (1791-1856) was now M.P. for

West Sussex, and Treasurer of the Household, and was afterwards

thirteenth Duke of Norfolk.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_11th May 1841._

... I am sure you will forgive my writing a very short letter to-day,

but I am so harassed and occupied with business that I cannot find

time to write letters. You will, I am sure, _feel_ for me; the

probability of parting from so kind and excellent a being as Lord

Melbourne as a _Minister_ (for a _friend_ he will _always_ remain) is

very, _very_ painful, even if one feels it will not probably be for

long; to take it philosophically is my great wish, and _quietly_

I certainly shall, but one cannot help _feelings_ of affection and

gratitude. Albert is the greatest possible comfort to me in every way,

and my position is much more independent than it was before.

I am glad you see the French feeling in the right light. I rejoice

that the christening, etc., went off so well. Believe me, ever, your

devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION]

_Extract from the Queen's Journal._

_Thursday, 13th May 1841._

"Saw Lord Melbourne at a little past four.

"... 'We have had a Cabinet,' Lord Melbourne said, 'and we have been

considering the question of dissolution and what is the best course

to be pursued; if we were to dissolve, John Russell,' he said, 'would

pursue quite a different course; he would then announce the Sugar

Duties at once. I (Lord Melbourne) said, that I had been considering

well the whole question, and the Chancellor's letter, but that

altogether I did not think it advisable to have recourse to a

dissolution--and I think the greater part lean towards that opinion;

but there _are_ a few who are very much for a dissolution--the

Chancellor and Hobhouse very much so, and Palmerston. They have,

however, not quite finally decided the matter. I understand the debate

will certainly go over to-night,' he said, 'and that they would have

time on Saturday and Sunday to consider about Lord John's amendment.'"

_Extract from the Queen's Journal._

_Saturday, 15th May 1841._

"Lord Melbourne came to me at twenty minutes past one, and we talked

about this question of dissolution. 'We shall have a long debate upon

it this morning at the Cabinet,' Lord Melbourne said. 'The worst thing

is, that if we carry the Sugar Duties, we must dissolve. If we were to

dissolve,' he continued, 'and were to have the parties equal as they

are now, it would be very bad; if we _were_ to have a _majority_, it

would be a great thing; _but_ if we were to have a minority it would

be still worse.... We know that Charles I. and Charles II., and even

Cromwell, appealed to the country, and had a Parliament returned

into their very teeth' (so strong an Opposition), 'and that produced

deposition, and convulsion, and bloodshed and death; but since then

the Crown has always had a majority returned in favour of it. Even

Queen Anne,' he continued, 'who removed Marlborough in the midst of

his most glorious victories and dissolved Parliament, had an immense

majority, though her measures were miserable; William IV.,' he said,

'even though he had a majority against him which prevented him from

keeping his Ministers, had a much stronger feeling for him in that

Parliament, than he ever had before. But I am afraid,' he added, 'that

for the first time the Crown would have an Opposition returned smack

against it; and that would be an affront to which I am very unwilling

to expose the Crown.' This is very true."

[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S SYMPATHY]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

TUILERIES, _14th May 1841._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am deeply grateful for your kind letter, which

reached me this morning. Letters from hence ought not to be longer

on their way than, at the longest, forty hours; forty-eight is the

maximum. I fear that they are delayed at the Foreign Office; here it

cannot be, as for instance these lines go this evening.

I can easily understand that the present crisis must have something

very painful for you, and you will do well for your health and comfort

to try to take it as philosophically as possible; it is a part of

the Constitutional system which is for the Sovereign very hard to get

over.

_Nous savons tous des paroles sur cet air_, as the French say. I was

convinced that Lord Melbourne's right and good feeling would make him

pause before he proposed to you a dissolution. A general election in

England, when great passions must be roused or created to render

it efficacious for one party or another, is a dangerous experiment,

always calculated to shake the foundations on which have hitherto

reposed the great elements of the political power of the country.

Albert will be a great comfort to you, and to hear it from yourself

has given me the sincerest delight. His judgment is good, and he is

mild and safe in his opinions; they deserve your serious attention;

young as he is, I have really often been quite surprised how quick and

correct his judgment is....

[Pageheading: TORY DISSENSIONS]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _16th May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has

the honour to state that the general effect of last week's debate[29]

has been greatly in favour of the measures of your Majesty's

Ministers.

The speeches of Mr Labouchere, Sir George Grey, and Lord Howick, with

the powerful argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Friday

night, have not been met by any corresponding ability on the other

side.

In fact the Opposition seem to have concealed their own views of

policy, and to have imagined that the Anti-Slavery feeling would carry

them through successfully. But this expectation has been entirely

disappointed; debate has unmasked the hollow pretence of humanity,

and the meetings at Exeter Hall and in the country have completely

counteracted the impressions which Dr Lushington's speech[30] had

produced.

Lancashire, Cheshire, and the West Riding of Yorkshire have been

roused to strong excitement by the prospect of a reduction of the

duty on corn. Several of the large towns have expressed their opinions

without distinction of party.

These symptoms are said to have created some dissensions among the

opponents of your Majesty's present Government.

Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and nearly all the eminent leaders

of the party, profess their adherence to the principles of Mr

Huskisson.[31] On the other hand, the Duke of Buckingham,[32] with

many Lords and Commoners, is opposed to any relaxation of the

present Corn Laws. This difference must ultimately produce serious

consequences, and it is possible they may break out before the present

debate is ended.

One consequence of the propositions of the Ministry is the

weakening of the power of the Chartists, who have relied on the

misrepresentation that neither Whigs nor Tories would ever do anything

for the improvement of the condition of the working classes.

All these circumstances have a bearing on the question of a

dissolution of Parliament, and are to be weighed against the risks and

inconveniences of so bold a measure.

[Footnote 29: On Lord Sandon's resolution.]

[Footnote 30: Against the Budget, on the ground that it tended

to encourage slavery.]

[Footnote 31: Which were opposed to Protection and the

Navigation Laws.]

[Footnote 32: Richard Plantagenet (1797-1861), second Duke of

the 1822 creation, M.P. for Bucks 1818-1839, and author of

the "Chandos clause," became Lord Privy Seal this year, but

resigned shortly after. He dissipated his property, and had to

sell the contents of Stowe.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S JOURNAL]

_Extract from the Queen's Journal._

_Monday, 17th May 1841._

"Lord Melbourne came to me at twenty minutes to three. There were no

_new_ news. He gave me a letter from the Duke of Roxburgh,[33] saying

he could not support Government on the Corn Laws, and writing an

unnecessarily cold letter. Lord Melbourne fears this would lose

Roxburgh in case of an election. A great many of the friends of the

Government, however, are against any alteration in the Corn Laws.

Talked of the excellent accounts from the country with which the

papers are full, and I said I couldn't help thinking the Government

would gain by a dissolution, and the feeling in the country so strong,

and daily increasing. They would lose the counties, Lord Melbourne

thinks, and the question is whether their successes in the

manufacturing towns would be sufficient to counterbalance that. The

debate may last longer, Lord Melbourne says, as J. Russell says he

will continue it as long as their friends wish it. Many of their

friends would be very angry if we did not dissolve, Lord Melbourne

says. 'I say always,' said Lord Melbourne, 'that your Majesty will

be in such a much worse position' (if a majority should be returned

against us), 'but they say not, for that the others would dissolve.'

I said that if that was so we _must dissolve_, for then that it would

come to just the same thing, and that that changed my opinion very

much. 'You would like us then to make the attempt?' Lord Melbourne

asked. I said 'Almost.' I asked if he really thought they would

dissolve. 'I've great reason to believe they would,' he replied.

'Hardinge[34] told Vivian[35] "we shall prevent _your_ dissolving, but

_we shall_ dissolve."' ... I asked did Lord Melbourne think they (the

Conservatives) would remain in long, and Melbourne said: 'One can't

tell beforehand what may happen, but you would find their divisions

and dissensions amongst themselves sufficient to prevent their staying

in long.' ...

"Saw Lord John Russell, who didn't feel certain if the debate would

end to-night. Talked of the very good feeling in the country. He said

he understood Sir Edward Knatchbull[36] was exceedingly displeased at

what Peel had said concerning Free Trade, and said in that case Peel

would be as bad as the present Government. He thinks the Tories, if in

power, might try and collect the Sugar duties without Law, which would

do them a great deal of harm and be exceedingly unpopular. He does

_not_ think the Tories intend _certainly_ to dissolve. He thinks they

would not dissolve now, and that they would hereafter get so entangled

by their own dissensions, as to render it unfavourable to them."

[Footnote 33: James, sixth Duke. The Duchess was afterwards a

Lady of the Bedchamber.]

[Footnote 34: Sir Henry Hardinge (1785-1856) had been

Secretary at War, and Chief Secretary for Ireland, under

former Tory Governments.]

[Footnote 35: Master-General of the Ordnance.]

[Footnote 36: M.P. for East Kent. He became Paymaster-General

in Peel's Cabinet.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_18th May 1841._

... I was sure you would feel for me. Since last Monday, the 10th, we

have lived in the daily expectation of a final event taking place, and

the debate _still_ continues, and it is not certain whether it will

even finish to-night, this being the eighth night, it having begun on

Friday the 7th, two Saturdays and two Sundays having intervened! Our

plans are so unsettled that I can tell you nothing, only that you

may depend upon it nothing will be done without having been duly,

properly, and maturely weighed. Lord Melbourne's conduct is as usual

perfect; fair, calm, and totally disinterested, and I am certain that

in whatever position he is _you_ will treat him _just_ as you have

always done.

My dearest Angel is indeed a great comfort to me. He takes the

greatest interest in what goes on, feeling with and for me, and yet

abstaining as he ought from biassing me either way, though we talk

much on the subject, and his judgment is, as you say, good and

mild....

_P.S._--Pray let me hear soon _when_ you come. You, I know, like me

to tell you what I hear, and for me to be frank with you. I therefore

tell you that it is believed by some people here, and even by some

in the Government, that _you_ wish my Government to be _out_. Now,

I never for an instant can believe such an assertion, as I know your

liberal feelings, and your interest in my welfare and in that of

the country too well to think you could wish for such a thing, and I

immediately said I was sure this was not so; but I think you would

do well to say to Seymour something which might imply interest in my

present Government.

I know you will understand my anxiety on your account, lest such a

mischievous report should be believed. It comes, you see, from the

idea that your feelings are very French.

[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]

_Extract from the Queen's Journal._

_Tuesday, 18th May 1841._

"Saw Lord Melbourne.[37] He said Lord John Russell had been to

see him, and, 'He now wishes us not to resign, but to give notice

immediately of a Motion on the Corn Laws. This, he thinks, will make

the others propose a vote of confidence, or make them oppose the Sugar

Duties, which, he thinks, will be better for us to resign upon,

and when it would be clear to our people that we couldn't dissolve.

Everybody says it would be a very bad thing for us to resign now, upon

such a question as this, and we must consider the party a little.' I

said, of course, this would be agreeable to me as it gave us another

chance. I said it would be awkward if they resigned Thursday, on

account of the Birthday. Lord Melbourne said I could wait a day and

only send for Peel on Saturday, that that wouldn't signify to Peel,

as he could come down to Claremont.... I asked, in case they meant to

bring on this Corn Law question, when would they do so. 'Perhaps about

the 30th,' Lord Melbourne said. It would be a more dangerous question,

but it would make them (the Tories) show their colours, which is a

great advantage. He said they prevented Sir Edward Knatchbull from

speaking last night."

[Footnote 37: After eight days' discussions of Lord Sandon's

Motion, the Ministers were defeated by 317 to 281.]

[Pageheading: RESIGNATION POSTPONED]

_Wednesday, 19th May._

"At twenty minutes to one came Lord Melbourne.... I returned him Lord

John Russell's letter, and talked of it, and of John Russell's saying

the division and Peel's speech made it absolutely necessary to decide

_to-day_ whether to _resign_ or _dissolve_. I asked what Peel had

said in his speech about the Corn Laws. 'I'll tell you, Ma'am, what he

said,' Lord Melbourne replied, 'that he was for a sliding duty and

not for a fixed duty; but he did not pledge himself as to what rate of

duty it should be. I must say,' Lord Melbourne continued, 'I am

still against dissolution. I don't think our chances of success are

sufficient.' I replied that I couldn't quite believe that, but that I

might be wrong. Lord John is for dissolving. '_You_ wish it?' I said I

always did. Talked of the feeling in the City and in the country being

so good. Lord Melbourne don't think so much of the feeling in the

country. Talked of the majority of thirty-six having not been more

than they expected.... Lord Melbourne said people thought the debate

was lengthened to please me. I said not at all, but that it was more

convenient for me. Anyhow I need do nothing till Saturday. The House

of Commons was adjourned to the next day, and the House of Lords to

Monday. 'Mr Baring says,' he said, 'if there was only a majority

one way or another, it would be better than this state of complete

equality.'

"At twenty minutes past four Lord Melbourne returned. 'Well, Ma'am,'

he said, 'we've considered this question, and both the sides of

it well, and at last we voted upon it; and there were--the Lord

Chancellor for dissolution, Lord Minto[38] for it, Lord Normanby

against it, but greatly modified; Lord John for, Lord Palmerston for,

Lord Clarendon for, Lord Morpeth for, Lord Lansdowne for, Labouchere

for, Hobhouse for, Duncannon[39] for, Baring for, Macaulay for; and

under those circumstances of course I felt I could not but go with

them.[40] Lord Melbourne was much affected in saying all this. 'So we

shall go on, bring on the Sugar Duties, and then, if things are in a

pretty good state, dissolve. I hope you approve?' I said I did highly

... and that I felt so happy to keep him longer. 'You are aware we may

have a majority against us?' he said; he means in our election. The

Sugar Duties would probably take a fortnight or three weeks to pass,

and they would dissolve in June and meet again in October. He thought

they must."

[Footnote 38: Lord Minto was First Lord of the Admiralty.]

[Footnote 39: Then First Commissioner of Land Revenue.]

[Footnote 40: See Sir John Hobhouse's account of this Cabinet

meeting, _Edinburgh Review_, vol. 133, p. 336.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND THE CHURCH]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_21st May 1841._

Lord Melbourne thinks that what your Majesty proposes to say will do

very well, but it is thought best to say "Church as Reformed" at the

Reformation.

If your Majesty could say this, it would be well:

"I am very grateful for your congratulations on the return of this

day. I am happy to take this opportunity of again expressing to you my

firm determination to maintain the Church of England as settled at

the Reformation, and my firm belief in her Articles and Creeds, as

hitherto understood and interpreted by her soundest divines."

Nothing could go off better than the dinner. Everybody was much

pleased with the Prince.

Lord Melbourne is not conscious of having slept.[41]

[Footnote 41: It seems that some one had told the Queen that

Lord Melbourne had fallen asleep at dinner.]

[Pageheading: FEELING IN FRANCE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _20th May 1841._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I receive this very moment your dear letter of

the 18th, and without loss of time I begin my answer here, though the

messenger can only go to-morrow. I cannot _sufficiently_ express to

you my _gratitude_ for the frankness with which you have written

to me--and let me entreat you, whenever you have anything _sur

le c[oe]ur_, to _do the same_. I shall begin with your postscript

concerning the idea that I wished your present Ministers to retire,

because they had become disagreeable to France. The people who

_avancent quelque chose de la sorte_ probably have some ill-natured

motive which it is not always easy to guess; perhaps in the present

instance does it mean, let us say, _that?_ whatever opinion he may

then express we can easily counteract it, representing it as the

result of _strong partiality to France_. Let us therefore examine

what France has to gain in a change of Administration. Certainly your

present Ministers are _not_ much loved _now_ in France, not so much in

consequence of the political events of last year themselves, than for

the _manner_ in which they came to pass. Nevertheless, when I was at

Paris, King and Council were decided to sign the treaty with the four

other Powers, which would put an end to the _isolement_, though many

people are stoutly _for the isolement_. There end the relations which

will exist for some time between the two countries--they will be on

_decent_ terms; that is all I wish for the present, and it is matter

of moonshine who your Ministers are. No doubt, formerly there existed

such a predilection in favour of Lord Grey's[42] Administration and

those who continued it, that the coming in of the Tories would have

been considered as a great public calamity; but even now, though

this affection is gone, the Tories will also be looked on with some

suspicion. Lord Melbourne's Administration has had the great merit of

being liberal, and at the same time prudent, conservative in the good

sense of the word, preserving what was good. Monarchy, by an adherence

to this system, was very safe, and the popular liberal cry needless.

[Footnote 42: 1830-1834.]

[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S ADVICE]

(_Continued at_) LAEKEN, _21st May._

I regret that the Corn question was brought forward somewhat

abruptly;[43] it is a dangerous one, as it roused the most numerous

and poorest classes of society, and may easily degenerate into

bloodshed. The dissolution under such circumstances would become still

more a source of agitation, as it generally always is in England. Lord

Melbourne, I am sure, will think so too.

I am delighted by what you say of Albert; it is just the proper line

for him to take, without biassing you either way, to show you honestly

the consequences which in his opinion the one or the other may have.

As he has really a very clear and logical judgment, his opinion will

be valuable for you. I feel very much for you, and these Ministerial

complications are of a most painful and perplexing nature, though

less in England than on the Continent, as the thing is at least better

understood. To amuse you a little, and to prove to you how impartial

I must be to be in this way accused by both parties, I must tell you

that it is said in France that, conjointly with Lord Melbourne,

we _artfully_ ruined the Thiers Administration,[44] to the great

detriment of the honour and welfare of France. But what is still

stranger is, that the younger branches of the family, seeing that my

arrival at Paris was delayed from time to time, became convinced that

_I would not come at all_, and that my intention was to _cut them

completely_, not to _compromettre_ myself with England! Truly people

are strange, and the unnecessary suspicions and stories which they

love to have, and to tell, a great bore....

Pray have the goodness of giving my _kindest_ regards to Lord

Melbourne. I will love him very _tenderly_ in and out of office, as

I am really attached to him. Now last, though first, I offer my

sincerest wishes on the happy return of your birthday; may every

blessing be always bestowed on your beloved head. You possess _much_,

let your warm and honest heart _appreciate_ that. Let me also express

the hope that you always will maintain your _dear character true_

and _good_ as it is, and let us also humbly express the hope that

our warmth of feeling, a valuable gift, will not be permitted to

grow occasionally a little violent, and particularly not against your

uncle. You may pull Albertus by the ear, when so inclined, but be

never irritated against your uncle. But I have _not to complain_ when

other people do not instigate such things; you have always been kind

and affectionate, and when you look at my deeds for you, and on

behalf of you, these twenty-two years, I think you will not have many

hardships to recollect. I am happy to hear of my god-daughter's teeth,

and that she is so well. May God keep the whole dear little family

well and happy for ever. My dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 43: The Ministerial proposal of a fixed duty instead

of a sliding scale.]

[Footnote 44: The Thiers Government had resigned in the

preceding October, owing to the King objecting to the warlike

speech which they wished him to pronounce to the Chambers. The

Soult-Guizot Cabinet was accordingly formed.]

[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]

_Memorandum of Mr Anson's last secret interview with Sir R. Peel._

(No. 4.)

_Sunday, 23rd May 1841._

Called upon Sir Robert Peel this morning. I said I could not feel

satisfied without seeing him after the very unexpected course which

political affairs had taken. I wished to know that he felt assured,

though I trusted there could be no doubt upon his mind, that there

had been perfect honesty of purpose on my part towards him, and more

especially upon the part of those with whose knowledge I had been

acting. I assured Sir Robert that H.M. had acted in _the most perfect

fairness towards him_, and I was most anxious that there should be no

erroneous impression upon his mind as to the conduct of either H.M. or

the Prince.

I said (quoting the Prince's expression), "that the Queen has a

natural modesty upon her constitutional views, and when she receives

an advice from men like the Lord Chancellor, Lord John Russell, Mr

Baring, Mr Labouchere, and Lord Clarendon, and knows that they have

been weighing the question through so many days, she concludes that

her judgment cannot be better than theirs, and that she would do wrong

to reject their advice."

The Prince, I said, however strongly impressed for or against a

question, thinks it wrong and impolitic, considering his age and

inexperience and his novelty to the country, to press upon the Queen

views of his own in opposition to those of experienced statesmen. Sir

Robert said he could relieve my mind entirely; that he was convinced

that all that had taken place had been with the most perfect honesty;

that he had no feeling whatever of annoyance, or of having been

ill-used; that, on the contrary, he had the feeling, and should always

retain it, of the deepest gratitude to the Queen for the condescension

which Her Majesty had been pleased to show him, and that it had only

increased his devotion to Her Majesty's person. He said that much of

the reserve which he had shown in treating with me was not on _his

own_ account, but that he felt from his own experience that events

were by no means certain, and he most cautiously abstained from

permitting her Majesty in any way to commit herself, or to bind

herself by any engagement which unforeseen circumstances might render

inconvenient. Sir Robert said it was very natural to try and remove

obstacles which had before created so much confusion, and he was

convinced that they would have been practically removed by what had

passed. He said that neither Lord Stanley nor Sir James Graham knew

a word of what had passed. That Mr Greville had asked his friend Mr

Arbuthnot whether some understanding had not been entered into between

Lord Melbourne and him. That Mr Arbuthnot had replied that he was

certain that nothing of the sort could have passed,[45] as, if it had,

Sir Robert Peel would have informed him (Mr Arbuthnot) of the fact.

Again, Lady de Grey, the night of the ball at the Palace, came up to

him and said the Duke of Bedford had been speaking to her about the

resignation of the Duchess of Bedford, and asking her whether she

thought it necessary. She volunteered to find out from Sir Robert

whether he thought it requisite. She asked the question, which Sir

Robert tried to evade, but not being able, he said it struck him that

if it was a question of doubt the best means of solving it, was for

the Duke of Bedford to ask Lord Melbourne for his opinion.

I added that if the dissolution was a failure, which it was generally

apprehended would be the case, I felt convinced that Sir Robert would

be dealt with in the most perfect fairness by Her Majesty.

[Footnote 45: "After I had been told by the Duke of Bedford

that Peel was going to insist on certain terms, which was

repeated to me by Clarendon, I went to Arbuthnot, told him

Melbourne's impression, and asked him what it all meant. He

said it was all false, that he was certain Peel had no such

intentions, but, on the contrary, as he had before assured me,

was disposed to do everything that would be conciliatory

and agreeable to the Queen."--_Greville's Journal_, 19th May

1841.]

[Pageheading: VOTE OF WANT OF CONFIDENCE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _24th May 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has to

acquaint your Majesty that in the House of Commons this evening

Sir Robert Peel gave notice that on Thursday next he would move a

resolution to the following effect: "That Her Majesty's Ministers not

possessing power sufficient to carry into effect the measures

which they considered necessary, their retention of office was

unconstitutional and contrary to usage."[46] These are not the exact

words, but they convey the substance. This is a direct vote of want of

confidence, and Lord Melbourne would be inclined to doubt whether it

will be carried, and if it is, it certainly will not be by so large

a majority as the former vote. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer

moved the resolution upon the Sugar Duties, Sir Robert Peel seconded

the motion, thereby intending to intimate that he did not mean to

interfere with the Supplies. This course was determined upon at a

meeting held at Sir R. Peel's this morning.

[Footnote 46: The closing words of the resolution were as

follows: "... That Her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently

possess the confidence of the House of Commons to enable

them to carry through the House measures which they deem of

essential importance to the public welfare, and that their

continuance in office under such circumstances is at variance

with the spirit of the Constitution."]

[Pageheading: PROSPECT OF DISSOLUTION]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _28th May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has

the honour to state that Sir Robert Peel yesterday brought forward his

motion in a remarkably calm and temperate speech.

Sir John Hobhouse and Mr Macaulay completely exposed the fallacy

of his resolution, and successfully vindicated the government. Lord

Worsley[47] declared he would oppose the resolution, which declaration

excited great anger, and produced much disappointment in the Tory

party.

If the debate is carried on till next week, it is probable the

Ministers may have a majority of one or two.

The accounts from the country are encouraging.

It does not appear that Sir Robert Peel, even if he carries this

motion, intends to obstruct the measures necessary for a dissolution

of Parliament.

[Footnote 47: M.P. for Lincolnshire, who had voted for Lord

Sandon's motion.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_31st May 1841._

... I beg you _not_ to be alarmed about what is to be done; it is

_not_ for a Party triumph that Parliament (_the longest_ that has

sat for _many_ years) is to be dissolved; it is the fairest and most

constitutional mode of proceeding; and you may trust to the moderation

and prudence of my whole Government that nothing will be done without

due consideration; if the present Government get a majority by the

elections they will go on prosperously; if not, the Tories will come

in for a short time. The country is quiet and the people very well

disposed. I am happy, dearest Uncle, to give you these quieting news,

which I assure you are _not_ partial....

[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S VIEWS]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN _31st May 1841._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Your Mother[48] is safely arrived, though she

was received close to Ostende by a formidable thunderstorm. I had

given directions that everywhere great civilities should be shown her.

She stood the fatigues better than I had expected, and is less sleepy

than in England. She seems to be pleased with her _séjour_ here, and

inclined in fact to remain rather than to go on; but I am sure, when

once in Germany she will be both pleased and interested by it. It will

amuse you to hear from herself her own impressions.

I cannot help to add a few political lines. I regret much, I must

confess, that the idea of a dissolution has gained ground, and I will

try to show in a very few words why I am against it.

In politics, a great rule ought to be to rule with the things which

one _knows already_, and not to jump into something entirely new of

which no one can do more _than guess the consequences._ The present

Parliament has been elected at a moment most favourable to the

present Administration after a most popular accession to the throne,

everything new and fresh, and with the natural fondness of the great

mass of people, a change is always popular; it was known that you were

kindly disposed towards your Ministers, everything was therefore

_à souhait_ for the election of a new Parliament. In this respect

Ministers have nothing like the favourable circumstances which smiled

upon them at the last general election. Feeling this, they raise a

cry, which may become popular and embarrass their antagonists about

_cheap_ bread! I do not think this is quite befitting their

dignity; such things do for revolutionaries like Thiers, or my

late Ministers.... If the thing rouses the people it may do serious

mischief; if not, it will look awkward for the Ministers themselves.

If you do not grant a dissolution to your present Ministers you would

have, at the coming in of a new Administration, the right to tell them

that they must go on with the present Parliament; and I have no doubt

that they could do so. The statistics of the present House of Commons

are well known to all the men who sit in it, and to keep it a few

years longer would be a real advantage.

You know that I have been rather maltreated by the Tories, formerly to

please George IV., and since I left the country, because I served, in

their opinion, on the revolutionary side of the question. I must

say, however, that for your service as well as for the quiet of the

country, it would be good to give them a trial. If they could not

remain in office it will make them quieter for some time. If by

a dissolution the Conservative interest in the House is too much

weakened the permanent interests of the country can but suffer from

that. If, on the contrary, the Conservatives come in stronger, your

position will not be very agreeable, and it may induce them to be

perhaps less moderate than they ought to be. I should be very happy if

you would discuss these, my _hasty_ views, with Lord Melbourne. I

do not give them for more than what they are, mere _practical_

considerations; but, as far as I can judge of the question, if I was

myself concerned I should have no dissolution; if even there was but

the very _banale_ consideration, _qu'on sait ce qu'on a, mais qu'on ne

sait nullement ce qu'on aura_. The moment is not without importance,

and well worthy your earnest consideration, and I feel convinced that

Lord Melbourne will agree with me, that, notwithstanding the great

political good sense of the people in England, the machine is so

complicated that it should be handled with great care and tenderness.

To conclude, I must add that perhaps a permanent duty on corn may be a

desirable thing, but that it ought to be sufficiently high to serve as

a real protection. It may besides produce this effect, that as it

will be necessary, at least at first, to buy a good deal of the to be

imported corn with _money_, the currency will be seriously affected

by it. The countries which would have a chance of selling would be

chiefly Poland in all its parts, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, the

South of Russia on the Black Sea, and maybe Sicily. Germany does not

grow a sufficient quantity of wheat to profit by such an arrangement;

it will besides not buy more from England for the present than it does

now, owing to the Zollverein,[49] which must first be altered. But I

will not bore you too long, and conclude with my best love to little

Victoria, of whom her Grandmama speaks with raptures. Ever, my dearest

Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 48: The Duchess of Kent had left England for a tour

on the Continent.]

[Footnote 49: After the fall of Napoleon, the hopes of many

Germans for a united national Germany were frustrated by

the Congress of Vienna, which perpetuated the practical

independence of a number of German States, as well as the

predominance within the Germanic confederation of Austria,

a Power largely non-German. One of the chief factors in the

subsequent unification of Germany was the Zollverein, or

Customs Union, by which North Germany was gradually bound

together by commercial interest, and thus opposed to Austria.

The success of this method of imperial integration has not

been without influence on the policies of other lands.]

[Pageheading: THE OPPOSITION ELATED]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

_WILTON CRESCENT, 5th June 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has

the honour to state that the House divided about three this morning.

For Sir Robert Peel 312

Against 311

---

Majority 1

The Opposition were greatly elated by this triumph. Lord Stanley, and

Sir Robert Peel who spoke last in the debate, did not deny that the

Crown might exercise the prerogative of dissolution in the present

case. But they insisted that no time should be lost in previous

debates, especially on such a subject as the Corn Laws.

Lord John Russell spoke after Lord Stanley, and defended the whole

policy of the Administration.

After the division he stated that he would on Monday propose the

remaining estimates, and announce the course which he meant to pursue

respecting the Corn Laws.

[Pageheading: MARRIAGE OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_6th June 1841._

... Now, many thanks for two letters of the 31st ult. and 4th June.

The former I shall not answer at length, as Albert has done so, and

I think has given a very _fair_ view of the state of affairs. Let

me only repeat to you again that you need not be alarmed, and that I

think you will be pleased and _beruhigt_ when you talk to our friend

Lord Melbourne on the subject...

I fear you will again see nothing of the Season, as Parliament will

probably be dissolved by the 21st....

As to my letters, dear Uncle, I beg to _assure_ you (for Lord

Palmerston was _most indignant_ at the doubt when I once asked) that

_none_ of our letters nor any of those _coming_ to us, are ever opened

at the Foreign Office. My letters to Brussels and Paris are _quite

safe_, and all those to Germany, which are of any _real_ consequence,

I always send through Rothschild, which is perfectly _safe_ and very

quick.

We are, and so is _everybody here_, so charmed with Mme. Rachel;[50]

she is perfect, _et puis_, such a nice modest girl; she is going to

declaim at Windsor Castle on Monday evening.

Now adieu in haste. Believe me, always, your very devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Really Leopold _must_ come, or I shall _never_ forgive you.

[Footnote 50: The young French actress, who made her _début_

in England on 4th May as Hermione in Racine's _Andromaque._

She was received with great enthusiasm.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th June 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is quite

well, and has nothing particular to relate to your Majesty, at least

nothing that presses; except that he is commissioned by Lord John

Russell respectfully to acquaint your Majesty that his marriage is

settled, and will take place shortly.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

Does Lord Melbourne _really_ mean J. Russell's _marriage_? and to

whom?

[Pageheading: VISIT TO NUNEHAM]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

The Lady Fanny Eliot.[51] Lord Melbourne did not name her before, nor

does not now, because he did not remember her Christian name.

[Footnote 51: Daughter of Lord Minto. Lord Melbourne

originally wrote _The Lady ---- Eliot_ at the head of his

letter (spelling the surname wrong, which should be Elliot).

The word "Fanny" is written in subsequently to the completion

of the letter.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

NUNEHAM,[52] _15th June 1841._

Affairs go on, and all will take some shape or other, but it keeps one

in hot water all the time. In the meantime, however, the people are

in the best possible humour, and I never was better received at Ascot,

which is a great test, and also along the roads yesterday. This is a

most lovely place; pleasure grounds in the style of Claremont, only

much larger, and with the river Thames winding along beneath them, and

Oxford in the distance; a beautiful flower and kitchen garden, and all

kept up in perfect order. I followed Albert here, faithful to my word,

and he is gone to Oxford[53] for the whole day, to my great grief.

And here I am all alone in a strange house, with not even Lehzen as

a companion, in Albert's absence, but I thought she and also Lord

Gardner,[54] and some gentlemen should remain with little Victoria for

the first time. But it is rather a trial for me.

I must take leave, and beg you to believe me always, your most devoted

Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 52: The house of Edward Vernon Harcourt, Archbishop

of York.]

[Footnote 53: To receive an address at Commemoration.]

[Footnote 54: Alan Legge, third and last Lord Gardner

(1810-1883) was one of the Queen's first Lords-in-Waiting.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE VISITS OXFORD]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _16th June 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just

received your Majesty's letter, and will wait upon your Majesty at

half-past five. Lord Melbourne is sorry to hear that your Majesty has

been at all indisposed. It will suit him much better to wait upon

your Majesty at dinner to-morrow than to-day, as his hand shows some

disposition to gather, and it may be well to take care of it.

Lord Melbourne is very glad to learn that everything went off well at

Oxford. Lord Melbourne expected that the Duke of Sutherland[55] would

not entirely escape a little public animadversion. Nothing can be

more violent or outrageous than the conduct of the students of

both Universities upon such occasions; the worst and lowest mobs

of Westminster and London are very superior to them in decency and

forbearance.

The Archbishop[56] is a very agreeable man; but he is not without

cunning, and Lord Melbourne can easily understand his eagerness that

the Queen should not prorogue Parliament in person. He knows that it

will greatly assist the Tories. It is not true that it is universal

for the Sovereign to go down upon such occasions. George III. went

himself in 1784; he did not go in 1807, because he had been prevented

from doing so by his infirmities for three years before. William IV.

went down himself in 1830.[57]

Lord Melbourne sends a note which he has received from Lord Normanby

upon this and another subject.

[Footnote 55: Who was, of course, associated with the Whig

Ministry.]

[Footnote 56: Archbishop Vernon Harcourt, of York, the Queen's

host.]

[Footnote 57: The Queen prorogued Parliament in person on 22nd

June.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th June 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--A few lines I must write to you to express to you

my _very great_ delight at the certainty, God willing, of seeing you

all _three_ next week, and to express a hope, and a _great hope_, that

you will try and arrive a little earlier on Wednesday.... I must again

repeat I am so sorry you should come when Society is dispersed and at

sixes and sevens, and in such a state that naturally I cannot at the

moment of the elections invite many Tories, as that _tells_ so at the

elections. But we shall try and do our best to make it as little dull

as we can, and you will kindly take the will for the deed.

We came back from Nuneham yesterday afternoon. Albert came back

at half-past five on Tuesday from Oxford, where he had been

enthusiastically received, but the students ... had the bad taste to

show their party feeling in groans and hisses when the name of a

Whig was mentioned, which they ought not to have done in my husband's

presence.

I must now conclude, begging you ever to believe me, your devoted

Niece,

VICTORIA R.

My Coiffeur will be quite at Louise's disposal, and he can _coiffer_

in any way she likes, if her dresser tells him how she wishes it.

[Pageheading: LORD BROUGHAM]

[Pageheading: LETTER FROM LORD BROUGHAM]

_Lord Brougham to Queen Victoria._[58]

GRAFTON STREET, _19th June 1841._

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,--I crave leave humbly to approach your

Majesty and to state in writing what I should have submitted to your

Royal consideration at an Audience, because I conceive that this

course will be attended with less inconvenience to your Majesty.

In the counsel which I ventured with great humility, but with an

entire conviction of its soundness, to tender, I cannot be biassed by

any personal interest, for I am not a candidate for office; nor by any

Parliamentary interest, for I have no concern with elections; nor by

any factious interest, for I am unconnected with party. My only

motive is to discharge the duty which I owe to both the Crown and the

country. Nor am I under the influence of any prejudice against your

Majesty's servants or their measures; for I charge your Majesty's

servants with nothing beyond an error, a great error, in judgment, and

I entirely approve of the measures which they have lately propounded

(with a single exception partially applicable to one of them), while I

lament and disapprove of the time and manner of propounding them, both

on account of the Government and of the measures themselves.

I feel myself, Madam, under the necessity of stating that the

dissolution of the Parliament appears to me wholly without

justification, either from principle or from policy. They who advise

it must needs proceed upon the supposition that a majority will be

returned favourable to the continuance of the present Administration

and favourable to their lately announced policy. On no other ground is

it possible that any such advice should be tendered to your Majesty.

For no one could ever think of such a proceeding as advising the

Crown to dissolve the Parliament in order to increase the force of the

Opposition to its own future Ministers, thus perverting to the mere

purposes of party the exercise of by far the most eminent of the Royal

prerogatives; and I pass over as wholly unworthy of notice the only

other supposition which can with any decency be made, when there is

no conflict between the two Houses, namely, that of a dissolution

in entire ignorance of the national opinion and for the purpose of

ascertaining to which side it inclines. Your Majesty's advisers must,

therefore, have believed, and they must still believe, that a majority

will be returned favourable both to themselves and their late policy.

I, on the other hand, have the most entire conviction that there will

be a considerable majority against them, and against their policy a

majority larger still, many of their supporters having already joined

to swell that majority. Whoever examines the details of the case

must be satisfied that the very best result which the Government can

possibly hope for is a narrow majority against them--an event which

must occasion a second dissolution by whatever Ministry may succeed

to the confidence of your Majesty. But those best acquainted with

the subject have no doubt at all that the majority will be much more

considerable.

I beg leave, Madam, humbly to represent to your Majesty, in my own

vindication for not having laid my opinion before your Majesty as

soon as I returned from the Continent, that when I first heard of

the course taken by the Government early in May, I formed the opinion

which I now entertain, but conceived that I must have mistaken the

facts upon which they were acting; and when I arrived twelve days ago

I was confirmed in the belief (seeing the fixed resolution taken to

dissolve) that I must have been under an erroneous impression as to

the probable results of the elections. But I have since found ample

reason for believing that my original conviction was perfectly well

founded, and that no grounds whatever exist sufficient to make any

one who considers the subject calmly, and without the bias of either

interest or prejudice, really believe that this ill-fated proceeding

can have any other result than lasting injury to your Majesty's

service, to the progress of sound and just views of policy, and to

the influence of those in whom the Crown and the country alike should

repose confidence.

That a number of short-sighted persons whose judgments are warped by

exclusive attention to a single subject, or by personal feelings, or

by party views (and these narrow and erroneous), may have been loudly

clamorous for the course apparently about to be pursued, is extremely

possible, and affords no kind of excuse for it. Many of these will be

the slowest to defend what they have so unfortunately called for; some

will be among the first to condemn it when a manifest failure shall

have taken place, and general discomfiture shall throw a few local

successes into the shade.

My advice is humbly offered to your Majesty, as removed far above such

confined and factious views; as the parent of all your people; as both

bound and willing to watch over their true interests; and as charged

by virtue of your exalted office with the preservation of the public

peace, the furtherance of the prosperity, and the maintenance of the

liberties of your subjects.

I am, with profound respect, Madam, your Majesty's faithful and

dutiful Subject,

BROUGHAM.[59]

[Footnote 58: Mention has been made earlier of the resentment

which Brougham cherished against his late colleagues, after

his exclusion from the Whig Cabinet, and this letter, on the

proposal to dissolve Parliament, was, no doubt, prompted by

that feeling.]

[Footnote 59: Parliament, however, notwithstanding this

rescript of Lord Brougham, was dissolved, and the Ministry

went to the country with the cry of a fixed duty on corn, as

against a sliding scale, and they attacked, as monopolists, at

once the landowner, who enjoyed protection for his wheat,

and the West Indian proprietor, who profited by the duty on

foreign sugar. The Conservatives impugned the general

policy of the Whig Administration. The result, a majority of

seventy-six, was an even greater Conservative triumph than the

most sanguine of the party anticipated.--_See_ Introductory

Note, _ante_, p. 253. (Intro Note to Ch. X)]

[Pageheading: VISIT TO WOBURN]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WOBURN ABBEY, _27th July 1841._

Arrived here last night with the Prince and the Queen; this is now

the second expedition (Nuneham being the first) which Her Majesty has

taken, and on neither occasion has the Baroness accompanied us.

The Prince went yesterday through a review of the many steps he had

made to his present position--all within eighteen months from the

marriage. Those who intended to keep him from being useful to

the Queen, from the fear that he might ambitiously touch upon her

prerogatives, have been completely foiled; they thought they had

prevented Her Majesty from yielding anything of importance to him by

creating distrust through imaginary alarm. The Queen's good sense,

however, has seen that the Prince has no other object in all he seeks

but a means to Her Majesty's good. The Court from highest to lowest is

brought to a proper sense of the position of the Queen's husband.

The country has marked its confidence in his character by passing the

Regency Bill _nem. con._ The Queen finds the value of an active right

hand and able head to support her and to resort to for advice in time

of need. Cabinet Ministers treat him with deference and respect. Arts

and science look up to him as their especial patron, and they find

this encouragement supported by a full knowledge of the details of

every subject. The good and the wise look up to him with pride and

gratitude as giving an example, so rarely shown in such a station, of

leading a virtuous and religious life.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd August 1841._

... Our little tour was most successful, and we enjoyed it of all

things; nothing could be more enthusiastic or affectionate than our

reception _everywhere_, and I am happy to hear that our presence has

left a favourable impression, which I think will be of great use.

The loyalty in this country is certainly _very striking_. We enjoyed

Panshanger[60] still more than Woburn; the country is quite beautiful,

and the house so pretty and _wohnlich_; the picture-gallery and

pictures very splendid. The Cowpers are such good people too. The

visit to Brocket naturally interested us very much for our excellent

Lord Melbourne's sake. The park and grounds are beautiful.

I can't admit the Duke of Bedford[61] ever was radical; God knows! I

wish everybody now was a little so! What _is_ to come hangs over me

like a baneful dream, as you will easily understand, and when I am

often happy and merry, comes and damps it all![62]

But God's will be done! and it is for our best, we _must_ feel, though

we can't feel it. I can't say _how_ much we think of our little visit

to you, God willing, next year. You will kindly let our good old

Grandmother[63] come there to see her dear Albert _once again_ before

she dies, wouldn't you? And you would get the Nemours to come? And

you would persuade the dear Queen[64] to come for a little while with

Clémentine?

Now farewell! Believe me, always, your most devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 60: The house of Earl Cowper.]

[Footnote 61: The Duke, who had formerly been M.P. for

Bedfordshire, was inclined to go further in the direction of

Reform than Lord John, yet he applauded the latter's attitude

on the occasion of the speech which earned him the nickname of

"Finality Jack."]

[Footnote 62: Alluding to the Ministerial defeat at the

polls.]

[Footnote 63: The Dowager Duchess of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg.]

[Footnote 64: Marie Amélie, Queen of the French.]

[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE AND THE GARTER]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th August 1841._

I went to Lord Melbourne this morning in his room as he had desired

me. He said: "The Prince has been urging me to accept the Blue Riband

before I quit office, and I wished to tell you that I am very anxious

that this should not be pressed upon me by the Queen; it may be a

foolish weakness on my part, but I wish to quit office without having

any honour conferred upon me; the Queen's confidence towards me is

sufficiently known without any public mark of this nature. I have

always disregarded these honours, and there would be an inconsistency

in my accepting this. I feel it to be much better for my reputation

that I should not have it forced upon me. Mr Pitt never accepted

an order, and only the Cinque Ports on being pressed to do so. Lord

Grenville accepted a peerage, but never any other honour or advantage,

and I wish to be permitted to retire in like manner. If I was a poor

man, I should have no hesitation in receiving money in the shape of

place or pension; I _only don't wish_ for place, because I do not

_want_ it."

In the course of conversation Lord Melbourne said that he considered

it very improbable that he should ever again form a part of any

Administration.

He did not think that a violent course was at all to be apprehended

from Lord John Russell; he said Lord John had been far more of a

"finality" man than he had, and in the Cabinet had always been averse

to violent change. He added, "I think you are in error in forming the

opinion which you have of him."

Lord Melbourne thought the Queen very much disliked being talked _at_

upon religion; she particularly disliked what Her Majesty termed a

_Sunday face_, but yet that it was a subject far more thought of and

reflected upon than was [thought to be?] the case.

[Pageheading: A DREADED MOMENT]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _15th August 1841._

... Lord Melbourne well knows the feeling which your Majesty

describes. The expectation of an event which is dreaded and

deprecated, and yet felt to be certain and imminent, presents itself

continually to the mind and recurs at every moment, and particularly

in moments of satisfaction and enjoyment. It is perhaps no consolation

to be told that events of this nature are necessary and incidental to

your Majesty's high situation, but Lord Melbourne anxiously hopes that

the change, when it does take place, will not be found so grievous

as your Majesty anticipates, and your Majesty may rely that Lord

Melbourne will do everything in his power to reconcile it to your

Majesty's feelings.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th August 1841._

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the Princess's tooth.

Lord Melbourne is much obliged to your Majesty for informing him about

the mourning.

He is quite well and will be ready when your Majesty sends.

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd August 1841._

Lord John Russell was staying at the Castle, and asked to-day for an

audience of Her Majesty, and was closeted for a long time. The Prince

asked Her Majesty what Lord John came for. The Queen said he came

about several things, but particularly he wished to impress upon the

Queen that Her Majesty should not allow Sir Robert Peel to propose any

new Grants in Parliament, as they (the Whigs) could not well oppose

it, and this being felt, the whole unpopularity would fall upon the

Queen's person. An idea existed that the Tories were always jobbing

with money, and the grant for the building the new stables at Windsor

had shown how suspicious people were.

Lord John did not speak clearly out, but on consultation with Lord

Melbourne the Queen thought Lord John must have alluded to Peel having

spoken equivocally at the end of his speech relative to the Prince's

annuity, and would now probably propose a further grant, and would say

the time was now come in order to stand well with the Queen. The Queen

replied that she would never allow such a thing to be proposed and

that it would be a disgrace to owe any favour to that Party.

The only answer the Prince gave was that these views were _very

agreeable_ for him.

[Pageheading: A CARRIAGE ACCIDENT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th August 1841._

... Our accident[65] was not so very bad, and considering that it is

the _very first_ that had happened in the course of _five summers_,

with _so many_ carriages and horses, one cannot be surprised. I

beg leave also to say that I _can_ get out _very_ quick. I am very

thankful that you agree to the couriers. I am a little sorry that you

have put poor Mamma off _so_ late, as she is _very_ much hurt at it, I

fear, by what I hear, and accuses me of it. But that will, I trust,

be forgiven. You don't say that _you_ sympathise with me in my present

heavy trial,[66] the heaviest I have ever had to endure, and which

will be a sad heartbreaking to me--but I know you do feel for me. I am

quiet and prepared, but still I fell very _sad_, and God knows! very

wretched at times, for myself and my country, that _such_ a change

must take place. But God in His mercy will support and guide me

through all. Yet I feel that my constant headaches are caused by

annoyance and vexation!

Adieu, dearest Uncle! God bless you! Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 65: The Queen had driven to Virginia Water to see

Prince Albert's beagles hunting, when owing to the hounds

running between the horses' legs and frightening them, a pony

phaeton and four containing Lord Erroll, Lady Ida Hay, and

Miss Cavendish was upset. One of the postillions was (not

dangerously) hurt.]

[Footnote 66: _I.e._, Lord Melbourne being succeeded by Sir

Robert Peel as Prime Minister.]

[Pageheading: DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _24th August 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We have

just delivered the Speech in the House of Lords, and the debate will

commence at five o'clock. We understand that the amendment is to be a

repetition of the motion of want of confidence, which Sir Robert Peel

made in the House of Commons before the dissolution, and nearly in the

same terms. It is to be moved by Lord Ripon[67] in the House of

Lords, and by Mr. Stuart Wortley[68] in the House of Commons. It is

understood to be their intention to avoid, as much as possible, debate

upon the Corn Laws, and upon the other topics in the Speech, and to

place the question entirely upon the result of the General Election

and the proof which that affords that the Ministry does not possess

the confidence of the country. Lord Melbourne thinks that it will not

be found easy to repress debate in the House of Commons, but would not

be surprised if the course which it is intended to pursue should much

shorten it in the House of Lords. Lord Melbourne will write again to

your Majesty after the debate, and will certainly come down to-morrow,

unless anything unexpected should occur to prevent him.

It will be necessary to receive the address of the Convocation in some

manner or another. Lord Melbourne will write confidentially to the

Archbishop[69] to learn how it may be received in the quietest manner

and with the least trouble. Lord Melbourne has little doubt that the

Lords and Commons will send their addresses by the officers of the

Household.

Lord Melbourne entreats your Majesty to pick up your spirits.

[Footnote 67: The first Earl (1782-1859) who had, as Lord

Goderich, been Premier in 1827-1828.]

[Footnote 68: J. Stuart Wortley (1801-1855), M.P. for the West

Riding, afterwards the second Lord Wharncliffe.]

[Footnote 69: Dr Howley.]

[Pageheading: COBDEN'S SPEECH]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _26th August 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has

the honour to report that nothing remarkable occurred in the debate

of yesterday, except a powerful speech from Mr Cobden, a

manufacturer.[70]

The debate will probably close this evening. No one of the Tory

leaders, except Sir Robert Peel, appears disposed to speak.

Should the Address be voted to-night, and reported to-morrow, it may be

presented to your Majesty by Lord Marcus Hill[71] on Saturday.

But should the debate be continued over this night, the report of the

Address can hardly take place till Monday. This, however, is not very

likely.

[Footnote 70: Cobden had just been elected for the first time

for Stockport.]

[Footnote 71: Son of Lord Downshire, and M.P. for Evesham;

afterwards (under a special remainder) the third Lord Sandys.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _27th August 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Upon his

arrival he found that there was no precedent of the House meeting

again after an Address, without receiving an answer from the Crown.

Lord Erroll therefore delivered the answer in the terms which had been

submitted by Lord Melbourne to your Majesty, and it appeared to give

satisfaction. The debate will probably terminate in the House of

Commons to-night; at the same time it may not. If it does we must

place our resignation in your Majesty's hands on Saturday, and it must

be announced to the Houses of Parliament on Monday. Your Majesty

will then do well not to delay sending for some other person beyond

Tuesday. Lord Melbourne will write to your Majesty more fully upon all

these subjects to-morrow, when he will know the result of the night's

debate, and be able more surely to point out the course of events.

Lord Melbourne received the Eau-de-Cologne, and returns your Majesty

many thanks for it.

Lord Melbourne understands that the Duke of Wellington is, in fact,

very desirous of having the Foreign Seals,[72] and that if your

Majesty feels any preference for him in that department the slightest

intimation of your Majesty's wish in that respect will fix him in his

desire to have it.

[Footnote 72: The Duke had been Foreign Secretary in 1835.]

[Pageheading: AN OVERWHELMING MAJORITY]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _28th August 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has

the honour to report that the Amendment to the Address was carried by

91, the numbers being--

For the Address 269

For the Amendment 360

---

91

---

The Tory party proposed that the House should meet this day, and the

Speaker signified that he should take the Chair at twelve o'clock. The

Address will be carried to Windsor by Lord Marcus Hill this evening if

then ready.

Lord John Russell takes this opportunity of closing his Reports again,

to express to your Majesty his deep sense of your Majesty's goodness

towards him. It is his fervent prayer that your Majesty may enjoy a

long and happy reign.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _28th August 1841._

... Your Majesty must, of course, consider us as having tendered

our resignations immediately after the vote of last night, and your

Majesty will probably think it right to request us to continue to hold

our offices and transact the current business until our successors are

appointed.

Lord Melbourne will have the honour of writing again to your Majesty

in the course of the day.

[Pageheading: THE RESIGNATION]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th August 1841._

... Albert will not stay for the dinner, and I expect him back at

about eleven to-night. He went at half-past eleven this morning. It is

the first time that we have ever been separated for so long since our

marriage, and I am quite melancholy about it.

You will forgive me if I mention it to you, but I understand that the

Queen Dowager has been somewhat offended at your not taking leave of

her when she came here, and at your not answering her, when she

wrote to you. Perhaps you would write to her and soften and smoothen

matters. She did not the least expect you to come to her. Believe me

always, your most devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _28th August 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to

acknowledge gratefully the communication which he has just received

from your Majesty. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty's

sense and firmness will enable your Majesty to bear up under this

which your Majesty names a severe trial. The kindness of your

Majesty's expressions emboldens Lord Melbourne to say that he also

feels deeply the pain of separation from a service, which has now for

four years and more been no less his pleasure than his pride.

Lord Melbourne would have been anxious to have waited upon your

Majesty to-day, but he feels that his presence is in some degree

material at a meeting, at which not only the present situation of your

Majesty's servants, but also their future conduct and prospects, will

be considered.

Lord Melbourne is sure that your Majesty will at once perceive that

it would not have a good appearance if he were to return to Windsor

immediately after having announced his resignation to the House of

Lords on Monday next.

It is right that there should be no appearance of delay or of

unwillingness to carry into effect the wishes of both Houses of

Parliament, and, therefore, your Majesty will forgive Lord Melbourne

if he suggests that it would be well if your Majesty could make up

your mind to appoint Sir R. Peel on Monday next, so that there might

be as little delay as possible in the formation of a new Government.

On all accounts, and particularly on account of the lateness of

the Season, it is desirable that this should be done as speedily as

possible.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_29th August 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He knows

well what that feeling of working under the impression of trouble and

annoyance is, but if the first gloom is brushed away, confidence and

hope and spirits return, and things begin to appear more cheerful.

Lord Melbourne is much obliged by your Majesty's enquiries. He slept

well, but waked early, which he always does now, and which is a sure

sign of anxiety of mind.

Lord Melbourne will be ready to attend your Majesty at any time.

[Pageheading: DELAY UNDESIRABLE]

[Pageheading: PARTING WITH LORD MELBOURNE]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th August 1841._

Lord Melbourne is to take his farewell audience of the Queen

to-morrow, and Her Majesty has appointed Sir Robert Peel to come down

here at three o'clock to-morrow.

I went with Lord Melbourne from luncheon to his room. He seemed in

tolerable spirits, though somewhat sad when he alluded to taking leave

of the Queen. He said he was anxious that Her Majesty should lose no

time in writing to appoint Sir Robert Peel to be here to-morrow, for

though he was not afraid of Sir Robert taking affront, his Party would

be too ready to construe any delay on the Queen's part into a slight.

He said the Prince had been with him just before, and amongst other

things had urged him to continue to him and to the Queen his advice

and assistance, especially on measures affecting their private

concerns and family concerns; he told Lord Melbourne it was on these

points that he felt Lord Melbourne's advice had been peculiarly sound,

and there was no reason why this should not be continued, and any

communication might be made through me. Lord Melbourne said that

the Prince had also entered upon the subject of the Baroness, and

expressed the constant state of annoyance he was kept in by her

interference. Lord Melbourne said to me: "It will be far more

difficult to remove her after the change of Government than now,

because if pressed to do it by a Tory Minister, the Queen's prejudice

would be immediately aroused." I admitted this, but said that though

the Prince felt that if he pressed the point against the Baroness

remaining, he should be able to carry it, still his good feeling and

affection for the Queen prevented him from pressing what he knew would

be painful, and what could not be carried without an exciting scene;

he must remain on his guard, and patiently abide the result. People

were beginning much better to understand that lady's character, and

time must surely work its own ends.

On my being sent for by the Prince, Lord Melbourne said, "I shall

see you again before I take my leave." I was much affected by the

earnestness with which this was said, and said I would certainly be

with him before he saw the Queen to-morrow.

The Prince said that Her Majesty was cheerful and in good spirits,

and the only part of the approaching scene which he dreaded was

the farewell with Lord Melbourne. The Queen had, however, been much

relieved by the Prince arranging for her hearing from Lord Melbourne

whenever she wished it.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_30th August 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and thanks

your Majesty much for the very clever and interesting etchings which

your Majesty most kindly sent him yesterday evening. Lord Melbourne

will ever treasure them as remembrances of your Majesty's kindness and

regard, which he prizes beyond measure.

They will, as your Majesty says, certainly recall to recollection a

melancholy day, but still Lord Melbourne hopes and trusts that with

the divine blessing it will hereafter be looked back upon with less

grief and bitterness of feeling, than it must be regarded at present.

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S POSITION]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th August 1841._

Directly I got here this morning the Prince sent for me, and said he

had been made somewhat uneasy by a conversation he had just had with

the Queen. Her Majesty said that after the manner in which the Tories

had treated the Prince (relative to annuity) he ought now to keep them

at a distance. She said they would try to flatter him, and would all

come to see him; this he should resist, and should refuse to see them,

at all events for some time.

The Prince wished me to mention this to Lord Melbourne when I went to

take leave of him, and to urge Lord Melbourne to set this right with

the Queen by his advice before he parted with the Queen, reminding him

that his view had always been that from this moment the Prince would

take up a new position, and that the Queen, no longer having Lord

Melbourne to resort to in case of need, must from this moment consult

and advise with the Prince. That Lord Melbourne should urge the Queen

to have no scruple in employing the Prince, and showing that unless

a proper understanding existed from the first, he in attempting to do

good would be easily misrepresented.

I found Lord Melbourne alone in his dressing-room and put this case

before him. He said he had always thought that when he left the

service of the Queen the Prince would of necessity be brought forward,

and must render great assistance to the Queen; and the Queen's

confidence in his judgment having so much increased, this consequence

was the more natural. The Prince must, however, be very cautious at

first, and in a little time he would fall into it. He must be

very careful not to alarm the Queen, by Her Majesty for an instant

supposing that the Prince was carrying on business with Peel without

her cognisance.

If it were possible for any one to advise Peel, he would recommend

that he should write fully to Her Majesty, and _elementarily_, as Her

Majesty always liked to have full knowledge upon everything which was

going on. He would advise the Queen to be cautious in giving a verbal

decision, that she should not allow herself to be _driven into a

corner_, and forced to decide where she felt her mind was not made up

and required reflection.

Peel should be very careful that intelligence came first from him

direct. King William was very particular upon this point, so was the

Queen.

I asked Lord Melbourne if he had considered the future position of

himself with the Queen, and also of Peel with the Queen. He said he

owned he had not and would avoid entering into any discussion--he felt

sure that he should be regarded with extreme jealousy, not so much by

Peel as by the party. He would be looked upon as Lord Bute had been in

his relation to George III.,--always suspected of secret

intercourse and intrigue. He would make me the medium of any written

communication.

With regard to Peel's position with the Queen, he thought that

circumstances must make it. He thought the Queen must see him oftener

than King William did him, as he thought the present state of things

would require more frequent intercourse. The late King used to see

him once a week after the Levée, seldom oftener; all the rest of the

business was transacted by correspondence, but this mode, though it

had its merits in some respect, very much impeded the public business.

The less personal objections the Queen took to any one the better, as

any such expression is sure to come out and a personal enemy is

made. It was also to be recollected that Peel was in a very different

position now, backed by a large majority, to when the other overture

was made. He had the power _now_ to extort what he pleased, and he

fancied he saw the blank faces of the heads of the Party when Peel

told them that he had agreed to the dismissal or resignation of only

three of the Queen's ladies.

Lord Melbourne said the Queen was afraid she never could be at ease

with Peel, because his manner was so embarrassed, and that conveyed

embarrassment also to her, which it would be very difficult to get

over.

The Queen took leave of Lord Melbourne to-day. Her Majesty was much

affected, but soon recovered her calmness.

Peel had his first audience at half-past three o'clock.

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S OPINION OF THE PRINCE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_30th August 1841_ (6 P.M.).

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The

announcement has been made in both Houses of Parliament. A few words

were said by Lord Stanley[73] in the House of Commons, and nothing in

the House of Lords.

Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself without again stating to your

Majesty in writing what he had the honour of saying to your Majesty

respecting his Royal Highness the Prince. Lord Melbourne has formed

the highest opinion of His Royal Highness's judgment, temper, and

discretion, and he cannot but feel a great consolation and security

in the reflection that he leaves your Majesty in a situation in

which your Majesty has the inestimable advantage of such advice and

assistance. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty cannot do

better than have recourse to it, whenever it is needed, and rely upon

it with confidence.

Lord Melbourne will be anxious to hear from your Majesty as to what

has passed with Sir R. Peel. Your Majesty will, Lord Melbourne is

sure, feel that the same general secrecy which your Majesty has always

observed respecting public affairs is more particularly necessary at

the present moment.

Lord Melbourne earnestly hopes that your Majesty is well and composed,

and with the most anxious wishes for your Majesty's welfare and

happiness, remains ever your Majesty's most devoted and attached

Servant, and he trusts that he may add, without presumption, your

Majesty's faithful and affectionate Friend.

[Footnote 73: Who now became Colonial Secretary.]

[Pageheading: THE HOUSEHOLD]

_Memorandum: Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

Your Majesty might say, if to your Majesty it seems good, that in

consequence of the Addresses voted by both Houses of Parliament, your

Majesty's servants had tendered their resignations, and that for the

same reason your Majesty had accepted those resignations. That your

Majesty's present servants possessed your Majesty's confidence,

and that you only parted with them in deference to the opinion of

Parliament.

That your Majesty naturally had recourse to Sir Robert Peel as

possessing the confidence of the great Party which constitutes the

majority of both Houses, and that you were prepared to empower him to

form an Administration.

That your Majesty did not conceive that the giving him this commission

of itself empowered him to advise the removal of the officers of your

Majesty's Household; that you conceive that all that the Constitution

required was that the Sovereign's Household should support the

Sovereign's Ministers; but that you were prepared to place at his

disposal, and to take his advice upon all the offices of the Household

at present filled by members of either House of Parliament, with

the exception of those whom your Majesty might think proper to

name, _i.e._, Lord Byron[74]--and it should be understood that this

exception was not to extend further than to him.

If Sir Robert Peel should wish that in case of Lord Byron's remaining

it should be considered as a fresh appointment made by his advice,

this wish might properly be acceded to.

_The Ladies._--If any difficulty should arise it may be asked to be

stated in writing, and reserved for consideration. But it is of great

importance that Sir Robert Peel should return to London with full

power to form an Administration. Such must be the final result, and

the more readily and graciously it is acquiesced in the better.

Your Majesty must take care not to be driven to the wall, and to

be put into a situation in which it is necessary to Aye or No. No

positive objection should be taken either to men or measures.

It must be recollected that at the time of the negotiation in 1839

Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell were still at the head of a

majority in the House of Commons. This is not the case now.

[Footnote 74: George Anson, seventh Lord Byron (1789-1868),

cousin and successor of the poet.]

[Pageheading: THE NEW CABINET]

THE CABINET OF LORD MELBOURNE,

_As it stood in September 1841._

_First Lord of the Treasury_ VISCOUNT MELBOURNE.

_Lord Chancellor_ LORD (afterwards Earl of)

COTTENHAM.

_Chancellor of the Exchequer_ Mr FRANCIS BARING

(afterwards Lord Northbrook).

_Lord President of the Council_ MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE.

_Lord Privy Seal_ EARL OF CLARENDON.

_Home Secretary_ MARQUIS OF NORMANBY.

_Foreign Secretary_ VISCOUNT PALMERSTON.

_Colonial Secretary_ LORD JOHN (afterwards

Earl) RUSSELL.

_First Lord of the Admiralty_ EARL OF MINTO.

_President of the Board of Control_ Sir JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE

(afterwards Lord Broughton).

_Secretary at War_ Mr T. B. (afterwards

Lord) MACAULAY.

_President of the Board of Trade_ Mr LABOUCHERE (afterwards

Lord Taunton).

_Chief Secretary for Ireland_ VISCOUNT MORPETH

(afterwards Earl of Carlisle).

_First Commissioner of Land Revenue_ VISCOUNT DUNCANNON

(afterwards Earl of Bessborough).

_Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster_ Sir GEORGE GREY.

THE CABINET OF SIR ROBERT PEEL,[75]

_As formed in September 1841._

_First Lord of the Treasury_ Sir ROBERT PEEL.

_Lord Chancellor_ LORD LYNDHURST.

_Chancellor of the Exchequer_ Mr. H. GOULBURN.

(_Without Office_) DUKE OF WELLINGTON.

_Lord President of the Council_ LORD WHARNCLIFFE.

_Lord Privy Seal_ DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

_Home Secretary_ Sir JAMES GRAHAM.

_Foreign Secretary_ EARL OF ABERDEEN.

_Colonial Secretary_ LORD STANLEY

(afterwards Earl of Derby).

_First Lord of the Admiralty_ EARL OF HADDINGTON.

_President of the Board of Control_ LORD (afterwards Earl of)

ELLENBOROUGH

_Secretary at War_ Sir HENRY (afterwards

Viscount) HARDINGE.

_President of the Board of Trade_ EARL OF RIPON.

_Paymaster-General_. Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL.

[Footnote 75: The Peel Ministry of 1841 was unique in

containing three ex-Premiers: Sir Robert Peel himself, the

Earl of Ripon, and the Duke of Wellington, who succeeded Lord

Goderich as Premier in 1828. Ripon's career was a curious one;

he was a singularly ineffective Prime Minister, and indeed did

not, during the course of his Ministry (August 1827-January

1828), ever have to meet Parliament. He was disappointed

at not being invited to join the Wellington Ministry,

subsequently joined the Reform Ministry of Lord Grey, but

followed Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, and the Duke of

Richmond out of it. In August 1841 he moved the vote of want

of confidence in the Melbourne Ministry, and became President

of the Board of Trade in Peel's Government. In 1846 it fell to

him, when President of the Board of Control, to move the Corn

Law Repeal Bill in the Lords.

The only later instance of an ex-Premier accepting a

subordinate office was in the case of Lord John Russell, who,

in 1852, took the Foreign Office under Aberdeen, subsequently

vacating the office and sitting in the Cabinet without office.

In June 1854, he became Lord President of the Council, and

left the Ministry when it was menaced by Roebuck's motion.

When Lord Palmerston formed a Ministry in 1855, Lord John,

after an interval, became Colonial Secretary, again resigning

in five months. Finally, in 1859, he went back to the Foreign

Office, where he remained until he succeeded Palmerston as

Premier in 1865.

The Government also contained three future Premiers, Aberdeen,

Stanley, and Gladstone.]

[Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH PEEL]

[Pageheading: HOUSEHOLD APPOINTMENTS]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S DISTRESS]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

WINDSOR CASTLE _30th August 1841._

... The first interview with Sir Robert Peel has gone off well, and

only lasted twenty minutes; and he sends the Queen to-morrow, in

writing, the proposed arrangements, and will only come down on

Wednesday morning. He first wished to come to-morrow, but on the

Queen's saying that he need not to do that, but might send it and only

come down Wednesday, he thought the Queen might prefer having it to

consider a little, which she said she certainly should, though she

meant no want of confidence. The Queen, in the first instance, stated

that she concluded he was prepared for her sending for him, and then

stated exactly what Lord Melbourne wrote, viz., the resignation having

taken place in consequence of the Addresses--the Queen's great regret

at parting with her present Ministers--the confidence she had in them,

and her only acceding in consequence of the Addresses in Parliament,

and then that consequently she looked to him (Sir Robert Peel) as

possessing the confidence of both Houses of Parliament to form an

Administration. He made many protestations of his sorrow, at what must

give pain to the Queen (as she said to him it did), but of course said

he accepted the task. The Duke of Wellington's health too uncertain,

and himself too prone to sleep coming over him--as Peel expressed

it--to admit of his taking an office in which he would have much to

do, but to be in the Cabinet, which the Queen expressed her wish he

should. He named Lord De Grey[76] as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,

and Lord Eliot[77] as Secretary for Ireland, who, he said, were both

moderate people. The Queen said she gave up to him the officers of

State and those of her Household who were in Parliament, and he then

asked if Lord Liverpool would be agreeable as Lord Steward (the Queen

said he would), and if she would object to Lord Jersey as Master of

the Horse (she said she would not), as she believed he understood it

perfectly. He said he was so anxious to do everything which could be

agreeable to the Queen, that he wished her to name whom she should

like as Lord Chamberlain; she said he might suggest some one, but as

he would not, and pressed the Queen to name whoever she pleased,

she said she should like the Duke of Rutland, and he said he would

certainly name it to him. The Queen said that Lord Melbourne had

always been very particular to name no one who might be disagreeable

to her in the Household, and Sir R. Peel said he felt this, and

should be most anxious to do what could be agreeable to me and for my

comfort, and that he would even sacrifice any advantage to this. The

Queen mentioned the three Ladies' resignation, and her wish not to

fill up the three Ladies' places immediately. She mentioned Lady

Byron,[78] to which he agreed immediately, and then said, as I had

alluded to those communications, he hoped that he had been understood

respecting the _other_ appointments (meaning the Ladies), that

provided I chose some who had a leaning towards the politics of the

Administration, I might take any I liked, and that he quite understood

that I should notify it to them. The Queen said this was her rule, and

that she wished to choose moderate people who should not have scruples

to resign in case another Administration should come in, as changing

was disagreeable to her. Here it ended, and so far well. He was

very anxious the Queen should understand _how_ anxious he was to do

everything which was agreeable to the Queen. The Queen wishes to know

if Lord Melbourne thinks she should name the Duchess of Buccleuch

Mistress of the Robes, on Wednesday, and if she shall ask Sir Robert

to sound the Duchess, or some one else, and then write to appoint her?

She thinks of proposing Lady de la Warr and Lady Abercorn by and by as

the two Ladies, but these she will sound herself through other people,

or Lady Canning, or Lady Rosslyn, in case these others should not take

it. She should say she meant to sound those, and no more. What the

Queen felt when she parted from her dear, kind friend, Lord Melbourne,

is better imagined than described; she was dreadfully affected for

some time after, but is calm now. It is very, very sad; and she cannot

quite believe it yet. The Prince felt it very, very much too, and

really the Queen cannot say how kind and affectionate he is to her,

and how anxious to do everything to lighten this heavy trial; he was

quite affected at this sad parting. We do, and shall, miss you so

dreadfully; Lord Melbourne will easily understand what a change it

is, after these four years when she had the happiness of having Lord

Melbourne always about her. But it will not be so long till we meet

again. Happier and brighter times will come again. We anxiously hope

Lord Melbourne is well, and got up well and safe. The Queen trusts he

will take care of his valuable health, now more than ever.

[Footnote 76: Thomas, Earl de Grey (1781-1859); he was the

elder brother of Lord Ripon, who had been previously known

as Mr Robinson and Viscount Goderich, and whose son, besides

inheriting his father's and uncle's honours, was created

Marquis of Ripon.]

[Footnote 77: Afterwards third Earl of St Germans.]

[Footnote 78: Lady Byron had been Miss Elizabeth

Chandos-Pole.]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st August 1841._

I was sent up to Town to-day to see Lord Melbourne and Sir Robert

Peel. I found Lord Melbourne as usual up in his bedroom. He had

received the account of Her Majesty's first interview with Peel, which

he thought very satisfactory. Sir Robert very much regretted that he

should have been the instrument of obliging Her Majesty to change her

Government. The Queen had said to Sir Robert that though she did not

conceive the Minister could demand any of the Household appointments,

still it was Her Majesty's intention to give up to him the great

offices of State, and all other places in the Household filled by

people in Parliament. He was to send his proposed list for offices the

next day and be at Windsor the morning after that. Lord Melbourne

had written to the Queen the night before, stating his opinion of the

Prince--that he had great discretion, temper, and judgment, and that

he considered him to be well worthy of Her Majesty's confidence, and

that now was the time for Her Majesty to feel comfort and assistance

from giving him her fullest confidence. He had just received the

Queen's answer to this, saying what "pleasure it had given the Queen

to receive his letter with this expression of his opinion of her

beloved husband, and that what he said could not fail to increase

the confidence which she already felt in him. He was indeed a great

comfort to her in this trying moment; at times she was very low indeed

though she strove to bear up. It would always be a satisfaction to

her to feel secure of Lord Melbourne's faithful and affectionate

friendship to her and the Prince. She hoped after a time to see him

here again, and it would always be a pleasure to her to hear from him

frequently."

From South Steet I went to Sir Robert Peel's. I told him I came to

speak to him about Lord Exeter, whom the Prince proposed to make

the head of his Household, should it not interfere with any of Sir

Robert's arrangements for the Queen. Sir Robert said he was so good a

man and one that he felt sure the Prince would like, and he therefore

thought he had better propose the situation to him at once.

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S OFFICIAL FAREWELL]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _31st August 1841._

Lord Melbourne had the pleasure of receiving last night both your

Majesty's letters, the one dated four o'clock, and written immediately

after your Majesty's interview with Sir R. Peel, the other dated

half-past nine. Lord Melbourne thanks your Majesty much for them both,

and for the expressions of kindness contained in them. Lord Melbourne

will ever consider the time during which your Majesty is good enough

to think that he has been of service to your Majesty the proudest as

well as the happiest part of his life.

Lord Melbourne has read with great care your Majesty's very clear and

full account of what passed. It appears to Lord Melbourne that nothing

could be better. Sir Robert Peel seems to have been anxious to act

with the utmost respect and consideration for your Majesty, and your

Majesty most properly and wisely met him half-way. In the spirit

in which the negotiation has been commenced I see the prospect of a

termination of it, which will be not so unsatisfactory to your

Majesty as your Majesty anticipated, and not, Lord Melbourne trusts,

disadvantageous to the country....

Lord Melbourne concludes with the most anxious wishes for your

Majesty's happiness and with expressing a great admiration of the

firmness, prudence, and good sense with which your Majesty has

conducted yourself.

Lord Melbourne begs to be remembered to His Royal Highness most

respectfully, most affectionately.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_31st August 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has just

received your Majesty's letter. Lord Melbourne rejoices much to learn

that your Majesty feels more composed and that you are well. Recollect

how precious is your Majesty's health, and how much health depends

upon tranquillity of mind....

Lord Melbourne will either write to Sir Francis Chantrey[79] to-morrow

morning, or call upon him and settle without further delay about the

Bust. There is no end of subscriptions to Monuments, but perhaps your

Majesty will do well to subscribe to Sir David Wilkie's.[80]

Your Majesty is very good about the blue Ribband, but Lord Melbourne

is certain that upon the whole, it is better for his own position and

character that he should not have it.

[Footnote 79: Sir Francis Chantrey, the sculptor, born in

1781, died on 25th November 1841.]

[Footnote 80: Sir David Wilkie, Painter-in-Ordinary to the

Queen, had died on 1st June, aged fifty-six.]

[Pageheading: PEEL'S RECEPTION]

_The Earl of Clarendon[81] to Viscount Melbourne.[82]_

GROSVENOR CRESCENT, _31st August 1841._

MY DEAR MELBOURNE,--You may like to know that Peel was perfectly

satisfied with his reception yesterday, and does full justice to the

Queen's declaration of her regret at parting with her Ministers, which

he said it was quite natural she should feel, and quite right she

should express. This I know from undoubted authority, and from a

person who came to enquire of me whether I could tell what impression

Peel had produced upon the Queen, which of course I could not.

He assured the Queen that he had had no communication with his

friends, and was not prepared to submit an Administration for her

approval, but he is to see her again to-morrow morning.

The only appointment yet settled is De Grey to Ireland; he was very

unwilling, but Peel insisted. Yours sincerely,

CLARENDON.

[Footnote 81: The retiring Lord Privy Seal.]

[Footnote 82: Letter forwarded by Lord Melbourne to the

Queen.]

[Pageheading: FAREWELL AUDIENCES]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON TERRACE, _31st August 1841._

... Viscount Palmerston begs to be allowed to tender to your Majesty

the grateful thanks of himself and of Viscountess Palmerston for your

Majesty's gracious expressions towards them. Viscount Palmerston sees

with deep regret the termination of those duties in your Majesty's

service, in the course of which he has had the honour of experiencing

from your Majesty so much condescending personal kindness, and

such flattering official confidence; and it affords him the highest

gratification to have obtained your Majesty's approbation.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _2nd September 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received

your Majesty's letter yesterday evening, and was very glad to learn

from it that your Majesty was not ill satisfied with Sir Robert Peel,

and that the arrangements were going on smoothly, which it is highly

desirable that they should. Your Majesty should desire Sir Robert

Peel to give notice to all those who have insignia of office, such

as Seals, Wands, to give up, to attend at Claremont on Friday; but of

course he will do this of himself. Your Majesty will have much to go

through upon that day and much that is painful. Your Majesty should

spare yourself and be spared as much as possible. It will not be

necessary for Lord Melbourne to go down. He may be considered as

having resigned at the Audience which he had of your Majesty at

Windsor, and Lord Melbourne has ventured to tell Lord Lansdowne that

he thinks he need not do so either, and that your Majesty will excuse

his attendance. Lord Melbourne need say nothing about the Secretaries

of State, with all of whom your Majesty is so well acquainted; but

perhaps your Majesty will not omit to thank Mr Baring[83] cordially

for his services. He is a thoroughly honest man and an able public

servant. If your Majesty could say to the Lord Chancellor,[84] "that

you part with him with much sorrow; that you are sensible that much of

the strength of the late Administration was derived from the manner

in which he discharged the duties of his office, and that you consider

his retirement a great and serious loss to the country," it would

certainly be no more than he deserves.

It is thought by some who know him here that the Duke of Rutland will

be so extremely pleased with the offer being made, and that by your

Majesty yourself, that he will accept it; but he is a year older than

Lord Melbourne, and therefore hardly fit for any very active duty....

The appointment of Colonel Arbuthnot will of course be very agreeable

to the Duke of Wellington. The Arbuthnots are quiet, demure people

before others; but they are not without depth of purpose, and they are

very bitter at bottom.

Your Majesty will not forget the two Knights for Mr de la Beche[85]

and Major Monro.

Lord Melbourne begins to hope that this affair will be got through

more satisfactorily and with less annoyance than your Majesty

anticipated. As long as your Majesty is desirous of receiving his

communications, he will be always most careful to give your Majesty

his impartial opinion and the best advice which he has to offer. His

most fervent prayer will always be for your Majesty's welfare and

happiness.

[Footnote 83: The retiring Chancellor of the Exchequer.]

[Footnote 84: Lord Cottenham.]

[Footnote 85: Sir Henry T. de la Beche, an eminent geologist.]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S LAST OFFICIAL LETTER]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _2nd September 1841._

....Lord Melbourne hopes and trusts that when to-morrow is over your

Majesty will recover from that depression of spirits under which your

Majesty now labours. Lord Melbourne never doubted that it would be

so, but is glad to learn from your Majesty the support and consolation

which your Majesty finds in the advice and affection of the Prince.

This is the last letter which Lord Melbourne will send in a box. He

will to-morrow morning return his keys to the Foreign Office, and

after that your Majesty will be good enough to send the letters, with

which you may honour Lord Melbourne, through Mr Anson.

Lord Melbourne most anxiously wishes your Majesty every blessing.

[Pageheading: COUNCIL AT CLAREMONT]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _3rd September 1841._

Lord Melbourne earnestly hopes that your Majesty is well after this

trying day.[86] Lord Melbourne has thought and felt for your Majesty

all this morning. But now that the matter is settled it will be

necessary that your Majesty should take a calm and composed view of

the whole situation, which Lord Melbourne trusts that your Majesty

will find by no means unsatisfactory.

And first with respect to public affairs. In the concerns of a

great nation like this there will always be some difficulties and

entanglements, but upon the whole the present state is good and the

prospect is good for the future. There is no reason to expect that

Sir Robert Peel will either be desirous or be able to take a very

different course from that which has been taken by your Majesty's late

servants, and some difficulties will certainly be removed, and some

obstacles smoothed, by the change which has lately taken place.

With respect to the effect which will be produced upon the comfort of

your Majesty's private life, it would be idle in Lord Melbourne,

after what your Majesty has said, to doubt of the manner in which your

Majesty will feel the change, which must take place in your Majesty,

to long accustomed habits and relations. But your Majesty may rest

assured of Lord Melbourne's devoted and disinterested attachment

to your Majesty, and that he will devote himself to giving to your

Majesty such information and advice as may be serviceable to your

Majesty with the sole view of promoting your Majesty's public

interests and private happiness.

Lord Melbourne hopes, and indeed ventures to expect, that your

Majesty, upon reflection and consideration of the real state of

circumstances, will recover your spirits, and Lord Melbourne has

himself great satisfaction in thinking upon the consideration of

the advice which he has given, that it has not tended to impair your

Majesty's influence and authority, but, on the contrary, to secure to

your Majesty the affection, attachment, approbation, and support of

all parties.

In the course of this correspondence Lord Melbourne has thought it his

duty to your Majesty to express himself with great freedom upon

the characters of many individuals, whose names have come under

consideration, but Lord Melbourne thinks it right to say that he may

have spoken upon insufficient grounds, that he may have been mistaken,

and that the persons in question may turn out to be far better than he

has been induced to represent them.

[Footnote 86: A Council had been held at Claremont for the

outgoing Ministers to give up their Seals of Office, which

were bestowed upon Sir Robert Peel and the incoming Cabinet.]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE ON THE NEW MINISTRY]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _4th September 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He was most

happy to hear yesterday the best account of everything that had taken

place at Claremont. Everybody praised, in the highest manner, the

dignity, propriety, and kindness of your Majesty's deportment, and if

it can be done without anything of deceit or dissimulation, it is well

to take advantage of the powers and qualities which have been given,

and which are so well calculated to gain a fair and powerful influence

over the minds and feelings of others. Your Majesty may depend upon

it, that the impression made upon the minds of all who were present

yesterday, is most favourable. Of course, with persons in new and

rather awkward situations, some of whom had never been in high office

before, all of whom had not been so now for some years, there was a

good deal of embarrassment and mistakes. Forms which are only gone

through at long intervals of time, and not every day, are necessarily

forgotten, and when they are required nobody knows them. But Lord

Melbourne cannot really think that they looked cross; most probably

they did look shy and embarrassed. Strange faces are apt to give the

idea of ill humour....

Lord Melbourne anxiously hopes that your Majesty is well and happy

to-day.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _5th September 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Your Majesty

may depend upon it, that if Lord Melbourne hears anything respecting

your Majesty, which it appears to him to be important or advantageous,

that your Majesty should know, Lord Melbourne will not fail to convey

it to your Majesty.

Lord Melbourne encloses the exact names of the two gentlemen to whom

Knighthood has been promised by your Majesty....

Your Majesty is very good, very good indeed, to think of doing what

your Majesty mentions for Fanny; but Lord Melbourne fears that it

would hardly suit with their present situation, or with the comfort of

their domestic life. But Lord Melbourne mentioned the matter yesterday

to his sister, and he encloses the letter which she has written to him

this morning, after reflecting upon the subject. By that letter your

Majesty will perceive that Jocelyn is not so much in debt, as Lord

Melbourne's letter had led your Majesty to suppose....

Lord B---- is a very old friend of Lord Melbourne's. They were at Eton

together, and intimate there. He is a gentlemanly man and a good man,

but not very agreeable. Few of the P----s are, and very bitter in

politics; but still Lord Melbourne is glad, for old acquaintance'

sake, that your Majesty has taken him. Lord Melbourne must again

repeat that when he writes with so much freedom about individual

characters, it is only to put your Majesty in possession of what he

knows respecting them, and not with a view of inducing your Majesty to

object to their being appointed....

Might not Fanny have the Bedchamber Woman's place? It would be a help

to her, and would not take her away from home. This only strikes Lord

Melbourne as he is writing.

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE ON PEEL]

_6th September 1841._

Lord Melbourne wrote the above yesterday, but had no opportunity of

sending it, as there was no post. Lord Melbourne has since seen Lady

Palmerston, and finds that his last suggestion about Fanny will not

do.

Lord Melbourne encloses Lady Palmerston's two notes upon the subject,

which will explain to your Majesty what she wishes. But if Jocelyn is

himself to get a place, this will be a better arrangement, and puts an

end to all the others.

What Lady Palmerston says about Sir R. Peel is very unjust. There

is no shabbiness whatever in his not coming to a decision upon the

factory question.[87]

[Footnote 87: Lady Palmerston (no doubt in sympathy with Lord

Ashley) expected some factory legislation to be announced.]

_Queen Victoria to the Countess of Gainsborough._[88]

CLAREMONT, _6th September 1841._

MY DEAREST LADY GAINSBOROUGH,--I had the pleasure of receiving your

two kind letters of the 24th and 25th ult. yesterday, and thank you

much for them. I am so happy that you are _really_ better....

I hoped that you would be pleased at what you thank me for; you see

I _did not_ forget what you told me once at Windsor when we were

out driving, and I assure you that Lord Melbourne was very anxious

to do it. Last week was a most painful, trying one to me, and this

separation from my truly excellent and kind friend Lord Melbourne,

_most_ distressing. You will understand _what_ a change it must be to

me. I am, however, so happy in my home, and have such a perfect angel

in the Prince, who has been such a comfort to me, that one must be

thankful and grateful for these blessings, and take these hard trials

as lessons sent from above, for our best.

Our little girl makes great progress, and suffers comparatively but

very little from her teething. We came here to be _quiet_ for a few

days, as this place is so very private.

The Baroness will write to Lord Gainsborough to say that I wish much

you would take Lady Lyttelton's waiting, which begins on 23rd of

November.

The Prince begs to be kindly named to you, and I to Fanny and your

brother, and pray believe me always, dearest Lady Gainsborough, ever

yours most affectionately,

VICTORIA R.

Pray thank Fanny for her kind letter.

[Footnote 88: Formerly, as Lady Barham, a Lady of the

Bedchamber. Lord Barham had been created Earl of Gainsborough

in the course of the year (1841).]

[Pageheading: LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S DEPARTMENT]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

_7th September 1841._

The Queen wishes that Sir Robert Peel would mention to Lord De la

Warr[89] that he should be very particular in always naming to the

Queen any appointment he wishes to make in his department, and always

to take her pleasure upon an appointment before he settles on them;

this is a point upon which the Queen has always laid great stress.

This applies in great measure to the appointment of Physicians and

Chaplains, which used to be very badly managed formerly, and who were

appointed in a very careless manner; but since the Queen's accession

the Physicians and Chaplains have been appointed only for merit and

abilities, by the Queen herself, which the Queen is certain Sir Robert

Peel will at once see is a far better way, and one which must be of

use in every way. Sir Robert Peel may also tell Lord De la Warr that

it is unnecessary for him to appear in uniform, as the Queen

always dispenses with this in the country. This applies also to the

Ministers, who the Queen does not expect or wish should appear in

uniform at Councils which are held in the country. The Queen concludes

that it will be necessary to hold a Council some time next week to

swear in some of the new Officers who are not Privy Councillors; but

Sir Robert Peel will be able to tell the Queen when he thinks this

will be necessary.

[Footnote 89: See _ante_, p 156.(Ch. VIII, 7th May, 1839)]

[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

_8th September 1841._

There is a subject which the Queen wishes to mention to Sir Robert

Peel, as she is at present so little acquainted with Lord Aberdeen;

the Queen is very desirous that, if it were possible, Sir Hamilton

Seymour should not be removed from Brussels. The Queen believes that

his political views are not violent either way, and she knows that he

is peculiarly agreeable to her Uncle, which has, therefore, prompted

her to write this to Sir Robert Peel. The Queen seizes the same

opportunity to say that she is also very anxious that a moderate

and conciliatory person should be sent to Lisbon, as it is of great

importance there.

[Pageheading: THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

CLAREMONT, _8th September 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I begin my letter to-day, for fear I should have no

time to write to-morrow. Your kind letter gave me great pleasure, and

I must own your silence on all that was going on distressed me very

much! It has been indeed a sad time for me, and I am still bewildered,

and can't believe that my excellent Lord Melbourne is no longer

my Minister, but he will be, as you say, and has _already_ proved

himself, _very_ useful and _valuable_ as my friend out of office.

He writes to me often, and I write to him, and he gives really the

fairest and most impartial advice possible. But after seeing him for

four years, with very few exceptions--_daily_--you may imagine that I

_must_ feel the change; and the longer the time gets since we parted,

the _more_ I feel it. _Eleven days_ was the _longest_ I ever was

without seeing him, and this time will be elapsed on Saturday, so you

may imagine what the change must be. I cannot say what a comfort and

support my beloved Angel is to me, and how well and how kindly

and properly he behaves. I cannot resist copying for you what Lord

Melbourne wrote to me about Albert, the evening after we parted; he

has already praised him greatly to me, before he took leave of me. It

is as follows:

"Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself without again stating to your

Majesty in writing what he had the honour of saying to your Majesty

respecting H.R.H. the Prince. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest

opinion of H.R.H.'s judgment, temper, and discretion, and he cannot

but feel a great consolation and security in the reflection that

he leaves your Majesty in a situation in which your Majesty has the

inestimable advantage of such advice and assistance. Lord Melbourne

feels certain that your Majesty cannot do better than have recourse to

it, whenever it is needed, and rely upon it with confidence."

This naturally gave me great pleasure, and made me very proud, as it

comes from a person who is no flatterer, and would not have said it if

he did not think so, or feel so. The new Cabinet you have by this time

seen in the papers.

The Household (of which I send you a list) is well constituted--_for

Tories_.

Lord Aberdeen has written to me to say Bourqueney has announced Ste

Aulaire[90] as Ambassador. This is very well, but let me beg you, for

decency's sake, to stop his coming immediately; if _even not meant_

to, it would have the effect of their sending an ambassador the moment

the Government changed, which would be too marked, and most _offensive

personally_ to _me_. Indeed Guizot behaved very badly about refusing

to sign the Slave Trade Treaty[91] which they had so long ago settled

to do; it is unwise and foolish to irritate the late Government who

may so easily come in again; for Palmerston will _not_ forgive nor

_forget_ offences, and then France would be worse off than before,

with England. I therefore _beg_ you to stop Ste Aulaire for a little

while, else _I_ shall feel it a great personal offence.

_9th._--I have had a letter from Lord Melbourne to-day, who is much

gratified by yours to him.... Now adieu! Believe me, always, your

devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 90: See _post_, p. 334. (Ch. X, 1st October, 1841)]

[Footnote 91: A treaty on the subject was signed in London,

on 20th December, between Great Britain, France, Austria,

Prussia, and Russia.]

[Pageheading: QUEEN ADELAIDE]

_Queen Adelaide to Queen Victoria._

SUDBURY HALL, _8th September 1841._

MY DEAREST NIECE,--I have not ventured to disturb you with a letter

since we parted, knowing how fully your time was employed with

business of importance. I cannot any longer now refrain to enquire

after you, after all you have gone through lately, and I must

congratulate you with all my heart on having so well completed your

difficult task.

There is but one voice of praise, I hear, of your perfect composure

and beautiful conduct during the trying scenes of last week. It has

gratified me more than I can express, for I had fully expected it of

you, and it has made me very happy to find that it has been generally

remarked and has given so much satisfaction. Everybody feels deeply

for you, and the devotion and zeal in your service is redoubled by

the interest your trying position has evoked. May our Heavenly Father

support and guide you always as hitherto, is my constant prayer!

I hope that the selection of your Government is to your own

satisfaction, and though the change must have been trying to you, I

trust that you will have perfect confidence in the able men who form

your Council. Our beloved late King's anxious wishes to see Wellington

and Peel again at the head of the Administration is now fulfilled. His

blessing rests upon you.

Excuse my having touched upon this subject, but I could not keep

silent whilst the heart is so full of earnest good wishes for your and

the country's prosperity.

I hope that an article of the newspapers, of the indisposition of your

darling child, is not true, and that she is quite well. God bless and

protect her!...

I am much amused with reading your Life by Miss Strickland,[92] which,

though full of errors, is earnest on the whole, and very interesting

to _me_. However, I wish she would correct the gross errors which

otherwise will go down to posterity. She ought to have taken first

better information before she published her work....

With my affectionate love to dear Prince Albert, believe me ever, my

dearest Niece, your most devoted and affectionate Aunt,

ADELAIDE.

[Footnote 92: Miss Agnes Strickland (1808-1874), who also

edited _Letters of Mary Queen of Scots_, etc.]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

CLAREMONT, _9th September 1841._

The Ministerial arrangements are now nearly completed. Writs for new

elections moved last night.

Wrote to Sir Robert, telling him the Queen ought to have heard from

him respecting the adjournment of the House of Commons, instead of

seeing it first in the public papers. Told him also of its being the

Queen's wish that a short report of the debates in each House should

always be sent to Her Majesty, from him in the Commons and from the

Duke of Wellington in the Lords.

The Queen had a letter to-day from the Queen Dowager, which was kindly

meant, but which made Her Majesty rather angry, complimenting Her

Majesty on the good grace with which she had changed her Government,

and saying that the late King's blessing rested upon her for calling

the Duke of Wellington and Peel to her Councils, etc....

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN CRITICISES APPOINTMENTS]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

_9th September 1841._

The Queen takes this opportunity of writing to Sir Robert Peel

_confidentially_ about another person: this is about Lord ----. The

Queen is strongly of opinion that Lord ---- should _not_ be employed

in any post of importance, as his being so would, in her opinion,

be detrimental to the interests of the country. The Queen wishes Sir

Robert to state this to Lord Aberdeen as her opinion. The Queen is

certain that Sir Robert will take care that it should not be known

generally that this is her opinion, for she is always most anxious to

avoid anything that might appear personal towards anybody. The Queen

cannot refrain from saying that she cannot quite approve of Sir

Charles Bagot's appointment,[93] as from what she has heard of his

qualities she does not think that they are of a character quite to

suit in the arduous and difficult position in which he will be placed.

At the same time the Queen does not mean to object to his appointment

(for she has already formally approved of it), but she feels it her

duty to state frankly and at all times her opinion, as she begs Sir

Robert also to do unreservedly to her. For the future, it appears to

the Queen that it would be best in all appointments of such importance

that before a direct communication was entered into with the

individual intended to be proposed, that the Queen should be informed

of it, so that she might talk to her Ministers fully about it; not

because it is likely that she would object to the appointment, but

merely that she might have time to be acquainted with the qualities

and abilities of the person. The Queen has stated this thus freely to

Sir Robert as she feels certain that he will understand and appreciate

the motives which prompt her to do so. The Queen would wish the

Council to be at two on Tuesday, and she begs Sir Robert would inform

her which of the Ministers besides him will attend.

[Footnote 93: As Governor-General of Canada.]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

_9th September 1841._

... Sir Robert Peel will have the honour of writing to your Majesty

to-morrow on the subjects adverted to in the note which he has just

received from your Majesty.

He begs for the present to assure your Majesty that he shall consider

every communication which your Majesty may be pleased to address

to him in reference to the personal merits or disqualifications of

individuals as of a most confidential character.

[Pageheading: PEEL APOLOGISES]

_Sir Robert Peel to Mr Anson._

WHITEHALL, _10th September 1841._

MY DEAR SIR,--I am sorry if I have failed to make any communication to

Her Majesty respecting public matters, which Her Majesty has been in

the habit of receiving, or which she would have wished to receive.

Having been occupied in the execution of the important trust committed

to me not less than sixteen or eighteen hours of the twenty-four for

several days past, it may be that I have made some omissions in this

respect, which under other circumstances I might have avoided. I did

not think Her Majesty would wish to be informed of the issue of writs,

necessarily following the appointments to certain offices, of all

which Her Majesty had approved. I certainly ought to have written

to Her Majesty previously to the adjournment of the House of Commons

until Thursday the _16th of September_. It was an inadvertent omission

on my part, amid the mass of business which I have had to transact,

and I have little doubt that if I had been in Parliament I should have

avoided it.

The circumstances of my having vacated my seat, and of having

thus been compelled to leave to others the duty of proposing the

adjournment of the House, was one cause of my inadvertence.

Both the Duke of Wellington and I fully intended to make a report to

Her Majesty after the close of the Parliamentary business of each day,

and will do so without fail on the reassembling of Parliament.

I am, my dear Sir, very faithfully yours,

ROBERT PEEL.

[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _10th September 1841._

... Lord Melbourne has no doubt that Sir Robert Peel has the most

anxious wish to do everything that can be agreeable to your Majesty.

Your Majesty should not omit to speak fully and seriously to him upon

the disposal of great appointments. Their Diplomatic Corps, from which

Ambassadors and Governors are generally taken, is the weakest part of

their establishment. They have amongst them men of moderate abilities

and of doubtful integrity, who yet have held high offices and

have strong claims upon them. The public service may suffer most

essentially by the employment of such men. Lord Melbourne would say

to Peel that "affairs depend more upon the hands to which they are

entrusted than upon any other cause, and that you hope he will well

consider those whose appointment to high and important situations

he sanctions, and that he will not suffer claims of connection or of

support to overbalance a due regard for your Majesty's service and the

welfare of the country." Such an expression of your Majesty's opinion

may possibly be a support to Sir Robert Peel against pretensions which

he would be otherwise unable to resist; but this is entirely submitted

to your Majesty's judgment, seeing that your Majesty, from an exact

knowledge of all that is passing, must be able to form a much more

correct opinion of the propriety and discretion of any step than Lord

Melbourne can do....

Lord Melbourne has a letter from Lord John Russell, rather eager for

active opposition; but Lord Melbourne will write to your Majesty more

fully upon these subjects from Woburn.

[Pageheading: CANADA]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _12th September 1841._

Lord Melbourne has this morning received your Majesty's letter of

yesterday. Lord Melbourne entirely agrees with your Majesty about

appointments. He knows, as your Majesty does from experience,

that with all the claims which there are to satisfy, with all the

prejudices which are to be encountered, and with all the interests

which require to be reconciled, it is impossible to select the best

men, or even always those properly qualified. He is the last man who

would wish that a Minister who has the whole machine of the Government

before him should be necessarily thwarted or interfered with in the

selection of those whom he may be desirous to employ. Lord Melbourne

would therefore by no means advise your Majesty to throw difficulty in

the way of the diplomatic arrangements which may be proposed, unless

there should be in them anything manifestly and glaringly bad. The

nomination of Lord ---- would have been so, but otherwise it cannot

very greatly signify who is the Ambassador at Vienna, or even at

Petersburg or Paris. Stuart de Rothesay[94] and Strangford[95] are not

good men, either of them, but it will be difficult for Lord Aberdeen

to neglect their claims altogether. Heytesbury[96] is an able man, the

best they have. Sir Robert Gordon[97] is an honest man, slow but not

illiberal. It would be well if your Majesty showed Lord Aberdeen that

you know these men, and have an opinion upon the subject of them.

Canada is another matter. It is a most difficult and most hazardous

task. There has been recent rebellion in the country. A new

Constitution has lately been imposed upon it by Parliament. The two

Provinces have been united, and the united Province is bordered by a

most hostile and uncontrollable community, the United States of North

America. To govern such a country at such a moment requires a man of

great abilities, a man experienced and practical in the management

of popular assemblies.... It is possible that matters may go smoothly

there, and that if difficulties do arise Sir C. Bagot may prove more

equal to them than from his general knowledge of his character Lord

Melbourne would judge him to be....

Upon the subject of diplomatic appointments Lord Melbourne has

forgotten to make one general observation which he thinks of

importance. Upon a change of Government a very great and sudden change

of all or many of the Ministers at Foreign Courts is an evil and to be

avoided, inasmuch as it induces an idea of a general change of policy,

and disturbs everything that has been settled. George III. always set

his face against and discouraged such numerous removals as tending to

shake confidence abroad in the Government of England generally and to

give it a character of uncertainty and instability. It would be well

if your Majesty could make this remark to Lord Aberdeen.

[Footnote 94: The new Ambassador to St Petersburg.]

[Footnote 95: Percy, sixth Viscount Strangford (1780-1855),

formerly Ambassador to Constantinople, whom Byron described as

"Hibernian Strangford, with thine eyes of blue,

And boasted locks of red or auburn hue."]

[Footnote 96: See _post_, p. 329. (Ch. X, 19th September, 1841)]

[Footnote 97: The new Ambassador to Vienna.]

[Pageheading: INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN]

[Pageheading: LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S REPORT]

[Pageheading: INDIAN FINANCES]

_Lord Ellenborough[98] to Queen Victoria._

Lord Ellenborough presents his most humble duty to your Majesty, and

humbly acquaints your Majesty that having, on the morning after the

Council held at Claremont on the third of this month, requested the

clerks of the India Board to put him in possession of the latest

information with respect to the Political, Military, and Financial

affairs of India, he ascertained that on the 4th of June instructions

had been addressed to the Governor-General of India in Council in the

following terms:--"We direct that unless circumstances now unknown to

us should induce you to adopt a different course, an adequate force

be advanced upon Herat, and that that city and its dependencies may be

occupied by our troops, and dispositions made for annexing them to the

kingdom of Cabul."[99]

The last letters from Calcutta, dated the 9th of July, did not

intimate any intention on the part of the Governor-General in

Council of directing any hostile movement against Herat, and the

Governor-General himself having always evinced much reluctance to

extend the operations of the army to that city, it seemed almost

probable that the execution of the orders of the 4th of June would

have been suspended until further communication could be had with the

Home Authorities.

Nevertheless, in a matter of so much moment it did not appear to be

prudent to leave anything to probability, and at Lord Ellenborough's

instance your Majesty's confidential servants came to the conclusion

that no time should be lost in addressing to the Governor-General in

Council a letter in the following terms--such letter being sent, as

your Majesty must be aware, not directly by the Commissioners for the

Affairs of India, but, as the Act of Parliament prescribes in affairs

requiring secrecy, by their direction through and in the name of the

Secret Committee of the Court of Directors:--

"From the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India

Company to the Governor-General of India in Council.

"Her Majesty having been pleased to form a new Administration, we

think it expedient that no step should be taken with respect to

Herat which would have the effect of compelling the prosecution of a

specific line of Policy in the countries beyond the Indus, until

the new Ministers shall have had time to take the subject into their

deliberate consideration, and to communicate to us their opinions

thereupon.

"We therefore direct that, unless you should have already taken

measures in pursuance of our Instructions of the 4th of June

1841--which commit the honour of your Government to the prosecution

of the line of Policy which we thereby ordered you to adopt, or which

could not be arrested without prejudice to the Public interests, or

danger to the troops employed--you will consider those Instructions to

be suspended.

"We shall not fail to communicate to you at an early period our fixed

decision upon this subject."

It was not possible to bring this subject before your Majesty's

confidential servants before the afternoon of Saturday the 4th. The

mail for India, which should have been despatched on the 1st, had been

detained till Monday the 6th by the direction of your Majesty's late

Ministers, in order to enable your Majesty's present servants to

transmit to India and China any orders which it might seem to them

to be expedient to issue forthwith. Further delay would have been

productive of much mercantile inconvenience, and in India probably of

much alarm. In this emergency your Majesty's Ministers thought

that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to approve of their

exercising at once the power of directing the immediate transmission

to India of these Instructions.

Your Majesty must have had frequently before you strong proofs of

the deep interest taken by Russia in the affairs of Herat, and your

Majesty cannot but be sensible of the difficulty of maintaining in

Europe that good understanding with Russia which has such an important

bearing upon the general peace, if serious differences should exist

between your Majesty and that Power with respect to the States of

Central Asia.

But even if the annexation of Herat to the kingdom of Cabul were

not to have the effect of endangering the continuance of the good

understanding between your Majesty and Russia, still your Majesty will

not have failed to observe that the further advance of your Majesty's

forces 360 miles into the interior of Central Asia for the purpose

of effecting that annexation, could not but render more difficult

of accomplishment the original intention of your Majesty, publicly

announced to the world, of withdrawing your Majesty's troops from

Afghanistan as soon as Shah Sooja should be firmly established upon

the throne he owes to your Majesty's aid.

These considerations alone would have led Lord Ellenborough to desire

that the execution of the orders given on the 4th of June should at

least be delayed until your Majesty's confidential servants had had

time to consider maturely the Policy which it might be their duty to

advise your Majesty to sanction with respect to the countries on the

right bank of the Indus; but financial considerations strengthened

this desire, and seemed to render it an imperative duty to endeavour

to obtain time for mature reflection before any step should be taken

which might seriously affect the tranquillity of Europe, and must

necessarily have disastrous effects upon the Administration of India.

It appeared that the political and military charges now incurred

beyond the Indus amounted to £1,250,000 a year--that the estimate of

the expense of the additions made to the Army in India, since April

1838, was £1,138,750 a year, and that the deficit of Indian Revenue

in 1839-40 having been £2,425,625, a further deficit of £1,987,000 was

expected in 1840-41.

Your Majesty must be too well informed of the many evils consequent

upon financial embarrassment, and entertains too deep a natural

affection for all your Majesty's subjects, not to desire that in

whatever advice your Majesty's confidential servants may tender to

your Majesty with respect to the Policy to be observed in Afghanistan,

they should have especial regard to the effect which the protracted

continuance of military operations in that country, still more any

extension of them to a new and distant field, would have upon the

Finances of India, and thereby upon the welfare of eighty millions of

people who there acknowledge your Majesty's rule.

[Footnote 98: President of the Board of Control.]

[Footnote 99: For the progress of affairs in Afghanistan,

_see_ Introductory Notes for 1839-1842.

(to Ch. VIII; Ch. IX; Ch. X; Ch. XI)]

_Queen Victoria to Lord Ellenborough._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _19th September 1841._

The Queen thanks Lord Ellenborough for this clear and interesting

Memorandum he has sent. It seems to the Queen that the course intended

to be pursued--namely to take time to consider the affairs of India

without making any precipitate change in the Policy hitherto pursued,

and without involving the country hastily in expenses, is far the best

and safest.

[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _19th September 1841._

In the conversation that the Queen had with Lord Aberdeen last week,

she omitted mentioning two persons to him. The one is Lord Heytesbury;

the Queen believes him to be a very able man, and would it not

therefore be a good thing to employ him in some important mission? The

other person is Mr Aston, who is at Madrid; the Queen hopes it may be

possible to leave him there, for she thinks that he acted with great

discretion, prudence, and moderation since he has been there, and the

post is one of considerable importance. He was, the Queen believes,

long Secretary to the Legation at Paris.

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _21st September 1841._

Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....

Lord Aberdeen has seen the favourable opinion which your Majesty has

been graciously pleased to express of Lord Heytesbury, and he humbly

presumes to think that this honour is not unmerited. The situation

of Governor-General of India has recently been proposed by Sir Robert

Peel for Lord Heytesbury's acceptance, which has been declined by him,

and it is understood that Lord Heytesbury is not at present desirous

of public employment.[100]

Your Majesty's servants have not yet fully considered the propriety

of submitting to your Majesty any proposal of a change in the Spanish

Mission; but the opinion which your Majesty has been pleased to

signify respecting the conduct of Mr Aston at Madrid appears, in

the humble judgment of Lord Aberdeen, to be fully confirmed by the

correspondence in this Office.

Lord Aberdeen would, however, venture humbly to mention that the

person filling this Mission has usually been replaced on a change of

the Administration at home. Should this be the case in the present

instance, Lord Aberdeen begs to assure your Majesty that the greatest

care will be taken to select an individual for your Majesty's

approbation who may be qualified to carry into effect the wise, just,

and moderate policy which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to

recognise in the conduct of Mr Aston.

[Footnote 100: He was made Governor and Captain of the Isle of

Wight, and Governor of Carisbrooke Castle.]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE AND PEEL]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

ROYAL LODGE, _21st September 1841._

Saw Baron Stockmar this morning at the Castle, and had a good deal of

conversation with him on various matters. He is very apprehensive that

evil will spring out of the correspondence now carried on between the

Queen and Lord Melbourne. He thinks it is productive of the greatest

possible danger, and especially to Lord Melbourne; he thought no

Government could stand such undermining influence. I might tell this

to Lord Melbourne, and say that if he was totally disconnected from

his Party, instead of being the acknowledged head, there would not

be the same objection. He said, Remind Lord Melbourne of the time

immediately after the Queen's accession, when he had promised the King

of the Belgians to write to him from time to time an account of all

that was going on in this country; and upon Lord Melbourne telling

him of this promise, he replied, This will not do. It cannot be kept a

secret that you keep up this correspondence, and jealousy and distrust

will be the fruit of a knowledge of it. "Leave it to me," he said, "to

arrange with the King; you cease to write, and I will put it straight

with the King."

The Baron seemed to expect Lord Melbourne to draw the inference from

this that a correspondence between Lord Melbourne and the Queen was

fraught with the same danger, and would, when known, be followed

by distrust and jealousy on the part of Sir Robert Peel. I said I

reconciled it to myself because I felt that it had been productive of

much good and no harm--and that, feeling that it was conducted on

such honourable terms, I should not, if it were necessary, scruple to

acquaint Sir Robert Peel of its existence. The Baron said, "Ask Lord

Melbourne whether he would object to it." He said Peel, when he heard

it, would not, on the first impression, at all approve of it; but

prudence and caution would be immediately summoned to his aid, and he

would see that it was his policy to play the generous part--and would

say he felt all was honourably intended, and he had no objection to

offer--"but," said the Baron, "look to the result. Distrust, being

implanted from the first, whenever the first misunderstanding arose,

or things took a wrong turn, all would, in Peel's mind, be immediately

attributed to this cause."

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th September 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have already thanked you for your two kind

letters, but I did not wish to answer them but by a Messenger. I feel

thankful for your praise of my conduct; all is going on well, but it

would be needless to attempt to deny that I _feel_ the _change_, and

I own I am much happier when I need _not_ see the Ministers; luckily

they do not want to see me often. I feel much the King's kindness

about Ste Aulaire;[101] I shall see him here on Tuesday next.

I return you our excellent friend Melbourne's letter, which I had

already seen, as he sent it me to read, and then seal and send. I miss

him much, but I often hear from him, which is a great pleasure to me.

It is a great satisfaction to us to have Stockmar here; he is a great

resource, and is now in excellent spirits.

Mamma is, I suppose, with you now, and we may expect her here either

next Thursday or Friday. How much she will have to tell us! I am very

grateful for what you say of Claremont, which could so easily be

made perfect; and I must say we enjoy ourselves there always

_particulièrement_.... Albert begs me to make you his excuses for not

writing, but I can bear testimony that he really has not time to-day.

And now _addio!_ dearest Uncle, and pray believe me, always, your

devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 101: See _post_, p. 334. (Ch. X, 1st October, 1841)]

[Pageheading: FINE ARTS COMMISSION]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

_26th September 1841._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to

be permitted to submit for your Majesty's consideration a suggestion

which has occurred to Sir Robert Peel, and which has reference to

the communication which he recently addressed to your Majesty on

the subject of the promotion of the Fine Arts in connection with the

building of the new Houses of Parliament.

Sir Robert Peel would humbly enquire from your Majesty whether (in

the event of your Majesty's being graciously pleased to approve of the

appointment of a Royal Commission for the further investigation and

consideration of a subject of such deep importance and interest to

the encouragement of art in this country) your Majesty would deem

it desirable that the Prince should be invited in the name of your

Majesty to place himself at the head of this Commission, and to give

to it the authority and influence of his high name, and the advantage

of his taste and knowledge.

Sir Robert Peel will not of course mention this subject to any

one, until he has had the honour of receiving from your Majesty an

intimation of your Majesty's opinions and wishes on this subject.

[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _28th September 1841._

... The diplomatic appointments are as well as they could be made.

At least Lord Melbourne thinks so--at least as much in consequence

of those whom they exclude, as of those whom they admit. The Duke of

Beaufort will do better for Petersburg than for Vienna. He is hardly

equal to the place, which requires a clever man, it being more

difficult to get information there, and to find out what is going on,

than in any other country in Europe.... But Lord Melbourne does not

much regard this, and the Duke of Beaufort possesses one advantage,

which is of the greatest importance in that country. He is a soldier,

was the Duke of Wellington's Aide-de-Camp, and served during much of

the Peninsular War. He will therefore be able to accompany the Emperor

to reviews, and to talk with him about troops and man[oe]uvres. Sir

Robert Gordon and Sir S. Canning will do very well.[102]

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear that your Majesty was pleased and

impressed with Archdeacon Wilberforce's[103] sermon and his manner of

delivering it. Lord Melbourne has never seen nor heard him. His father

had as beautiful and touching a voice as ever was heard. It was very

fine in itself. He spoiled it a little by giving it a methodistical

and precatory intonation.

Hayter has been to Lord Melbourne to-day to press him to sit to him,

which he will do as soon as he has done with Chantrey. Chantrey says

that all Lord Melbourne's face is very easy except the mouth. The

mouth, he says, is always the most difficult feature, and he can

rarely satisfy himself with the delineation of any mouth, but Lord

Melbourne's is so flexible and changeable that it is almost impossible

to catch it.

[Footnote 102: For Vienna and Constantinople.]

[Footnote 103: Samuel, son of William Wilberforce, at this

date Archdeacon of Surrey, and chaplain to Prince Albert;

afterwards, in 1844, appointed Bishop of Oxford, and

eventually translated to the See of Winchester.]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S ADVICE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _1st October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received

your Majesty's letter yesterday evening, and cannot express to your

Majesty how much obliged he feels by your Majesty's taking the trouble

to give him so much information upon so many points. Ste Aulaire's

hair-powder seems to make a very deep and general impression.[104]

Everybody talks about it. "He appears to be very amiable and

agreeable," everybody says, but then adds, "I never saw a man wear so

much powder." A head so whitened with flour is quite a novelty and a

prodigy in these times. Lord Melbourne has not yet seen him, but means

to call upon him immediately. Lord Melbourne is upon the whole

glad that the Duke of Beaufort has declined St Petersburg. It is an

appointment that might have been acquiesced in, but would not have

been approved. Bulwer[105] will not be a bad choice to accompany Sir

Charles[106] to Canada. Your Majesty knows Bulwer well. He is clever,

keen, active; somewhat bitter and caustic, and rather suspicious. A

man of a more straightforward character would have done better, but

it would be easy to have found many who would have done worse. Lord

Melbourne is very glad that it has been offered to the Prince to be at

the head of this Commission, and that His Royal Highness has accepted

it. It is an easy, unexceptionable manner of seeing and becoming

acquainted with a great many people, and of observing the mode of

transacting business in this country. The Commission itself will be

a scene of very considerable difference of opinion. Lord Melbourne

is for decorating the interior of the Houses of Parliament, if it be

right to do so, but he is not for doing it, whether right or wrong,

for the purpose of spending the public money in the encouragement of

the Fine Arts. Whether it is to be painting or sculpture, or both; if

painting, what sort of painting, what are to be the subjects chosen,

and who are to be the artists employed? All these questions furnish

ample food for discussion, difference, and dispute. Chantrey says

fresco will never do; it stands ill in every climate, will never stand

long in this, even in the interior of a building, and in a public work

such as this is, durability is the first object to be aimed at. He

says that there is in the Vatican a compartment of which the middle

portion has been painted by Giulio Romano[107] in fresco, and at each

of the ends there is a figure painted by Raphael in oil. The fresco

painting has been so often repaired in consequence of decay, that not

a vestige of the original work remains; while the two figures painted

by Raphael in oil still stand out in all their original freshness, and

even improved from what they were when first executed....

Lord Melbourne dined and slept on Wednesday at Wimbledon.[108] He

met there Lord and Lady Cottenham, Lord[109] and Lady Langdale, Lord

Glenelg and his brother, Mr Wm. Grant, who was his private secretary,

and is an amusing man. Lord Melbourne is going there again to-morrow

to stay until Monday. The place is beautiful; it is not like

Claremont, but it is quite of the same character, and always puts Lord

Melbourne in mind of it. The Duchess has many merits, but amongst them

is the not small one of having one of the best cooks in England.

[Footnote 104: Madame de Lieven wrote to Aberdeen, 12th

September 1841: "Ne jugez pas cet Ambassadeur par son

exterieur; il personnifie un peu les Marquis de Molière....

Passez-lui ses cheveux poudrés, son air galant et papillon

auprès des femmes. He cannot help it."]

[Footnote 105: Sir Henry Bulwer, afterwards Lord Dalling.]

[Footnote 106: Sir Charles Bagot.]

[Footnote 107: He was a pupil of Raphael, celebrated for

(among other works) his "Fall of the Titans."]

[Footnote 108: The word is almost illegible. Wimbledon was at

that time in the occupation of the Duke of Somerset.]

[Footnote 109: Master of the Rolls.]

[Pageheading: PEERS AND AUDIENCES]

_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _2nd October 1841._

Sir James Graham with humble duty begs to lay before your Majesty two

letters, which he has received from the Earl of Radnor,[110] together

with the copy of the answer which Sir James Graham returned to the

first of the two letters.

If the presentation of Petitions were the sole subject of the

Audience, it might be needless to impose on your Majesty the

trouble incident to this mode of receiving them, since they might be

transmitted through the accustomed channel of one of the Secretaries

of State; but Sir James Graham infers from a conversation which,

since the receipt of the letters he has had with Lord Radnor, that

the Audience is asked in exercise of a right claimed by Peers of the

Realm.

The existence of this right is not recognised by Statute; but it

rests in ancient usage, and is noticed by Judge Blackstone in his

Commentaries on the Laws of England in the following terms:--

"It is usually looked upon to be the right of each particular Peer of

the Realm to demand an Audience of the King, and to lay before him,

with decency and respect, such matters as he shall judge of importance

to the public weal."

The general practice on the part of the Sovereign has been not to

refuse these Audiences when Peers have asked them....

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and

Servant,

J. R. G. GRAHAM.

[Footnote 110: William, third Earl, formerly M.P. for

Salisbury.]

_Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1841._

The Queen has received Sir James Graham's communication with the

enclosures. She thinks that it would be extremely inconvenient if

Audiences were to be granted to Peers for the purpose of presenting

Petitions or Addresses. The Queen knows that it has always been

considered a sort of right of theirs to ask for and receive an

Audience of the King or Queen. But the Queen knows that upon several

occasions Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell wrote to the Peers who

requested Audiences, stating that it would be very inconvenient for

the Queen, particularly in the country, and that they had better

either put off asking for it, till the Queen came to town, or send

what they had to say; communicate in writing--which was complied with.

If, therefore, Sir James Graham would state this to Lord Radnor, he

may probably give up pressing for an Audience. Should he, however,

urge his wish very strongly, the Queen will see him in the manner

proposed by Sir James. The Queen would wish to hear from Sir James

again before she gives a final answer.

[Pageheading: THE CHINESE CAMPAIGN]

_Lord Ellenborough to Queen Victoria._

INDIA BOARD, _2nd October 1841._

Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly

acquaints your Majesty that your Majesty's Ministers, taking into

consideration the smallness of the force with which the campaign in

China was commenced this year, and the advanced period of the season

at which the reinforcements would arrive (which reinforcements would

not so raise the strength of the Army as to afford any reasonable

expectation that its operations will produce during the present year

any decisive results), have deemed it expedient that instructions

would be at once issued to the Indian Government with a view to the

making of timely preparations for the campaign of 1842.[111]

Your Majesty's Ministers are of opinion that the War with China should

be conducted on an enlarged scale, and the Indian Government will

be directed to have all their disposable military and naval force

at Singapore in April, so that the operations may commence at the

earliest period which the season allows.

Lord Ellenborough cannot but entertain a sanguine expectation that

that force so commencing its operations, and directed upon a point

where it will intercept the principal internal communication of the

Chinese Empire, will finally compel the Chinese Government to accede

to terms of Peace honourable to your Majesty, and affording future

security to the trade of your Majesty's subjects.

[Footnote 111: Ningpo was taken by Sir Hugh Gough on 13th

October 1841, and no further operations took place till the

spring of the following year. _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_,

p. 254. (Intro Note to Ch. X)]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1841._

Sat by the Queen last night at dinner. Her Majesty alluded to Sir

Robert Peel's awkward manner, which she felt she could not get over.

I asked if Her Majesty had yet made any effort, which I was

good-humouredly assured Her Majesty "thought she really had done."

Sir Robert's ignorance of character was most striking and

unaccountable; feeling this, made it difficult for Her Majesty to

place reliance upon his judgment in recommendations.

[Pageheading: ENGLISH AND FOREIGN ARTISTS]

[Pageheading: SIR FRANCIS CHANTREY]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _4th October 1811._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the

honour of receiving your Majesty's letter of the 2nd inst. yesterday,

at Wimbledon. If Lord Melbourne should hear of anything of what your

Majesty asks respecting the impression made upon Sir Robert and Lady

Peel, he will take care and inform your Majesty, but, of course,

they will speak very favourably, and if they feel otherwise will not

breathe it except in the most secret and confidential manner.

Lord Melbourne is very much rejoiced to hear that the Duchess of Kent

arrived safe and well and in good spirits.

Lord Melbourne sat to Sir F. Chantrey on Saturday last. He will, Lord

Melbourne believes, require only one more sitting, which he wishes to

be at the distance of a week from the last, in order that he may

take a fresh view of the bust, and not become reconciled to its

imperfections by continually looking at it. It may give the Prince

some idea of the national feeling which prevails here, when he is told

that Lord Melbourne upon asking Sir F. Chantrey what ought to be done

if foreign artists were employed to paint the Houses of Parliament,

received from him the following answer: "Why, their heads ought to be

broke and they driven out of the country, and, old as I am, I should

like to lend a hand for that purpose."

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _5th October 1841._

... Lord Melbourne, by telling your Majesty what Sir Francis Chantrey

said respecting foreign artists, and by requesting your Majesty to

repeat it to the Prince, by no means intended to imply that there was

any disposition on the part of His Royal Highness to recommend the

employment of foreigners. He only meant to convey the idea of the

strength of the prejudice which is felt by enlightened and able men

upon the subject. Lord Melbourne has been sitting this morning to

Hayter for the picture of the marriage, and he (Hayter) held an

entirely contrary language. His tone is: "If foreign artists are more

capable than English, let them be employed. All I require is that the

work should be done as well as it can be." The English are certainly

very jealous of foreigners, and so, Lord Melbourne apprehends, are

the rest of mankind, but not knowing himself any nation except the

English, he cannot venture to make positively that assertion. Lord

Melbourne has been reading the evidence given before the committee of

the House of Commons upon this subject. It is well worth attention,

particularly Mr Eastlake's,[112] which appears to Lord Melbourne to be

very enlightened, dispassionate, and just....

[Footnote 112: Afterwards Sir Charles Eastlake, Keeper of the

National Gallery, 1843-1847, President of the Royal Academy,

1850-1865.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S GRANT]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th October 1841._

Sat by Her Majesty last night at dinner.

The Queen had written to Lord Melbourne about coming to the Castle,

but in his answer he had made no allusion to it; she did not know

whether this was accidental or intentional, for he very often gave no

answer to questions which were put.

I told Her Majesty that I feared he had raised an obstacle to his

visit by making a strong speech against the Government just at the

time he was thinking of coming. That this attack had identified him as

the leader of his Party, at a moment when I had been most anxious

that he should abstain from taking an active part, and by withdrawing

himself from politics he would enable himself to become the more

useful friend to Her Majesty. The Queen had not seen the speech,

was sorry he had felt himself obliged to make it, but it would

be difficult for him to avoid it after having been so long Prime

Minister.

Her Majesty told me that previous to the exit of the late Government,

Lord John had earnestly cautioned Her Majesty not to propose any

new grant of money, as it would in the case of £70,000 for the new

stables, however unfairly, bring great unpopularity upon the Queen. I

said in regard to any increase to the Prince's annuity, I thought

it would be very imprudent in him to think of it, except under very

peculiar circumstances which might arise, but which could not yet be

foreseen. The Queen said that _nothing_ should induce Her Majesty to

accept such a favour from these Ministers. Peel probably now regretted

his opposition to the grant, but it was, and was intended to be, a

personal insult to herself, and it was followed up [by] opposition

to her private wishes in the precedency question, where the Duke of

Wellington took the lead against her wishes, as Peel had done in the

Commons against the Prince's grant. She never could forget it, and no

favour to her should come from such a quarter. I told Her Majesty I

could not rest the Prince's case on Her Majesty's objections if they

were the only ones which could be brought forward. If the case again

rose I feared Her Majesty would find many who before, from Party

views, voted according to Her Majesty's wishes, would now rank on the

opposite side.

Her Majesty asked Dr Hawtrey the evening before who was the cleverest

boy at Eton.

Dr Hawtrey made a profound bow to the Queen and said, "I trust your

Majesty will excuse my answering, for if I did I make 600 enemies at

once."

_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._

_6th October 1841._

The Queen had asked Lord Melbourne whether he would soon visit her at

Windsor. He had not replied on that point, but had written to Prince

Albert in order to learn first the Prince's opinion on the feasibility

of the matter.

The Prince sent for me and consulted with me. I was of opinion that

the Prince had better refrain from giving an answer, and that I should

give my opinion in the written form of a Memorandum, with which Anson

should betake himself to town. He was to read it aloud to Melbourne,

and orally to add what amplifications might be necessary.

And so it was done.

[Pageheading: RELATIONS WITH PEEL]

My Memorandum was as follows:--

Sir Robert Peel has yet to make his position opposite[113] the

Queen, which for him to obtain is important and desirable for

obvious reasons. I have good cause to doubt that Sir Robert

is sure within himself of the good-will and confidence of the

Queen. As long as the secret communication exists between Her

Majesty and Lord Melbourne, this ground, upon which alone Sir

Robert could obtain the position necessary to him as Premier,

must remain cut away from under his feet. I hold, therefore,

this secret interchange an _essential injustice_ to Sir

Robert's present situation. I think it equally wrong to call

upon the Prince to give an opinion on the subject, as he has

not the means to cause his opinion to be either regarded or

complied with. In this particular matter nobody has paramount

power to do right or wrong but the Queen, and more especially

Lord Melbourne himself. To any danger which may come out of

this to Her Majesty's character, the caution and objection

must come from him, and from him alone; and if I was standing

in his shoes I would show the Queen, of my own accord,

and upon constitutional grounds _too_, that a continued

correspondence of that sort must be fraught with imminent

danger to the Queen, especially to Lord Melbourne, and to the

State.

[Footnote 113: _I.e._ with.]

I then gave Anson the further arguments with which he was to accompany

the reading out of this Memo.

[Pageheading: DISCRETION URGED ON MELBOURNE]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S INFLUENCE]

On the next day Anson went to Melbourne and told him that his note to

him had raised a great consultation, that the Prince felt much averse

to giving any opinion in a case upon which he could exercise no

control, and in which, if it was known that he had given his sanction,

he would be held responsible for any mischief which might arise. He

had consulted Baron Stockmar, who had written the enclosed opinion,

which the Prince had desired Anson to read to Lord Melbourne.

Melbourne read it attentively twice through, with an occasional change

of countenance and compression of lips. He said on concluding

it: "This is a most decided opinion indeed, quite an '_apple[114]

opinion_.'" Anson told him that the Prince felt that if the Queen's

confidence in Peel was in a way to be established, it would be

extremely shaken by his (Lord Melbourne's) visit at such a moment. He

felt that it would be better that Lord Melbourne's appearance should

be in London, where he would meet the Queen only on the terms of

general society, but at the same time he (the Prince) was extremely

reluctant to give an opinion upon a case which Lord Melbourne's own

sense of right ought to decide. Anson added how he feared his speech

of yesterday in the House of Lords[115] had added another impediment

to his coming at this moment, as it had identified him with and

established as the head of the Opposition party, which he (Anson) had

hoped Melbourne would have been able to avoid. Melbourne, who was then

sitting on the sofa, rushed up upon this, and went up and down the

room in a violent frenzy, exclaiming--"God eternally d--n it!"

etc., etc. "Flesh and blood cannot stand this. I only spoke upon

the defensive, which Ripon's speech at the beginning of the session

rendered quite necessary. I cannot be expected to give up my position

in the country, neither do I think that it is to the Queen's interest

that I should."

Anson continued that the Baron thought that no Ministry could stand

the force of such an undercurrent influence, that all the good that

was to be derived from pacifying the Queen's mind at the change had

been gained, and that the danger which we were liable to, and which

threatened him in particular, could only be averted by his own

straightforward decision with the Queen. Anson asked him if _he_ saw

any danger likely to arise from this correspondence. After a long

pause he said, "_I certainly cannot think it right_," though he

felt sure that some medium of communication of this sort was no new

precedent. He took care never to say anything which could bring his

opinion in opposition _to Sir Robert's, and he should distinctly

advise the Queen to adhere to her Ministers in everything,[116]

unless he saw the time had arrived at which it might be

resisted_.[117] The principal evil, replied Anson, to be dreaded from

the continuance of Lord Melbourne's influence was, according to the

Baron's opinion, that so long as the Queen felt she could resort to

Lord Melbourne for his advice, she never would be disposed (from not

feeling the necessity) to place any real confidence in the advice she

received from Peel.

[Footnote 114: No doubt Lord Melbourne said an "apple-pie"

opinion.]

[Footnote 115: At the opening of the Session Lord Ripon had

reprobated the late Government for resorting to temporary

expedients, and Lord Melbourne, on the second reading of the

Exchequer-bills Funding Bill, caustically but good-humouredly

replied to the attack.]

[Footnote 116: _Note by Baron Stockmar._--If he wishes to

carry this out consistently and quite honestly, what then is

the value of his advice, if it be only the copy of that of Sir

R. Peel?]

[Footnote 117: _Note by Baron Stockmar._--This means, in my

way of reading it: "The Queen, by her correspondence with

me, puts Peel into my hands, and there I mean to let him stay

unhurt, until time and extraneous circumstances--but more

especially the advantage that will accrue to me by my secret

correspondence with the Queen--shall enable me to plunge, in

all security, the dagger into his back."]

_The Earl of Liverpool to Baron Stockmar._[118]

FIFE HOUSE, _7th October 1841._

MY DEAR BARON,--Peel sent for me this morning to speak to me about

the contents of his letter to me. After some general conversation on

matters respecting the Royal Household, he said that he had had

much satisfaction in his intercourse lately with Her Majesty, and

specifically yesterday, and he asked me whether I had seen Her Majesty

or the Prince yesterday, and whether they were satisfied with him. I

told him that except in public I had not seen Her Majesty, and except

for a moment in your room I had not seen the Prince; but that as he

spoke to me on this matter, I must take the opportunity of saying a

word to him about _you_, from whom I had learnt yesterday that both

the Queen and Prince are extremely well pleased with him. That I

had known you very long, but that our great intimacy began when King

Leopold sent you over just previous to the Queen's accession; that we

had acted together on that occasion, and that our mutual esteem and

intimacy had increased; that your position was a very peculiar one,

and that you might be truly said to be a species of second parent to

the Queen and the Prince; that your only object was their welfare, and

your only ambition to be of service to them; that in this sense you

had communicated with Melbourne, and that I wished that in this sense

you should communicate with him (Peel). He said that he saw the matter

exactly as I did, that he wished to communicate with you, and felt the

greatest anxiety to do everything to meet the wishes of the Queen and

Prince in all matters within his power, and as far as consistent

with his known and avowed political principles; that in all matters

respecting the Household and their private feelings that the smallest

hint sufficed to guide him, as he would not give way to any party

feeling or job which should in any way militate against Her Majesty

or His Royal Highness's comfort; that he wished particularly that it

should be known that he never had a thought of riding _roughshod_ over

Her Majesty's wishes; that if you would come to him at any time, and

be candid and explicit with him, you might depend upon his frankness

and discretion; that above all, if you had said anything to him, and

expressed a wish that it might not be communicated even to the Duke of

Wellington, (that was his expression), that he wished me to assure you

that your wishes should be strictly attended to. Pray give me a line

to say that you do not disapprove of what I have done. We had a great

deal more conversation, but with this I will not now load my letter,

being ever sincerely yours,

LIVERPOOL.

Direct your answer to this house.

[Footnote 118: This letter was submitted to the Queen.]

[Pageheading: AUDIENCES OF PEERS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _8th October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this

morning received your Majesty's letter of yesterday. There can be no

doubt that your Majesty is right about the Audiences which have been

requested....

Sir Robert Peel is probably right in supposing that the claim of a

Peer to an Audience of the Sovereign originated in early times, and

before the present course of government by responsible advisers was

fully and decidedly established, which it hardly can be said to have

been until after the accession of the House of Hanover, but the custom

of asking for such Audiences, and of their being in general granted,

was well known, and has for the most part been observed and adhered

to. Lord Melbourne remembers that during the part of the French War,

when considerable alarm began to prevail respecting its duration, and

the serious aspect which it was assuming, George III. gave Audiences

to the Duke of Norfolk and others which he certainly would not have

been inclined to do if he had not thought himself bound by his duty

and by Constitutional precedent. At the time of the passing of the

Roman Catholic Relief Act, George IV. received very many Peers, much

no doubt against his will, who came to remonstrate with him upon the

course which his Ministers were pursuing. William IV. did the same at

the time of the Reform Bill, and certainly spoke upon the subject in

a manner which Lord Melbourne always thought indiscreet and imprudent.

Upon the whole, the practice has been so much acted upon and

established, that Lord Melbourne will certainly not think it wise to

make any alteration now, especially as it has in itself beneficial

effects, especially as in a time of strong political feeling it is a

satisfaction to the people to think that their wishes and opinions are

laid before the Sovereign fairly and impartially. It is not likely to

be a very heavy burthen, inasmuch as such Audiences are only asked at

particular moments, and they are not in themselves very burthensome

nor difficult to deal with. It is only for the Sovereign to say that

he is convinced of the good motives which have actuated the step, and

that consideration will be given to the matter and arguments which

have been stated.

Lord Melbourne has one vague recollection of a correspondence upon

this subject between Lord Holland and some King, but does not remember

the circumstances with any accuracy.

Duncannon[119] persuaded Brougham to give up asking an Audience upon

condition of Lord Melbourne's promising to place his letters in your

Majesty's hands, which he did.[120] Lord Charlemont[121] also was

prevented in some manner or another, which Lord Melbourne forgets.

Upon the whole, Lord Melbourne thinks that it is best to concede this

privilege of the Peerage, whether it actually exists or not, but to

restrain it within due and reasonable bounds, which in ordinary times

it is not difficult to do. Extraordinary times must be dealt with as

they can be....

Lady A---- is, as your Majesty says, good-natured. She talks three or

four times as much as she ought, and like many such women often says

exactly the things she ought not to say. Lady B---- has ten times the

sense of her mother, and a little residue of her folly.

[Footnote 119: Ex-First Commissioner of Land Revenue.]

[Footnote 120: See _ante_, pp. 293 and 335-6.

(Ch. X, 'Lord Brougham'; 'Peers and Audiences')]

[Footnote 121: Francis William, fifth Viscount Charlemont

(1775-1863), created a Peer of the United Kingdom in 1837.]

[Pageheading: GOVERNOR-GENERALSHIP OF INDIA]

[Pageheading: LORD ELLENBOROUGH]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

_9th October 1841._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave

to inform your Majesty that in consequence of the opinion which your

Majesty was graciously pleased to express when Sir Robert Peel last

had the honour of waiting upon your Majesty, with respect to the

superior qualifications of Lord Ellenborough for the important

trust of Governor-General of India, Sir Robert Peel saw his Lordship

yesterday, and enquired whether he would permit Sir Robert Peel to

propose his appointment to your Majesty.

Lord Ellenborough was very much gratified by the proposal, admitted at

once that it was very difficult to find an unexceptionable candidate

for an office of such pre-eminent importance, but made some difficulty

on two points.

First--Considerations of health, which though disregarded personally,

might, he feared, interfere with the execution of such unremitting and

laborious duties as would devolve upon the Governor-General of India.

Secondly--The consideration that on his acceptance of the office he

would be required by law to give up during his tenure of it no less

than £7,500 per annum, the amount of compensation now paid to him in

consequence of the abolition of a very valuable office[122] which he

held in the Courts of Law.

During Lord Ellenborough's conversation with Sir Robert Peel, and

while the mind of Lord Ellenborough was very much in doubt as to the

policy of his acceptance of the office, the box which contained your

Majesty's note of yesterday was brought to Sir Robert Peel.

Sir Robert Peel humbly acquaints your Majesty that he ventured to read

to Lord Ellenborough on the instant the concluding paragraph of your

Majesty's note, namely--

"The more the Queen thinks of it, the more she thinks that Lord

Ellenborough would be far the most fit person to send to India."

Sir Robert Peel is perfectly convinced that this opinion of your

Majesty, so graciously expressed, removed every doubt and difficulty

from Lord Ellenborough's mind, and decided him to forgo every personal

consideration rather than appear unmindful of such a favourable

impression of his qualifications for public service on the part of his

Sovereign.

Sir Robert Peel humbly hopes that your Majesty will not disapprove of

the use which he made of a confidential note from your Majesty.

As your Majesty kindly permitted Sir Robert Peel to send occasionally

letters to your Majesty of a private rather than a public character,

he ventures to enclose one from the Duke of Wellington on the subject

of the appointment of Governor-General.

Sir Robert Peel had observed to the Duke of Wellington that he

had great confidence in Lord Ellenborough's integrity, unremitting

industry, and intimate knowledge of Indian affairs; that his only

fear was that Lord Ellenborough might err from _over-activity_ and

eagerness--but that he hoped his tendency to hasty decisions would be

checked by the experience and mature judgment of Indian advisers on

the spot.

The Duke of Wellington's comments have reference to these observations

of Sir Robert Peel. Your Majesty will nevertheless perceive that the

Duke considers, upon the whole, "that Lord Ellenborough is better

qualified than any man in England for the office of Governor-General."

[Footnote 122: He was Joint Chief Clerk of the Pleas in the

Queen's Bench, a sinecure conferred on him by his father, who

was Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, 1802-1818.]

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN SPAIN]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th October 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--- ... Respecting the Spanish affairs,[123] I can

give you perfectly satisfactory intelligence concerning the Infants'

return. Espartero sees them return with the greatest regret, but said

he felt he could not prevent them from doing so. If, however, they

should be found to intrigue at all, they will not be allowed to

remain. Respecting a marriage with the eldest son of Dona Carlotta, I

know _positively_ that Espartero _never_ would _hear_ of it; but, on

the other hand, he is equally strongly opposed to poor little Isabel

marrying any French Prince, and I must add that _we_ could _never

allow that_. You will see that I have given you a frank and fair

account....

[Footnote 123: The Queen-mother, who was living in Paris, had

been deprived by a vote of the Cortes of the guardianship of

the young Queen, Isabella II., and risings in her interest now

took place at Pampeluna and Vittoria. On the 7th October, a

bold attempt was made at Madrid to storm the Palace and get

possession of the person of the young Queen. Queen Christina

denied complicity, but the Regent, Espartero, suspended

her pension on the ground that she had encouraged the

conspirators.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _12th October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns

many thanks for the letter received yesterday informing Lord Melbourne

of the time of your Majesty's coming to London. Lord Melbourne

earnestly hopes that your Majesty continues well.

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the appointment of Lord

Ellenborough. The reasons which your Majesty gives are sound and just,

and it is of great importance that a man not only of great ability but

of high station, and perfectly in the confidence of the Government at

home, should be named to this important post. Lord Ellenborough is a

man of great abilities, of much knowledge of India, of great industry

and of very accurate habits of business, and Lord Melbourne knows of

no objection to his appointment, except the loss of him here, where,

whether in or out of office, he has always been of great service.

He has hitherto been an unpopular man and his manners have been

considered contemptuous and overbearing, but he is evidently much

softened and amended in this respect, as most men are by time,

experience, and observation. Lord Fitzgerald[124] is a very able

public man, Lord Melbourne would say one of the most able, if not the

most able they have; but Lord Melbourne is told by others, who know

Lord Fitzgerald better, that Lord Melbourne overrates him. He is a

very good speaker, he has not naturally much industry, and his

health is bad, which will probably disable him from a very close and

assiduous attention to business. It is, however, upon the whole an

adequate appointment, and he is perhaps more likely to go on smoothly

with the Court of Directors, which is a great matter, than Lord

Ellenborough.

[Footnote 124: On Lord Ellenborough becoming Governor-General,

Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci, an ex-M.P., and former Chancellor

of the Irish Exchequer, succeeded him at the Board of

Control.]

[Pageheading: FRANCE AND SPAIN]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _16th October 1841._

Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty, begs to lay before

your Majesty a private letter from M. Guizot, which has just been

communicated to him by M. de Ste-Aulaire, on the recent attempt

in favour of Queen Christina in Spain. Your Majesty will see that

although M. Guizot denies, with every appearance of sincerity, all

participation of the French Government in this attempt, he does not

conceal that it has their cordial good wishes for its success. These

feelings, on the part of such a Government as that of France, will

probably be connected with practical assistance of some kind, although

M. Guizot's declarations may perhaps be literally true.

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

The Queen must say that she fears the French are at the bottom of it,

for their jealousy of our influence in Spain is such, that the Queen

fears they would not be indisposed to see civil war to a certain

degree restored rather than that Spain should go on quietly supported

by us.[125] The Queen, however, hopes that, as far as it is possible,

the English Government will support the present Regent, who is

thoroughly attached to England, and who, from all that the Queen

hears of him, is the fittest man they have in Spain for the post he

occupies; and indeed matters till now had gone on much more quietly

than they had for some time previous, since Espartero is at the head

of the Government. The French intrigues should really be frustrated.

The Queen certainly thinks that M. Guizot's veracity is generally not

to be doubted, but the conduct of France regarding Spain has always

been very equivocal.

[Footnote 125: See _post_, p. 349. (Ch. X, 17th October, 1841)]

[Pageheading: MASTERSHIP OF TRINITY]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

_16th October 1841._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to

acquaint your Majesty that the Master of Trinity College, Cambridge,

has formally signified his wish to retire from the duties of that

important trust.

Sir Robert Peel has reason to believe that it would be advantageous

that the selection of a successor to Dr. Wordsworth should be made

from members of Trinity College who are or have been fellows of the

College. Of these, the most eminent in respect to the qualifications

required in the office of Master, and to academical distinction,

are:--

Professor Whewell.[126]

The Rev. Mr Martin,[127] Bursar of the College.

The Rev. Dr Wordsworth,[128] Head Master of Harrow School,

and son of the present Master of Trinity.

The latter is a highly distinguished scholar, but his success as Head

Master of Harrow has not been such as to overcome the objection which

applies on general grounds to the succession of a father by a son in

an office of this description.

Professor Whewell is a member of Trinity College of the highest

scientific attainments. His name is probably familiar to your Majesty

as the author of one of the Bridgewater Treatises,[129] and of other

works which have attracted considerable notice.

He is a general favourite among all who have had intercourse with him

from his good temper and easy and conciliatory manners. Though not

_peculiarly_ eminent as a divine (less so at least than a writer on

scientific and philosophical subjects), his works manifest a deep

sense of the importance of religion and sound religious views. The

Archbishop of Canterbury[130] and the Bishop of London[131] (himself

of Trinity College) incline to think that the most satisfactory

appointment upon the whole would be that of Professor Whewell.

Sir Robert Peel, after making every enquiry into the subject, and with

a deep conviction of the importance of the appointment, has arrived at

the same conclusion, and humbly therefore recommends to your Majesty

that Professor Whewell should succeed Dr Wordsworth as Master of

Trinity College, Cambridge.

[Footnote 126: Then Knightsbridge Professor of Moral

Philosophy.]

[Footnote 127: Francis Martin, afterwards Vice-Master, died

1868.]

[Footnote 128: Christopher Wordsworth, afterwards Bishop of

Lincoln.]

[Footnote 129: By the will (dated 1825) of the eighth Earl

of Bridgewater--who must not be confounded with the third and

last Duke, projector of inland navigation--£8,000 was left

for the best work on the "Goodness of God as manifested in

the Creation." The money was divided amongst eight persons,

including Whewell, who wrote on Astronomy considered in

reference to Natural Theology.]

[Footnote 130: William Howley.]

[Footnote 131: O. J. Blomfield.]

[Pageheading: QUEEN ISABELLA]

[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGE]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

_17th October 1841._

The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter yesterday evening, and quite

approves of the draft to Mr Aston, and of Lord Aberdeen's having sent

it off at once. Her earnest wish is that the English Government should

be firm, and uphold the Regent as far as it is in our power. The Queen

has perused M. Guizot's letter with great attention, but she cannot

help fearing that assistance and encouragement has been given in

some shape or other to the revolts which have taken place. The Queen

Christina's residence at Paris is very suspicious, and much to be

regretted; every one who saw the Queen and knew her when Regent, knew

her to be clever and _capable_ of governing, had she but attended

to her duties. This she did not, but wasted her time in frivolous

amusements and neglected her children sadly, and finally left them.

It was her _own_ doing, and therefore it is not the kindest conduct

towards her children, but the very _worst_, to try and disturb the

tranquillity of a country which was just beginning to recover from the

baneful effects of one of the most bloody civil wars imaginable.

The Queen is certain that Lord Aberdeen will feel with her of what

importance it is to England that Spain should not become subject to

French interests, as it is evident _France wishes_ to make it. The

marriage of Queen Isabel is a most important question, and the Queen

is likewise certain that Lord Aberdeen sees at once that we could

never let her marry a French Prince. Ere long the Queen must speak to

Lord Aberdeen on this subject. In the meantime the Queen thought

it might be of use to Lord Aberdeen to put him in possession of her

feelings on the state of Spain, in which the Queen has always taken a

very warm interest.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

PANSHANGER, _21st October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received

here yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 19th inst., and he

earnestly hopes that your Majesty has arrived quite safe and well in

London. Besides the family, we have had hardly anybody here except

Lady Clanricarde.[132] Yesterday Sir Edward L. Bulwer[133] came,

beating his brother hollow in ridiculousness of attire, ridiculous as

the other is. He has, however, much in him, and is agreeable when you

come to converse with him....

Lord Melbourne is rather in doubt about his own movements. Lord

Leicester[134] presses him much to go to Holkham, where Lord

Fortescue,[135] Mr Ellice[136] and others are to be, and considering

Lord Leicester's age, Lord Melbourne thinks that it will gratify him

to see Lord Melbourne again there. But at Holkham they shoot from

morning until night, and if you do not shoot you are like a fish

upon dry land. Lord Melbourne hardly feels equal to the exertion, and

therefore thinks that he shall establish himself for the present

at Melbourne, where he will be within reach of Trentham, Beau

Desert,[137] Wentworth,[138] and Castle Howard,[139] if he likes to

go to them. The only annoyance is that it is close to Lord and Lady

G----, whom he will be perpetually meeting.

[Footnote 132: A daughter of George Canning, the Prime

Minister.]

[Footnote 133: Afterwards Lord Lytton, the novelist.]

[Footnote 134: The famous country gentleman, "Mr Coke of

Norfolk."]

[Footnote 135: Hugh, second Earl, K.G.]

[Footnote 136: The Right Hon. Edward Ellice, M.P. ("Bear"

Ellice).]

[Footnote 137: Near Lichfield, a seat of Lord Anglesey.]

[Footnote 138: Lord Fitzwilliam's house, near Rotherham.]

[Footnote 139: Lord Carlisle's house, near York, built by

Vanbrugh.]

[Pageheading: HOLLAND AND BELGIUM]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _22 October 1841._

... In France there is a great outcry that a Bourbon must be the

future husband of the Queen of Spain, etc. I must say that as the

Spaniards and the late King changed themselves the Salic custom which

Philip V. had brought from France,[140] it is natural for the rest of

Europe to wish that no Bourbon should go there. Besides, it must be

confessed that the thing is not even easy, as there is great hatred

amongst the various branches of that family. The King of the French

himself has always been _opposed_ to the idea of one of his sons going

there; in France, however, that opinion still exists, and Thiers had

it, strongly.

I confess that I regret that Queen Christina was encouraged to

settle at Paris, as it gave the thing the appearance of something

preconcerted. I believe that a wish existed that Christina would

retire peaceably and _par la force des circonstances_, but now this

took a turn which I am sure the King does not like; it places him,

besides, into _une position ingrate_; the Radicals hate him, the

Moderates will cry out that he has left them in the lurch, and the

Carlists are kept under key, and of course also not much pleased. I

meant to have remained in my wilds till yesterday, but my Ministers

were so anxious for my return, there being a good many things on the

_tapis_, that I came back on Tuesday, the 19th....

Here one is exactly shut up as if one was in a menagerie, walking

round and round like a tame bear. One breathes here also a mixture

of all sorts of moist compounds, which one is told is fresh air, but

which is not the least like it. I suppose, however, that my neighbour

in Holland, where they have not even got a hill as high as yours in

Buckingham Gardens, would consider Laeken as an Alpine country. The

tender meeting of the old King and the new King,[141] as one can

hardly call him a young King, must be most amusing. I am told that if

the old King had not made that love-match, he would be perfectly

able to dethrone his son; I heard that yesterday from a person rather

attached to the son and hating the father. In the meantime, though

one can hardly say that he is well at home, some strange mixture of

cut-throats and ruined soldiers of fortune had a mind to play us some

tricks here; we have got more and more insight into this. Is it by

instigation from him personally, or does he only know of it without

being a party to it? That _is_ difficult to tell, the more so as he

makes immense demonstration of friendly dispositions towards us,

and me in particular. I would I could make a _chassez croisez_ with

Otho;[142] he would be the gainer in solids, and I should have sun and

an interesting country; I will try to make him understand this, the

more so as you do not any longer want me in the West.

[Footnote 140: The Pragmatic Sanction of Philip V. was

repealed in 1792 by the Cortes, but the repeal was not

promulgated by the King. Under the Salic Law, Don Carlos would

have been on the throne. See _ante_, p. 44. (Ch. V, Footnote 9)]

[Footnote 141: William I., who had abdicated in order to marry

again, and William II., his son, who was nearly fifty.]

[Footnote 142: The King of Greece, elected in 1833.]

[Pageheading: AMBASSADORS' AUDIENCES]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

_25th October 1841._

With respect to the appointment of Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench,

the Queen approves of Mr Pennefather[143] for that office. The Queen

may be mistaken, for she is not very well acquainted with the judicial

officers in Ireland, but it strikes her that Serjeant Jackson belonged

to the very violent Orange party in Ireland, and if this should be the

case she suggests to Sir Robert Peel whether it would not be better

_not_ to appoint him. If, on the other hand, the Queen should be

mistaken as to his political opinions, she would not disapprove of his

succeeding Mr Pennefather.

The Queen saw in the papers that Lord Stuart de Rothesay is already

gone. The Queen can hardly believe this, as no Ambassador or Minister

_ever_ left England without previously asking for an Audience and

receiving one, as the Queen wishes always to see them before they

repair to their posts. Would Sir Robert be so very good as to ask Lord

Aberdeen whether Lord Stuart de Rothesay is gone or not, and if he

should be, to tell Lord Aberdeen that in future she would wish

him always to inform her when they intend to go, and to ask for an

Audience, which, if the Queen is well, she would always grant. It is

possible that as the Queen said the other day that she did not wish

to give many Audiences after the Council, that Lord Aberdeen may have

misunderstood this and thought the Queen would give none, which was

_not_ her intention. The Queen would be thankful to Sir Robert if he

would undertake to clear up this mistake, which she is certain (should

Lord Stuart be gone) arose entirely from misapprehension.

The Queen also wishes Sir Robert to desire Lord Haddington to send her

some details of the intended reductions in the Fleet which she sees by

a draft of Lord Aberdeen's to Mr Bulwer have taken place.[144]

[Footnote 143: Recently appointed Solicitor-General; Sergeant

J. D. Jackson now succeeded him.]

[Footnote 144: The statement of the Royal Navy in Commission

at the beginning of 1841 sets out 160 vessels carrying 4,277

guns.]

[Pageheading: STOCKMAR AND MELBOURNE]

[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S ADVICE]

_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._

_25th October 1841._

... I told [Lord Melbourne] that, as I read the English Constitution,

it meant to assign to _the Sovereign in his functions a deliberative

part_--that I was not sure the Queen had the means within herself to

execute this deliberative part properly, but I was sure that the only

way for her to execute her functions at all was to be strictly honest

to those men who at the time being were her Ministers. That it was

chiefly on this account that I had been so very sorry to have found

now, on my return from the Continent, that on the change of the

Ministry a capital opportunity to read a great Constitutional maxim

to the Queen had not only been lost by Lord Melbourne, but that he had

himself turned an instrument for working great good into an instrument

which must produce mischief and danger. That I was afraid that, from

what Lord Melbourne had been so weak as to have allowed himself to be

driven into, _against his own and better conviction_, the Queen must

have received a most pernicious bias, which on any future occasion

would make her inclined to act in a similar position similarly to that

what she does now, being convinced that what she does _now_ must be

right on all future occasions, or else Lord Melbourne would not have

sanctioned it. Upon this, Lord Melbourne endeavoured to palliate, to

represent the danger, which would arise from his secret correspondence

with the Queen as very little, to adduce precedents from history,

and to screen his present conduct behind what he imagined Lord Bute's

conduct had been under George III.[145] I listened patiently, and

replied in the end: All this might be mighty fine and quite calculated

to lay a flattering unction on his own soul, or it might suffice to

tranquillize the minds of the Prince and Anson, but that I was too old

to find the slightest argument in what I had just now heard, nor could

it in any way allay my apprehension. I began then to dissect all

that he had produced for his excusation, and showed him--as I thought

clearly, and as he admitted convincingly--that it would be impossible

to carry on this secret commerce with the Sovereign for any length

of time without exposing the Queen's character and creating mighty

embarrassments in the quiet and regular working of a Constitutional

machine.

My representations seemed to make a very deep impression, and Lord

Melbourne became visibly nervous, perplexed, and distressed. After

he had recovered a little I said, "I never was inclined to obtrude

advice; but if you don't dislike to hear my opinion, I am prepared to

give it to you." He said, "What is it?" I said, "You allow the Queen's

confinement to pass over quietly, and you wait till her perfect

recovery of it. As soon as this period has arrived, you state of

your own accord to Her Majesty that this secret and confidential

correspondence with her must cease; that you gave in to it, much

against your feelings, and with a decided notion of its impropriety

and danger, and merely out of a sincere solicitude to calm Her

Majesty's mind in a critical time, and to prevent the ill effects

which great and mental agitation might have produced on her health.

That this part of your purpose now being most happily achieved, you

thought yourself in duty bound to advise Her Majesty to _cease all

her communications_ to you on political subjects, as you felt it wrong

within yourself to receive them, and to return your political advice

and opinions on such matters; that painful as such a step must be to

your feelings, which to the last moment of your life will remain those

of the most loyal attachment and devotion to the Queen's person, it

is dictated to you by a deep sense of what you owe to the country, to

your Sovereign, and to yourself."

[Footnote 145: For some time after the accession of George

III., Bute, though neither in the Cabinet nor in Parliament,

was virtually Prime Minister, but he became Secretary of State

on 25th March 1761. George II. had disliked him, but he was

generally believed to have exercised an undue influence over

the consort of Prince Frederic of Wales, mother of George

III.]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

_26th October 1841._

With respect to Serjeant Jackson, the Queen will not oppose his

appointment, in consequence of the high character Sir Robert Peel

gives him; but she cannot refrain from saying that she very much fears

that the favourable effect which has hitherto been produced by the

formation of so mild and conciliatory a Government in Ireland, may

be endangered by this appointment, which the Queen would sincerely

regret.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _26th October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns

your Majesty the letters of the King of the Belgians, with many

thanks. It certainly is a very unfortunate thing that the Queen

Christina was encouraged to fix her residence at Paris, and the

suspicion arising, therefore, cannot but be very injurious both to the

King of the French and to the French nation.

Lord Melbourne returns his warmest thanks for your Majesty's kind

expressions. He felt the greatest pleasure at seeing your Majesty

again and looking so well, and he hopes that his high spirits did

not betray him into talking too much or too heedlessly, which he is

conscious that they sometimes do.

The King Leopold, Lord Melbourne perceives, still hankers after

Greece; but Crowns will not bear to be chopped and changed about in

this manner. These new Kingdoms are not too firmly fixed as it is, and

it will not do to add to the uncertainty by alteration....

[Pageheading: DISPUTE WITH UNITED STATES]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _28th October 1841._

... Sir Robert Peel humbly assures your Majesty that he fully

participates in the surprise which your Majesty so naturally expresses

at the extraordinary intimation conveyed to Mr Fox[146] by the

President of the United States.[147]

Immediately after reading Mr Fox's despatch upon that subject, Sir

Robert Peel sought an interview with Lord Aberdeen. The measure

contemplated by the President is a perfectly novel one, a measure of a

hostile and unjustifiable character adopted with pacific intentions.

Sir Robert Peel does not comprehend the object of the President,

and giving him credit for the desire to prevent the interruption of

amicable relations with this country, Sir Robert Peel fears that

the forcible detention of the British Minister, after the demand of

passports, will produce a different impression on the public mind,

both here and in the United States, from that which the President must

(if he be sincere) have anticipated. It appears to Sir Robert Peel

that the object which the President professes to have in view would be

better answered by the immediate compliance with Mr Fox's demand for

passports, and the simultaneous despatch of a special mission to this

country conveying whatever explanations or offers of reparation the

President may have in contemplation.

Sir Robert Peel humbly assures your Majesty that he has advised

such measures of preparation to be taken in respect to the amount of

disposable naval force, and the position of it, as without bearing

the character of menace or causing needless disquietude and alarm, may

provide for an unfavourable issue of our present differences with the

United States.

Sir Robert Peel fears that when the President ventured to make to Mr

Fox the communication which he did make, he must have laboured under

apprehension that M'Leod might be executed in spite of the efforts of

the general Government of the United States to save his life.

[Footnote 146: British Minister at Washington.]

[Footnote 147: One Alexander M'Leod was tried at Utica on

the charge of being implicated in the destruction of the

_Caroline_ (an American vessel engaged in carrying arms to the

Canadian rebels), in 1837, and in the death of Mr Durfee, an

American. The vessel had been boarded by Canadian loyalists

when lying in American waters, set on fire and sent over

Niagara Falls, and in the affray Durfee was killed. M'Leod

was apprehended on American territory, and hence arose the

friction between the two countries. M'Leod was acquitted 12th

October 1841.]

[Pageheading: PORTUGAL]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _31st October 1841._

The Queen received yesterday evening Lord Aberdeen's letter with the

accompanying despatches and draft. She certainly _is_ surprised at the

strange and improper tone in which Lord Howard's[148] despatches are

written, and can only attribute them to an over-eager and, she fully

believes, mistaken feeling of the danger to which he believes the

throne of the Queen to be exposed.

The Queen has carefully perused Lord Aberdeen's draft, which she

highly approves, but wishes to suggest to Lord Aberdeen whether upon

further consideration it might not perhaps be as well to _soften_ the

words under which she has drawn a pencil line, as she fears they might

irritate Lord Howard very much.

The Queen is induced to copy the following sentences from a letter she

received from her cousin, the King of Portugal, a few days ago, and

which it may be satisfactory to Lord Aberdeen to see:--

"_Je dois encore vous dire que nous avons toutes les raisons de nous

louer de la manière dont le Portugal est traité par votre Ministre des

Affaires Étrangères, et nous ferons de notre côté notre possible pour

prouver notre bonne volonté."_

[Footnote 148: Lord Howard de Walden, Minister Plenipotentiary

at Lisbon.]

[Pageheading: SECRETARIES OF STATE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _1st November 1841._

... Now for His Royal Highness's questions....

How the power of Prime Ministry grew up into its present form it is

difficult to trace precisely, as well as how it became attached, as

it were, to the office of First Commissioner of the Treasury. But

Lord Melbourne apprehends that Sir Robert Walpole was the first man

in whose person this union of powers was decidedly established, and

that its being so arose from the very great confidence which both

George I. and George II. reposed in him, and from the difficulty which

they had in transacting business, particularly George I., from their

imperfect knowledge of the language of the country.

With respect to the Secretary of State, Lord Melbourne is not prepared

from memory to state the dates at which the different arrangements of

that office have taken place. There was originally but one officer,

and at the present the three are but the heads of the different

departments of one office. The first division was into two, and they

were called the Secretary for the Northern and the Secretary for

the Southern department. They drew a line across the world, and each

transacted the business connected with the countries within his

own portion of the globe. Another division then took place, and the

Foreign affairs were confided to one Secretary of State, and the Home

and Colonial affairs to the other; but the present arrangement was

finally settled in the year 1793, when the junction was formed between

Mr Pitt on the one hand, and those friends of Mr Fox who left him

because they differed with him upon the French Revolution. The Home

affairs were placed in the hands of one Secretary of State, the

Foreign of another, and the Colonial and Military affairs of a third,

and this arrangement has continued ever since.[149] The persons then

appointed were the Duke of Portland,[150] Lord Grenville,[151] and Mr

Dundas,[152] Home, Foreign, and Colonial Secretaries.

Writing from recollection, it is very possible that Lord Melbourne may

be wrong in some of the dates which he has ventured to specify.[153]

[Footnote 149: A fourth Secretary of State was added at

the time of the Crimean War, so as to separate Colonial and

Military affairs, and a fifth after the Indian Mutiny to

supersede the President of the Board of Control. _See_ Lord

Melbourne's letter of 31st December 1837, _ante_, p. 100.

(Ch. VI, 'State Departments')]

[Footnote 150: Third Duke (1738-1809).]

[Footnote 151: William Wyndham, Lord Grenville (1759-1834).]

[Footnote 152: Henry Dundas (1742-1811), afterwards Lord

Melville.]

[Footnote 153: See _post_, pp. 358, 359.

(Ch. X, 'The English Constitution', et seq.)]

[Pageheading: THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _4th November 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this

morning had the honour and pleasure of receiving your Majesty's letter

of yesterday....

Lord Melbourne sends a letter which he has received from his sister,

which may not be unentertaining. Lady Palmerston is struck, as

everybody is who goes to Ireland, with the candid warmth and vehement

demonstration of feeling. England always appears cold, heartless, and

sulky in comparison....

With respect to the questions put to me by your Majesty at the desire

of His Royal Highness, Lord Melbourne begs leave to assure your

Majesty that he will be at all times most ready and anxious to give

any information in his power upon points of this sort, which are very

curious, very important, very worthy to be enquired into, and

upon which accurate information is not easily to be found. All the

political part of the English Constitution is fully understood,

and distinctly stated in Blackstone and many other books, but the

Ministerial part, the work of conducting the executive government, has

rested so much on practice, on usage, on understanding, that there is

no publication to which reference can be made for the explanation

and description of it. It is to be sought in debates, in protests, in

letters, in memoirs, and wherever it can be picked up. It seems to

be stupid not to be able to say at once when two Secretaries of State

were established; but Lord Melbourne is not able. He apprehends that

there was but one until the end of Queen Anne's reign, and that two

were instituted by George I., probably because upon his frequent

journeys to Hanover he wanted the Secretary of State with him, and at

the same time it was necessary that there should be an officer of the

same authority left at home to transact the domestic affairs.

_Prime Minister_ is a term belonging to the last century. Lord

Melbourne doubts its being to be found in English Parliamentary

language previously. Sir Robert Walpole was always accused of having

introduced and arrogated to himself an office previously unknown to

the Law and Constitution, that of Prime or Sole Minister, and we learn

from Lady Charlotte Lindsay's[154] accounts of her father, that in his

own family Lord North would never suffer himself to be called _prime_

Minister, because it was an office unknown to the Constitution. This

was a notion derived from the combined Whig and Tory opposition to Sir

Robert Walpole, to which Lord North and his family had belonged.

Lord Melbourne is very sorry to hear that the Princess Royal continues

to suffer from some degree of indisposition. From what your Majesty

had said more than once before, Lord Melbourne had felt anxiety upon

this subject, and he saw the Baron yesterday, who conversed with him

much upon it, and informed him of what had taken place. Lord Melbourne

hopes that your Majesty will attribute it only to Lord Melbourne's

anxious desire for the security and increase of your Majesty's

happiness, if he ventures to say that the Baron appears to him to have

much reason in what he urges, and in the view which he takes. It is

absolutely required that confidence should be reposed in those who

are to have the management and bear the responsibility, and that they

should not be too much interrupted or interfered with.

[Footnote 154: Daughter of Lord North (afterwards Earl of

Guilford) and wife of Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. John Lindsay.

She lived till 1849--a link with the past.]

[Pageheading: SECRETARIES OF STATE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _5th November 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Not feeling

satisfied of the correctness of the information which he had given to

your Majesty respecting the office of Secretary of State, he yesterday

evening requested Mr Allen[155] to look into the matter, and he has

just received from him the enclosed short memorandum, which he has the

honour of transmitting to your Majesty. This shows that Lord Melbourne

was quite wrong with respect to the period at which two Secretaries

of State were first employed, and that it was much earlier than he had

imagined.

The year 1782, when the third Secretary of State was abolished, was

the period of the adoption of the great measure of Economical Reform

which had been introduced by Mr. Burke in 1780.

The present arrangement was settled in 1794, which is about the time

which Lord Melbourne stated.

[Footnote 155: Secretary and Librarian at Holland House.]

[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S POSITION]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _7th November 1841._

... Your Majesty asks whether Lord Melbourne thinks that Prince

Metternich holds the opinion of Sir Robert Gordon, which he expresses

to Lord Beauvale. It is difficult to say what Prince Metternich's

real sentiments are. Lord Melbourne takes him not to have a very high

opinion of the abilities of others in general, and he is not unlikely

to depreciate Sir Robert Gordon to Lord Beauvale. Sir Robert Gordon is

a man of integrity, but he is tiresome, long and pompous, which cannot

be agreeable to the Prince, who has about him much of the French

vivacity, and also much of their settled and regular style of

argument....

With respect to the latter part of your Majesty's letter, Lord

Melbourne returns for the expressions of your Majesty's kindness his

warm and grateful thanks. Your Majesty may rest assured that he will

always speak to your Majesty without scruple or reserve, and that he

will never ask anything of your Majesty, or ever make a suggestion,

which he does not consider to be for your Majesty's service and

advantage. Lord Melbourne is of opinion that his visits to the Palace

should not only avoid exciting suspicion and uneasiness in your

Majesty's present advisers, a result of which he has very little

apprehension, but they should not be so frequent as to attract public

notice, comment, and observation, of which he would be more fearful.

A public rumour, however unfounded and absurd, has more force in this

country than objections which have in them more of truth and reality.

Upon these grounds, and as your Majesty will probably not see much

company at present, and the parties therefore will be a good deal

confined to the actual Household, Lord Melbourne thinks it would

perhaps be as well if he were not again to dine at the Palace at

present.

The course which it may be prudent to take hereafter will depend very

much upon that which cannot now be foreseen, namely, upon the general

course which will be taken by politics and political parties. In this

Lord Melbourne does not at present discern his way, and he will

not therefore hazard opinions which would not be founded upon any

certainty, and might be liable to immediate change and alteration.

[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S ADVICE]

[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S EXPOSTULATIONS]

_Memorandum: Baron Stockmar to Viscount Melbourne._

_23 November 1841._

The apprehension which haunts me since my return to England is well

known to you. It was my intention to have written to you upon it some

time hereafter, but the contents of a certain letter, sent by you just

before your departure, accelerates the execution of my design. From

your own expressions used some time back, I was led to expect that you

would be glad to take advantage _of any fair opportunity_ which might

contribute towards that devoutly to be wished for object, viz., to let

a certain correspondence die a natural death. You may easily conceive

how much I felt disappointed when I heard that you had written

again, without a challenge, and that, without apparent cause, you had

volunteered the promise to write from time to time. This happens at

a moment when _your_ harassing apprehension received new life and

strength from two incidents which I think it my duty to make known to

you, and of which the one came to pass _before_, the other after, your

departure from here. Some weeks back I was walking in the streets with

Dr Prætorius,[156] when, finding myself opposite the house of one

of my friends, it came across my mind to give him a call. Prætorius

wanted to leave me, on a conception that, as a stranger, he might

obstruct the freedom of our conversation. I insisted, however, on his

remaining with me, and we were shown into the drawing-room, where

in all there were five of us. For some minutes the conversation had

turned on insignificant things, when the person talking to me said

quite abruptly: "So I find the Queen is in daily correspondence with

Lord Melbourne." I replied, "Who told you this?" The answer was, "Mrs

Norton; she told me the other evening. Don't you believe that Lord

Melbourne has lost his influence over the Queen's mind; he daily

writes to her, and receives as many answers, in which she communicates

everything to him." Without betraying much emotion I said, "I don't

believe a word of it; the Queen may have written once or twice on

private matters, but the daily correspondence on all matters is

certainly the amplification of a thoughtless and imprudent person, who

is not aware of such exaggerated assertions." My speech was followed

by a general silence, after which we talked of other things, and

soon took our leave. When we were fairly in the open air, Prætorius

expressed to me his amazement at what he had heard, and he remained

for some time at a loss to comprehend the character of the person who,

from mere giddiness, let out so momentous a secret.

The other fact took place the day after you had left. From the late

events at Brussels, it had become desirable that I should see Sir

Robert Peel. From Belgium we travelled over to Home politics. I

expressed my delight at seeing the Queen so happy, and added a hope

that more and more she would seek and find her real happiness in her

domestic relations only. He evidently caught at this, and assured me

that he should at all times be too happy to have a share in anything

which might be thought conducive to the welfare of Her Majesty. That

no consideration of personal inconvenience would ever prevent him from

indulging the Queen in all her wishes relating to matters of a private

nature, and that the only return for his sincere endeavours to please

Her Majesty he looked to, was honesty in public affairs. Becoming then

suddenly emphatic, he continued, "But on this I must insist, and I

do assure you, that that moment I was to learn that the Queen takes

advice upon public matters in another place, I shall throw up; for

such a thing I conceive the country could not stand, and I would not

remain an hour, whatever the consequences of my resignation may be."

Fully sensible that he was talking at me, I received the charge with

the calmness of a good conscience, and our time being exhausted I

prepared for retreat. But he did not allow me to do so, before he had

found means to come a second time to the topic uppermost in his own

mind, and he repeated, it appeared to me with increased force of tone,

his determination to throw up, fearless of all consequences, that

moment he found himself and the country dishonestly dealt by.

I think I have now reported to you correctly the two occurrences which

of late have added so much to my antecedent suspicions and fears.

Permit me to join to this a few general considerations which, from

the nature of the recited incidents alone, and without the slightest

intervention of any other cause, must have presented themselves to my

mind. The first is, that I derive from the events related quite ground

enough for concluding that the danger I dread is great and imminent,

and that, if ill luck is to have its will, no human power can prevent

an explosion for a day, or even for an hour. The second is the

contemplation--what state will the Queen be placed in by such a

catastrophe? That in my position, portraying to myself all the

consequences of such a possibility, I look chiefly to the Queen, needs

hardly, I trust, an excuse.... Can you hope that the Queen's character

will ever recover from a shock received by a collision with Peel, upon

such a cause? Pray illustrate to yourself this particular question by

taking a purely political and general survey of the time and period

we live in at this moment. In doing so must you not admit that all

England is agreed that the Tories must have another trial, and that

there is a decided desire in the nation that it should be a fair

one? Would you have it said that Sir Robert Peel failed in his

trial, merely because the Queen alone was not fair to him, and that

principally you had aided her in the game of dishonesty? And can you

hope that this game can be played with security, even for a short

time only, when a person has means of looking into your cards whom

you yourself have described to me some years ago as a most passionate,

giddy, imprudent and dangerous woman? I am sure beforehand that

your loyalty and devotion has nothing to oppose to the force of my

exposition. There are, however, some other and minor reasons which

ought likewise to be considered before you come to the determination

of trusting entirely to possibilities and chance. For the results of

your deliberation you will have to come to will in their working and

effects go beyond yourself, and must affect two other persons. These

will have a right to expect that your decision will not be taken

regardless of that position, which accidental circumstances have

assigned to them, in an affair the fate of which is placed entirely

within your discretion. This is an additional argument why you should

deliberate very conscientiously. A mistake of yours in this respect

might by itself produce fresh difficulties and have a complicating and

perplexing retro effect upon the existing ones; because both, seeing

that they must be sufferers in the end, may begin to look only to

their own safety, and become inclined to refuse that passive obedience

which till now constitutes the vehicle of your hazardous enterprize.

Approaching the conclusion of this letter, I beg to remind you of a

conversation I had with you on the same subject in South Street, the

25th of last month.[157] Though you did not avow it then in direct

words, I could read from your countenance and manner that you assented

in your head and heart to all I had said, and in particular to the

advice I volunteered at the end of my speech. At that time I pointed

out to you a period when I thought a decisive step ought to be

taken on your part. This period seems to me to have arrived. Placing

unreserved confidence into your candour and manliness, I remain, for

ever, very faithfully yours,

STOCKMAR.

[Footnote 156: Librarian and German Secretary to Prince

Albert.]

[Footnote 157: _Ante_, pp. 352-3. (Ch. X, 'Stockmar and Melbourne')]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S REPLY]

_Viscount Melbourne to Baron Stockmar._

_24th November 1841._

(_Half-past 10_ P.M.)

MY DEAR BARON,--I have just received your letter; I think it

unnecessary to detain your messenger. I will write to you upon the

subject and send it through Anson. Yours faithfully,

MELBOURNE.

[Pageheading: THE HEIR APPARENT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _29th November 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for four most kind letters, of

the 4th, 6th, 19th and 26th; the last I received yesterday. I would

have written sooner, had I not been a little bilious, which made

me very low, and not in spirits to write. The weather has been so

exceedingly relaxing, that it made me at the end of the fortnight

quite bilious, and this, you know, affects the spirits. I am much

better, but they think that I shall not get my appetite and spirits

back till I can get out of town; we are therefore going in a week at

latest. I am going for a drive this morning, and am certain it will

do me good. In all _essentials_, I am better, if possible, than last

year. Our little boy[158] is a wonderfully strong and large child,

with very large dark blue eyes, a finely formed but somewhat large

nose, and a pretty little mouth; I _hope_ and _pray_ he may be like

his dearest Papa. He is to be called _Albert_, and Edward is to be his

second name. Pussy, dear child, is still _the_ great pet amongst us

all, and is getting so fat and strong again.

I beg my most affectionate love to dearest Louise and the dear

children. The Queen-Dowager is recovering wonderfully.

I beg you to forgive this letter being so badly written, but my feet

are being rubbed, and as I have got the box on which I am writing on

my knee, it is not easy to write quite straight--but you must _not_

think my hand trembles. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Pussy is _not_ at all pleased with her brother.

[Footnote 158: His Majesty King Edward VII., born 9th

November.]

[Pageheading: THE INFANT PRINCE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

TRENTHAM, _1st December 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has had

the honour of receiving here your Majesty's letters of yesterday,

by which he learns with sincere pleasure and satisfaction that your

Majesty is so much recovered as to go to Windsor on so early a day as

your Majesty names. Lord Melbourne hears with great concern that your

Majesty has been suffering under depression and lowness of spirits....

Lord Melbourne well knows how to feel for those who suffer under it,

especially as he has lately had much of it himself.

Lord Melbourne is much rejoiced to hear so good an account of the Heir

Apparent and of the Princess Royal, and feels himself greatly obliged

by the information respecting the intended names and the sponsors.

Lord Melbourne supposes that your Majesty has determined yourself upon

the relative position of the two names, but _Edward_ is a good English

appellation, and has a certain degree of popularity attached to

it from ancient recollections. Albert is also an old Anglo-Saxon

name--the same, Lord Melbourne believes, as Ethelred--but it has not

been so common nor so much in use since the Conquest. However, your

Majesty's feelings, which Lord Melbourne perfectly understands, must

determine this point. The notion of the King of Prussia[159] gives

great satisfaction here, and will do so with all but Puseyites and

Newmanites and those who lean to the Roman Catholic faith. His strong

Protestant feelings, and his acting with us in the matter of the

Syrian Bishop, have made the King of Prussia highly popular in

this country, and particularly with the more religious part of the

community.

Your Majesty cannot offer up for the young Prince a more safe and

judicious prayer than that he may resemble his father. The character,

in Lord Melbourne's opinion, depends much upon the race, and on both

sides he has a good chance. Be not over solicitous about education. It

may be able to do much, but it does not do so much as is expected from

it. It may mould and direct the character, but it rarely alters it.

George IV. and the Duke of York were educated quite like English boys,

by English schoolmasters, and in the manner and upon the system of

English schools. The consequence was that, whatever were their faults,

they were quite Englishmen. The others, who were sent earlier abroad,

and more to foreign universities, were not quite so much so. The late

king was educated as a sailor, and was a complete sailor....

Lord Melbourne will tell your Majesty exactly what he thinks of John

Russell's reply to the Plymouth address. It is very angry and very

bitter, and anger and bitterness are never very dignified. Lord

Melbourne certainly would not have put in those sarcasms upon the Duke

of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, for their change of opinion and

conduct upon the Roman Catholic question. But the tone of the rest

of the answer is, in Lord Melbourne's opinion, just and right. We

certainly delivered the affairs of the country into their hands in a

good state, both at home and abroad, and we should be acting unfairly

by ourselves if we did not maintain and assert this upon every

occasion. Lord Melbourne's notion of the conduct which he has to

pursue is, that it should not be aggressive, but that it must be

defensive. He would oppose no right measures, but he cannot suffer

the course of policy which has been condemned in him to be adopted by

others without observation upon the inconsistency and injustice....

Lord Melbourne concludes with again wishing your Majesty health and

happiness, and much enjoyment of the country.

[Footnote 159: King Frederick William IV., who was to be a

sponsor.]

[Pageheading: PRINCE OF WALES]

_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _6th December 1841._

Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to enclose for the Signature

of your Majesty the Letters Patent creating His Royal Highness,

the Prince of the United Kingdom, Prince of Wales and Earl of

Chester.[160]

Understanding that it is your Majesty's pleasure to have this Creation

inserted in the _Gazette_ of to-morrow night, Sir James Graham has

given directions, which will ensure the publication, though the

Letters Patent themselves may not be completed. The Warrant already

signed by your Majesty is a sufficient authority.

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and

Servant,

J. R. G. GRAHAM.

[Footnote 160: His present Majesty had been referred to in

letters of the previous month as the Duke of Cornwall. "Know

ye," ran the present Letters Patent, "that we have made ...

our most dear son, the Prince of the United Kingdom of Great

Britain and Ireland (Duke of Saxony, Duke of Cornwall ...)

Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester ... and him our said most

dear son, ... as has been accustomed, we do ennoble and invest

with the said Principality and Earldom, by girding him with

a sword, by putting a coronet on his head, and a gold ring on

his finger, and also by delivering a gold rod into his hand,

that he may preside there, and may direct and defend those

parts...."]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th December 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We arrived here _sains et saufs_ with our awfully

large Nursery Establishment yesterday morning. It was a nasty warm

and very rainy day, but to-day is very bright, clear and dry, and we

walked out early and felt like prisoners freed from some dungeon. Many

thanks for your kind letter of the 2nd, by which I grieve to see

that you are not quite well. But let me repeat again, you _must_ not

despond so; you must not be so out of spirits. I have likewise been

suffering so from _lowness_ that it made me quite miserable, and I

know how difficult it is to fight against it. I am delighted to hear

that all the children are so well. I wonder very much who our little

boy will be like. You will understand _how_ fervent my prayers and

I am [sure] _everybody's_ must be, to see him resemble his angelic

dearest Father in _every, every_ respect, both in body and mind. Oh!

my dearest Uncle, I am sure if you knew _how_ happy, how blessed I

feel, and how _proud_ I feel in possessing _such_ a perfect being as

my husband, as he is, and if you think that you have been instrumental

in bringing about this union, it must gladden your heart! How happy

should I be to see our child grow up _just_ like him! Dear Pussy

travelled with us and behaved like a grown-up person, so quiet and

looking about and coquetting with the Hussars on either side of the

carriage. Now adieu! Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE APPROACHING CHRISTENING]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

CASTLE HOWARD, _22nd December 1841._

... Lord Melbourne will consider himself most highly honoured by being

invited to the christening, and will hold himself in readiness to

attend, whenever it may take place. He has written to Mr Anson in

answer to the letter which he received from him this morning. Lord

Melbourne has been obliged to consent to receive an address from

Derby, and has fixed Monday the 27th inst. for that purpose. He could

have wished to have avoided this, but it was impossible, and he must

make the best of it that he can, which he conceives will be effected

by conceiving his reply in very guarded terms, and in a tone defensive

of his own administration, but not offensive to those who have

succeeded him....

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the feelings of the King of

Prussia. For religious matters he is at present very popular with many

in this country, and popularity, though transient and uncertain, is

a good thing while it lasts. The King of the Belgians should not be

surprised or mortified at the conduct of the King of Holland. We must

expect that people will act according to their nature and feelings.

The Union of Belgium and Holland has been for a long time the first

wish and the daily dream of the House of Orange. It has been the great

object of their lives, and by the separation, which took place in

1830, they saw their fondest hopes disappointed and destroyed at once.

It must be expected that under such a state of things, they will be

unquiet, and will try to obtain what they so eagerly desire and have

once possessed.

Lord Melbourne is much rejoiced to hear that your Majesty is in the

enjoyment of such good health. Your Majesty's observations upon your

own situation are in the highest degree just and prudent, and it is

a sign of a right mind and of good feelings to prize the blessings we

enjoy, and not to suffer them to be too much altered by circumstances,

which may not turn out exactly according to our wishes.

[Pageheading: THE UNITED STATES]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _24th December 1841._

Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty. He

ventures to request your Majesty's attention for a moment to the

character of your Majesty's present relations with the Government of

the United States. Your Majesty is aware that several questions of

great difficulty and importance have been long pending between the two

Governments.[161] Some of these have become more complicated than

they were ten years ago; and any of them might, at any moment, lead to

consequences of the most disastrous nature.

Instead of continuing negotiations, necessarily tedious and which

promise to be interminable, your Majesty's servants are humbly of

opinion that an effort ought to be made, by a Special Mission at

Washington, to bring all these differences promptly to an adjustment.

The public feeling in the United States at this time does not appear

to be unfavourable for such an attempt. Should it be undertaken by a

person whose rank, character, and abilities would ensure respect, and

whose knowledge of the subjects under discussion, and of the people of

the country, together with his conciliatory manners, would render him

generally acceptable, your Majesty might perhaps indulge the hope of a

successful result.

Lord Aberdeen humbly ventures to think that such a person may be found

in Lord Ashburton,[162] whom he submits for your Majesty's gracious

approbation.

[Footnote 161: The question of the North-West Boundary had

long been one source of dispute; another was the right the

British Government claimed of searching vessels suspected of

being engaged in the slave trade.]

[Footnote 162: Alexander, first Lord Ashburton, who had held

office in Peel's short Ministry, and married Miss Bingham of

Philadelphia. See _post_, p. 461. (Ch. XII, Footnote 10)]

[Pageheading: CHRISTMAS]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th December 1841._

Christmas has brought its usual routine of festivity and its agreeable

accompaniment of Christmas presents. The Queen was not at all well

again yesterday, being again troubled with lowness. The Melbourne

correspondence still is carried on, but I think not in its

pristine vigour by any means. He has taken no notice of the Baron's

remonstrance to him, and we are in the dark in what manner, if at all,

he means to deal with it.

I have sat by Her Majesty at dinner several times lately. I should say

that Her Majesty interests herself less and less about politics, and

that her dislike is less than it was to her present Ministers, though

she would not be prepared to acknowledge it. Her Majesty is a good

deal occupied with the little Princess Royal, who begins to assume

companionable qualities. In the evening, instead of her usual

conversation with her old Prime Minister, some round game at cards is

substituted, which always terminates at eleven. The Prince, to

amuse the Queen at this, has nearly left off his chess; his

amusements--shooting or hunting--always commence and terminate between

eleven and two, not to interfere with Her Majesty's arrangements, in

which he is included as her companion.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

MELBOURNE, _29th December 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received

here yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 25th inst., upon a paper

adorned with many quaint and humorous Christmas devices, and Lord

Melbourne begs to offer to your Majesty, most sincerely and most

fervently, the good wishes of the Season. Lord Melbourne will be in

town on Friday evening next, and after that day will wait upon your

Majesty, whenever your Majesty is pleased to command....

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear that the King of the Belgians is

reassured by his journey to Mons and his reception upon it. He need

not mind the King of Holland, if he can keep all right at Paris.

The railway smash[163] is awful and tremendous, as all railway mishaps

are, and Lord Melbourne fears must always be. These slips and falls

of earth from the banks are the greatest danger that now impends over

them, and if they take place suddenly and in the dark, Lord Melbourne

does not see how the fatal consequences of them are to be effectually

guarded against. They are peculiarly likely to happen now, as the

cuttings have been recently and hastily made, the banks are very

steep, and the season has been peculiarly wet, interrupted by severe

frosts.

Lord Melbourne received the deputation from Derby, a large and

respectable one, here on Monday last. The address was very guarded,

temperate, and judicious, and Lord Melbourne strove to construct his

answer in the same manner.

[Footnote 163: This accident took place on 24th December in

the Sonning Hill cutting, two and a half miles from Reading.

Eight persons were killed on the spot.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XI

THE session was mainly occupied by the great Ministerial measure of

finance, direct taxation by means of income tax being imposed, and the

import duties on a large number of articles being removed or relaxed,

Mr Gladstone, now at the Board of Trade, taking charge of the bills.

Two more attempts on the Queen's life were made, the former again on

Constitution Hill by one Francis, whose capital sentence was commuted;

the latter by a hunchback, Bean, who was sentenced to eighteen months'

imprisonment. An Act was promptly passed to deal with such outrages

in future as misdemeanours, without giving them the importance of high

treason. Lord Ashley's Bill was passed, prohibiting woman and child

labour in mines and collieries. But the Anti-Corn Law League of

Manchester was not satisfied with the policy of the Government and

objected to the income tax; while riots broke out in the manufacturing

districts of the North.

In Afghanistan, the disasters of the previous year were retrieved; Sir

Robert Sale, who was gallantly defending Jellalabad, made a _sortie_

and defeated Akbar Khan; General Nott arrived at Ghuznee, but found it

evacuated; he destroyed the citadel and removed the Gates of Somnauth.

General Pollock swept the Khyber Pass and entered Cabul. The captives

taken on the retreat from Cabul were recovered--Lady Macnaghten and

Lady Sale among them. In retribution for the murder of Macnaghten,

the great bazaar of Cabul, where his remains had been dishonoured,

was destroyed by Pollock; the British force was then withdrawn. Dost

Mahommed made himself again ruler of Cabul, and a proclamation of

Lord Ellenborough announced that the British Government accepted any

Sovereign and Constitution approved by the Afghans themselves.

In China, also, operations were successfully terminated, Chapoo being

taken in May, and an attack by Admiral Parker upon Nanking being

only averted by the conclusion of a favourable treaty, involving

an indemnity, the cession by China of Hong Kong, and the opening of

important ports to commerce.

A dispute had arisen between this country and the United States as

to the boundary line between the latter country and the British

Possessions in North America. Lord Ashburton was accordingly sent

out on a special mission to effect the adjustment of this and other

disputes, and a treaty was concluded for the purpose of defining each

country's territorial rights, and imposing mutual obligations for the

suppression of the Slave Trade.