CHAPTER XVIII
THE EGYPTIAN WAR
I. THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLE
NOTE
The story of the Egyptian war may conveniently begin with an account of
the affair of the 9th September, 1881, when Tewfik, Khedive of Egypt,
met Arabi Pasha face to face in the Square of Abdin at Cairo, and
failed to take advantage of the greatest opportunity of his life. Had
he acted there and then upon the counsel of Mr. (afterwards Sir)
Auckland Colvin, British Controller, it is possible that the Egyptian
war might have been avoided.
The beginning of the trouble was the jealousy existing between the
native Egyptian and the Turkish, or Circassian, elements of the army.
Rightly or wrongly, the Egyptian, or fellah, officers believed
themselves to be slighted. The Turkish, or Circassian, officers, being
of the same race as the ruling family, regarded themselves as the
dominant caste. In the time of Ismail Pasha, the predecessor of
Tewfik, the Minister of War, Osman Pasha Rifki, a Circassian, perceived
that his dignity was compromised by his being obliged to receive orders
from the Khedive through Ali Fehmi, captain of the Guards at the
Palace, a fellah. In the East, such a situation does not continue.
Ali Fehmi mysteriously fell into disgrace. Naturally, he had a
grievance; and he joined himself to two other officers of his race, who
also had {171} grievances. These were Abdel-el-Al and Ahmed Arabi, who
was to become better known as Arabi Pasha. They were called the "Three
Colonels," and to them came Mahmoud Sami Pasha, an exceedingly astute
politician.
Arabi's particular injury was that he had been punished by Ismail for
creating a disturbance under the Palace windows, when he was one of the
officers of the guard. Ismail had bluntly remarked that Arabi was more
noisy but less useful than the big drum. Arabi joined a secret society
of discontented officers, and shortly afterwards again fell into
trouble under a charge of corruption while he was in command of
transports during the war between Egypt and Abyssinia. Subsequently,
Ismail allowed Arabi to join a regiment, whereupon he became chief of
the secret society. One of its members divulged the secret to the
Khedive, who adopted the Oriental method of buying the allegiance of
the disaffected officers by promoting in one day seventy of them to be
lieutenant-colonels. He also presented one of his slaves to Arabi to
wife.
So much for Ismail Pasha. When, by order of the Sultan, he was
superseded by Tewfik, Arabi made haste to do obeisance to the new
Khedive, who made him a full colonel. But when Tewfik reduced the
army, the Three Colonels presented a petition to the Khedive,
demanding, among other matters, that an Egyptian should be made
Minister of War in place of Osman Rifki. The Three Colonels were
thereupon arrested. Mahmoud Sami Pasha, a member of the Cabinet,
secretly arranged that when they were brought before the Court-martial,
the soldiers should rescue them. On the 1st February, 1881,
accordingly, the soldiers burst into the court, turned it inside out,
and carried the Three Colonels to the Palace. The Khedive, confronted
with physical force to which he had nothing to oppose, consented to
supersede his War Minister in favour of the crafty Mahmoud Sami, to
increase the army by 18,000 men, and to abolish favouritism.
The Khedive very soon discovered that Mahmoud Sami {172} was by no
means a desirable Minister of War, and also that the Three Colonels and
their friends continued to stir up trouble. He therefore dismissed
Mahmoud Sami and appointed in his stead the Khedive's brother-in-law,
Daoud Pasha, a Circassian, and ordered the disaffected regiments to
leave Cairo. At the same time it was rumoured that the Khedive had
obtained a secret decree from the Sultan condemning Arabi and his
friends to death. When the order to remove his regiment from Cairo was
received by Arabi, that leader of revolt informed the Minister of War
on 9th September, 1881, that the troops in Cairo would proceed the same
afternoon to the Palace of Abdin, there to demand of the Khedive the
dismissal of the Ministry, the convocation of the National Assembly,
and the increase of the army. Then came Tewfik's opportunity, which,
as already observed, he let slip.
When the Khedive entered the Square, accompanied by Mr. Colvin, British
Controller, and a few native and European officers, he was confronted
with some 4000 soldiers and thirty guns. The following account of the
critical moment is given by the Hon. Charles Royle, in his excellent
history of _The Egyptian Campaigns_ (London, 1900).
"The Khedive advanced firmly towards a little group of officers and men
(some of whom were mounted) in the centre. Colvin said to him, 'When
Arabi presents himself, tell him to give up his sword and follow you.
Then go the round of the regiments, address each separately, and give
them the "order to disperse."' The soldiers all this time were
standing in easy attitudes, chatting, laughing, rolling up cigarettes,
and eating pistachio nuts, looking, in fact, as little like desperate
mutineers as could well be imagined. They apparently were there in
obedience only to orders, and, without being either loyal or disloyal,
might almost be regarded as disinterested spectators.
"Arabi approached on horseback: the Khedive called out to him to
dismount. He did so, and came forward on foot with several others, and
a guard with fixed bayonets, {173} and saluted. As he advanced, Colvin
said to the Khedive, 'Now is the moment, give the word.' He replied,
'We are between four fires. We shall be killed.' Colvin said, 'Have
courage.' Tewfik again wavered, he turned for counsel to a native
officer at his side, and repeated, 'What can I do? We are between four
fires.' He then told Arabi to sheathe his sword. Arabi did so at
once, his hand trembling so with nervousness that he could scarcely get
the weapon back into its scabbard. The moment was lost. Instead of
following Colvin's advice, and arresting Arabi on the spot, a step
which would have at once put an end to the whole disturbance, the
Khedive walked towards him and commenced to parley."
The Khedive subsequently agreed to dismiss the Ministry at Arabi's
request; and Arabi thus advanced another step towards obtaining
military control of the country. For a time he prevented Cherif Pasha
from forming a Ministry, and summoned to Cairo the Chamber of Notables.
The members of the Chamber, however, whose office was purely advisory,
supported Cherif Pasha. By means of a skilful intrigue, Mahmoud Sami
contrived to obtain the appointment of Minister of War. Arabi then
effected a temporary retreat with his regiment to El Ouady, in the
Delta, and waited upon events. It was then October. The Khedive had
convoked an assembly of the Chamber of Notables at the end of December,
and in the meantime the elections were proceeding.
It should here be observed that Arabi did not merely represent
discontent in the army. He had behind him a genuine and largely just
popular agitation, the result of many evils suffered by the natives.
"Ismail's merciless exactions, and the pressure of foreign
moneylenders, had given rise to a desire to limit the power of the
Khedive, and, above all, to abolish the Anglo-French control, which was
considered as ruling the country simply for the benefit of the foreign
bondholders. The control was further hated by the large landholders,
because the law of liquidation (with {174} which the Controllers in the
minds of the people were associated) had in a measure sacrificed their
claims for compensation in respect of the cancelling of a forced loan
known as the 'Moukabaleh,' and it was still more detested by the Pashas
and native officials, because it interfered with the reckless
squandering of public money, and the many opportunities for corruption
by which they had so long been benefited. In addition to this, there
was a great deal of irritation at the increasing number of highly paid
European officials which the reformed administration inaugurated in the
latter days of Ismail involved. The people began to suspect that what
was occurring was only part of a plan for handing the country over to
Europeans. The examples lately set by England with regard to Cyprus,
and by France in Tunis, were, it must be owned, but little calculated
to inspire confidence in the political morality of either of these two
Powers" (Royle, _The Egyptian Campaigns_).
In these things consisted the reserve strength of Arabi; and while he
was ostensibly in retirement at El Ouady (probably spending a good deal
of time in Cairo with his fellow-conspirators), the native press
continued to excite irritation against the Europeans; and when the new
Chamber of Notables assembled on 25th December, 1881, they at once
presented demands which brought the whole situation in Egypt to the
notice of Europe. The Chamber demanded control of the revenues outside
those assigned to the Public Debt, together with other new powers
directly infringing the prerogatives of the Sultan and of the Khedive.
It seems that Mahmoud Sami inspired these manifestations, not with any
hope or desire that the demands of the Chamber would be granted, but
because, as they were inadmissible, the Ministry of Cherif Pasha would
be wrecked, and Mahmoud Sami thereby advantaged.
The British and French Governments declared that the demands of the
Chamber were unacceptable. At the same time they learned that the
coast fortifications were being strengthened and that the army was to
be increased. On {175} behalf of the two Powers, a Joint Note was
presented to the Khedive in Cairo, on 8th January, 1882, stating that
England and France were united in opposing "the dangers to which the
Government of the Khedive might be exposed."
The presentation of the Joint Note marks the beginning of that European
intervention which might have prevented, but which did not prevent, the
massacre in Alexandria of the 11th June, 1882, and which eventually
resulted in the bombardment of that city on 11th July, 1882. The
jealousy existing between France and England at that time in respect of
intervention in Egypt, nullified the effective action of either party.
Had M. Gambetta continued in power, he would probably have forced Lord
Granville to adopt a decisive policy. But M. de Freycinet, who
succeeded Gambetta while the question was still under discussion, was
as much afraid of responsibility as Lord Granville was. Diplomacy thus
returned to its customary routine of addressing Circular Notes to the
European Powers, and generally avoiding definition as long as possible.
Arabi seized his opportunity and announced that intervention on the
part of England and France was inadmissible. The Chamber of Notables
also saw their chance, and demanded the dismissal of the Ministry. The
Khedive, apparently deserted by England and France, and much afraid of
offending the Sultan, had no choice but to dismiss Cherif Pasha and to
appoint in his stead Mahmoud Sami, who thus attained his object.
Mahmoud Sami immediately appointed Arabi Pasha Minister of War. Arabi
thus achieved a military dictatorship. It will be observed that his
success was directly due to the vacillation of the English and French
Governments. Mahmoud Sami at once forced the Khedive to assent to the
demands of the Chamber, and the English and French Controllers
resigned, upon the ground that "the Khedive's power no longer exists."
The dictators, Mahmoud Sami and Arabi (now Arabi Pasha), strengthened
the coast fortifications, ordered ninety {176} guns of Herr Krupp, and
rapidly increased the army. Then the dictators, considering that the
hour of their vengeance had arrived, arrested fifty of the hated
Circassian officers, (it is said) tortured them, and sentenced forty of
them to perpetual exile. The Khedive refused to sign the Decree;
whereupon Mahmoud Sami threatened that his refusal would be followed by
a general massacre of foreigners. A month later, on 11th June, such a
massacre occurred. In the meantime, the open quarrel between the
Khedive on the one side, and his Ministers, backed by the army, on the
other, created general alarm. Mahmoud Sami convoked the Chamber; only
to discover that the Notables were afraid to support him. Under these
circumstances, Mahmoud Sami and Arabi Pasha informed the Khedive that,
on condition that he would guarantee the maintenance of public order,
they would resign. The Khedive replied in effect that it was not he
but Arabi that troubled Israel. On the next day, 15th May, 1882, the
English and French Consuls-General warned Arabi that in the event of
disturbance, England, France and Turkey would deal with him. Arabi
retorted that if a Fleet arrived, he could not be responsible for the
safety of the public. Upon the same day the Consul-General informed
the Khedive that an Anglo-French Fleet was on its way to Alexandria,
whereupon Mahmoud Sami and the rest of the Ministry made a formal
submission to the Khedive.
Such was the first influence, exerted from afar, of naval power. But
when, upon the 19th and 20th May, the ships arrived at Alexandria, the
effect was considerably lessened; for the force consisted of no more
than one British line-of-battle ship, H.M.S. _Invincible_, with two
gunboats, and one French line-of-battle ship, _La Gallisonière_, with
two gunboats. The object of the Granville-Freycinet diplomacy, to do
something and yet not to do it, had thus been triumphantly achieved.
The instructions given to the British and French admirals respectively
are worth noting.
{177}
The British admiral was told to:
"Communicate with the British Consul-General on arrival at Alexandria,
and in concert with him propose to co-operate with naval forces of
France to support the Khedive and protect British subjects and
Europeans, landing a force, if required, for latter object, such force
not to leave protection of ships' guns without instructions from home."
It will be observed that Admiral Sir Frederick Beauchamp Seymour was
not given enough men to form an efficient landing party; so that the
futile clause concerning "the protection of the ships' guns" is hardly
worth considering.
The French instructions were at least logical. The French admiral was
plainly told to do nothing except in an emergency.
"On arrival at Alexandria communicate with the Consul-General, who
will, if necessary, indicate to you what you will have to do to give a
moral support to the Khedive. You will abstain, until you have
contrary instructions, from any material act of war, unless you are
attacked or have to protect the safety of Europeans."
Acting on the advice of the Consuls-General, the Khedive endeavoured to
induce Mahmoud Sami and Arabi to resign. The dictators refused. The
Consuls-General thereupon presented them with an ultimatum, and the
Ministry resigned; but the Khedive was subsequently compelled by the
threats of the army and the prayers of the terrified notables to
reinstate Arabi Pasha. That leader at once published a proclamation
stating that he guaranteed the public safety, which failed, however, to
allay the public fears. On 29th May the European population of
Alexandria drew up a memorial, which was telegraphed to the Foreign
Office, stating that they were placed in extreme peril, against which
the force at the disposal of the British admiral was totally inadequate.
Upon the same day, Admiral Seymour reported that earthworks were being
raised on shore, and asked for {178} reinforcements. On 30th May
another line-of-battle ship arrived, with two gunboats, and three
French warships. The rest of the British squadron in the Mediterranean
were directed to cruise within touch of the admiral.
On the 7th June an Imperial Commissioner, Dervish Pasha, dispatched by
the Sultan, arrived at Cairo. He was instructed to play a double part,
the object of his mission being to counteract European influence. It
was a complicated intrigue; but it is not worth unravelling, because
Dervish Pasha presently discovered that the ruler of Egypt was Arabi
Pasha.
Such is a summary of events up to the eve of the riots in Alexandria.
At that moment, Arabi Pasha was military dictator; backed by the army
and supported by popular sentiment: the Khedive, still nominally ruler,
was deprived of power and went in peril of his life; the Sultan, his
overlord, whose dominant motive was the desire to avoid foreign
intervention in Egypt, wrapped himself in diplomatic ambiguity; England
and France, the only interested foreign Powers, each afraid of the
other and both afraid of incurring responsibility, were in a state of
miserable vacillation, for which (as usual) many helpless and innocent
persons paid with their lives and property. In these circumstances,
the advantage lay with the man who knew his own mind. That man was
Arabi Pasha.
It seemed that nothing could better serve his ends than an organised
massacre of Europeans by the populace, during which the police and the
army should remain passive; for nothing could more effectually
demonstrate the power of the dictator, bring the Khedive into contempt,
flout the foreign Powers which had exhibited so contemptible a
weakness, and delight the populace.
Accordingly, on Sunday, 11th June, 1882, a devastating riot broke out
in Alexandria. The natives had been armed beforehand with _naboots_,
or long sticks; the _mustaphazin_, or military police, joined in the
attack; the soldiers remained immobile until Arabi telegraphed his
orders from Cairo, {179} when they at once stopped the disturbance.
During the day, men, women and children, European and native, were
shot, beaten, and murdered, and the town was looted. The loss of life
was estimated at 150 persons.
In the evening the troops restored order, and subsequently maintained
it up to the day of the bombardment. During that period, large numbers
of persons left the city. Refugees of all nations were embarked in the
harbour.
Lord Salisbury, who was then in Opposition, trenchantly exposed the
true character of a policy whose direct result was that British
subjects were "butchered under the very guns of the Fleet, which had
never budged an inch to save them." The Government had not given the
admiral an adequate force. It was the old story of the naval officer
being forced to subserve the ends of the politicians.
In England, public indignation forced the Government to take action.
The Channel Squadron was dispatched to Malta, there to remain at
Admiral Seymour's disposal. Two battalions were sent to Cyprus.
Arabi Pasha brought more troops to Alexandria and continued to fortify
the coast defences. In the meantime the Navy was helping to embark the
refugees.
From this point, the general course of events may conveniently be
related in the form of a diary, thus supplementing, for the purposes of
reference, the detailed narrative of Lord Charles Beresford.
On 11th July the British Fleet bombarded the coast forts. The warships
of other nations took no part in the action. The British force
consisted of fifteen vessels and 5728 men; eight ironclads, five
gunboats, a torpedo vessel and dispatch vessel. The forts were
silenced and the gunners were driven from their batteries.
On 12th July the city was set on fire by the Egyptian troops. These,
accompanied by civilians, looted the city and so departed.
On 13th July the British admiral landed 800 men. It will be observed
that had Admiral Seymour been permitted {180} to land a force upon the
preceding day, he could have disarmed the Egyptian troops and prevented
the conflagration. The Khedive had taken refuge in his Palace at
Ramleh, and the _Condor_, Commander Lord Charles Beresford, was sent to
lie off the Palace to protect him. Captain John Fisher, H.M.S.
_Inflexible_, was ordered to take command of the landing party. Upon
occupying the outer lines, Captain Fisher, finding chaos in the town,
in rear of his position, applied for an officer to exercise the duties
of provost-marshal and chief of police, and suggested that Lord Charles
Beresford should be appointed.
On 14th July the British force was occupying all important positions.
On 15th July Admiral Dowell, commanding the Channel Squadron, arrived
in the _Monarch_. Lord Charles Beresford was appointed provost-marshal
and chief of police to restore order.
Mr. John Ross, the British merchant in Alexandria who gave unsparing
and generous assistance to the British forces,--services for which he
has never received recognition--writes to me as follows:--
"Lord Charles Beresford saved millions' worth of property, causing the
indemnity paid by the European Government to be much less than it would
otherwise have been. I can assure you that there was a chance of the
whole of Alexandria being burnt to the ground, had it not been for the
wonderfully prompt, energetic, and scientific arrangements made by Lord
Charles Beresford... I do not think England can ever be made to know
properly and understand and appreciate enough with regard to what Lord
Charles Beresford did for his country as well as for Egypt in 1882."
On 17th July 1000 Marines and 1700 soldiers arrived. General Sir
Archibald Alison took command of the whole of the land forces, now
numbering in all, 3686.
On the 20th July the British Government decided to dispatch an
expedition to Egypt.
On the 21st July the water supply of Alexandria began {181} to fail,
Arabi having dammed the flow from the Nile into the Mahmoudieh Canal,
and let salt water into it from Lake Mareotis. Hitherto the supply had
been maintained by the gallant exertions of Mr. T. E. Cornish, manager
of the waterworks. Sir Archibald Alison began his attacking movements.
On the 22nd July the Khedive dismissed Arabi Pasha from his post of
Minister of War. Arabi Pasha was now at Kafr Dowar with 5000 to 30,000
men. A battalion of British troops sailed from Bombay.
On the 24th July Mr. Gladstone informed Parliament that the country was
"not at war." On the same day the British troops occupied Ramleh, a
suburb of Alexandria.
At this time Captain Fisher fitted out the armoured train.
On the 30th July the Scots Guards sailed for Alexandria. From the
beginning to end of the war, there were dispatched, or under orders,
from Great Britain and Mediterranean stations, 1290 officers and 32,000
men. Add the Indian contingent, 170 officers, 7100 men, consisting of
1st Seaforths, 1st Manchester, 1 Bombay and 2 Bengal battalions Native
Infantry, 3 regiments Bengal Cavalry, 1 field battery, 1 mountain
battery, and a section of Madras Sappers and Miners. Add to these,
3500 followers, 1700 horses, 840 ponies, 5000 mules.
On the 1st August Lord Charles Beresford, having in the space of a
fortnight saved the town of Alexandria from destruction and restored
complete order, was relieved by Major Gordon.
On the 2nd August Admiral Sir William Hewett, with six vessels of war,
occupied Suez.
On 3rd August the National Council declared its support of Arabi Pasha.
On 5th August General Alison attacked and defeated the enemy on the
Mahmoudieh Canal.
On the 7th August the Khedive issued a proclamation directed against
Arabi Pasha and rebellion.
{182}
On the 10th August Sir John Adye, chief of staff, with the Duke of
Connaught, arrived at Alexandria.
On the 12th August the Brigade of Guards, the Duke of Connaught at
their head, marched through Alexandria to Ramleh, greatly impressing
the populace.
On the 15th, General Commanding-in-Chief Sir Garnet Wolseley and
Major-General Sir Evelyn Wood arrived at Alexandria.
On the 18th August the greater part of the troops embarked for Port
Said, the transports being escorted by five ironclads.
On the night of the 19th-20th August the Navy took entire possession of
the Suez Canal. The _Monarch_ and _Iris_ took Port Said. The _Orion_,
_Northumberland_, _Carysfort_ and _Coquette_ took Ismailia. Admiral
Hewett had already seized Suez.
On the 20th of August the troops and warships from Alexandria arrived
at Port Said, together with Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour in the
_Helicon_. M. Ferdinand de Lesseps had done his utmost to prevent the
seizure of the Canal, which, he insisted, was neutral. It is said that
when the troops began to disembark at Ismailia, M. de Lesseps, erect
upon the landing-place, announced that "no one should land except over
his dead body"; to which defiance a bluejacket, gently urging aside the
heroic engineer, replied, "We don't want any dead bodies about here,
sir; all you've got to do is to step back a bit" (Royle, _Egyptian
Campaigns_).
On the 21st August Sir Garnet Wolseley arrived at Ismailia in the
_Salamis_, and, by orders of the Khedive, issued a proclamation
announcing that the sole object of Her Majesty's Government was "to
re-establish the authority of the Khedive."
The advance into the Delta was begun.
On the 24th August Wolseley captured the dam on the Fresh Water Canal.
On the 25th August the enemy were driven back upon {183} Tel-el-Kebir.
Mahmoud Fehmi Pasha, one of the original "Three Colonels," now Arabi's
chief of staff, was captured at Mahsameh railway station.
On the 28th August occurred the action at Kassassin, in which the
Egyptians were defeated. Kassassin was occupied. During the next few
days men and stores were assembled there.
On the 9th September Arabi attacked Kassassin in force and was driven
back to Tel-el-Kebir. Sir Garnet Wolseley made Kassassin his
headquarters.
On the 12th September the army was concentrated at Kassassin. On that
night the troops advanced towards Tel-el-Kebir.
On the 13th September an attack at dawn was made in three places upon
the Egyptian entrenchments. The British carried them under a heavy
fire at the point of the bayonet. The action was decisive. Arabi's
power was broken. Arabi fled to Cairo.
The 6th Bengal Cavalry captured Zag-a-Zig the same evening; and the
Cavalry division occupied Belbeis.
On 14th August the Cavalry Division rode from Belbeis to Cairo,
starting at dawn and arriving at Abbassieh at 4.45 p.m. The same
night, Captain Watson, R.E., disarmed the troops in the Citadel and
occupied Cairo.
On the 15th August Sir Garnet Wolseley and the Guards arrived at Cairo,
a day before scheduled time.
During the next week, Kafr Dowar, a place of equal importance with
Tel-el-Kebir, Aboukir, Rosetta and Damietta, surrendered.
From the bombardment of Alexandria to the capture of Cairo was
sixty-six days, of which the campaign occupied twenty-five days.
On the 25th September the Khedive returned to Cairo, where the greater
number of the British troops assembled. Subsequently, Admiral Sir
Beauchamp Seymour and Sir Garnet Wolseley were created Peers of the
United Kingdom.
{184}
Arabi Pasha was tried by court-martial on a charge of rebellion against
the Khedive, and was condemned to death, the sentence being commuted to
exile for life. In December, Arabi and six of his friends who had been
sentenced sailed for Ceylon.
{185}