BOOK XVI.

ARGUMENT.

We have in the old grammarians two conflicting accounts of the

subject of this book. Censorinus (de Die Natali, iii.) says

that it contained a discussion on the "double genius" which the

Socratic Euclides assigned to all the human race. On the other

hand, Porphyrion (in a note of the twenty-second ode of Horace's

first book) tells us that Horace here imitated Lucilius, who

inscribed his sixteenth book to his mistress Collyra; hence this

book was called Collyra, as the ninth was styled Fornix (in which

also we may observe that it was stated that the double genius of

Euclides was discussed). Priscian again seems to imply (III., i.,

8) that it was inscribed to Fundius; and that Horace copied from

it his fourteenth Epistle of the first book. Gerlach considers

the 1st, 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th Fragments may form part of a

conversation between Lucilius and his steward, on the true use of

riches. The 10th Fragment may refer to Collyra, especially if we

may suppose that the 13th Fragment (incert.) refers to the same

person. If so, she was probably, like the Fornarina of Raffaelle,

some buxom ἀρτοκόπος (cf. Herod., i., 51) or confectioner. And

this her name seems to imply, Collyra being a kind of circular

wheaten cake, either prepared in a frying-pan, or baked on the

coals or in an oven. (Cf. Coliphium, Juv., ii., 53, and Plaut.,

Pers., I., iii., 12, "Collyræ facite ut madeant et coliphia.")

She is therefore the "valida pistrix" who understands the whole

mystery of making Mamphulæ, which, as Festus tells us, was a kind

of Syrian bread or cake, made without leaven.

1 A ram went by, by chance; "now what breed?" says he. What great

* *! You would think they were scarcely fastened by a single

thread, and that a huge weight was suspended from the end of

his hide.

2 The Jupiter of Lysippus, forty cubits high at Tarentum,

surpassed that....[1795]

3 The famous King Cotus said that the only two winds he knew were

Auster and Aquilo; but much more those little Austers.... nor

did he think it was necessary to know....[1796]

4 A certain man bequeathed to his wife all his chattels, and his

household stuff. What constitutes chattels? and what does not?

For who is to decide that point at issue?[1797]

5 Fundius, ... merit delights you ... if you have turned out a

somewhat more active bailiff.[1798]

6 These whom riches advance.... and they anoint their unkempt

heads.

7 Why do you seek for this so lazily, especially at this time.

8 ... you sell publicly however, and lick the edge....[1799]

9 ... this is far different, says he ... who was sowing onions.

10 ... from the middle of the bake-house.

FOOTNOTES:

[1795] This Fragment Gerlach quotes as one of the most corrupt of all.

The colossal statue of the sun, at Rhodes, may perhaps be referred to

as being outdone. For _Lysippus_, cf. Cic., de Orat., iii., 7; Brut.,

86. Plin., H. N., vii., 37. Hor., ii., Ep. i., 240. Athen., xi, 784, C.

Müller's Archæol. of Art, § 129.

[1796] _Cotys._ This was as generic a name for the Thracian kings as

Arsaces among the Parthians. Livy mentions a Cotys, son of Seuthes,

king of the Odrysæ, who brought a thousand cavalry to the support of

Perseus against the Romans, and speaks of him in the highest terms

of commendation: lib. xlii., 29, 51, 67; xliii., 3. Another Cotys

assisted Pompey, for which handsome presents were sent to him: cf.

Lucan, Phars., v., 54. A third Cotys, or Cottus, king of the Bessi, is

mentioned by Cicero as having bribed L. Calpurnius Piso, the proconsul,

with three hundred talents: In Pison., xxxiv. The first of the three

is probably intended here, as Livy tells us that after the termination

of the Macedonian war (in which Scipio served), Bitis, the son of

Cotys, was restored with other captives unransomed to his father, in

consequence of the hereditary friendship existing between the Roman

people and his ancestors. The sayings of Cotys, therefore, might have

been current at Rome in Lucilius' time. Liv., xlv., 42.

[1797] _Mundus_ (quasi _movendus_, quod moveri potest), which seems at

first to have had the meaning in the text, came afterward to be applied

particularly to the necessary appendages of women, unguents, cosmetics,

mirrors, vessels for the bath, etc.; and hence the word muliebris is

generally added. It differs from _ornatus_, which is applied to rings,

bracelets, earrings, jewels, head-gear, ribbons, etc. (Cf. Liv.,

xxxiv., 7.) Hence the usual formula of wills, "Uxori meæ vestem, mundum

muliebrem, ornamenta omnia, aurum, argentum, do, lego." _Penus_ is

properly applied to all "household stores laid up for _future_ use;"

hence penitus, penetro, and penates. Cf. Virg., Æn., i., 704, "Cura

penum struere."

[1798] _Villicus._ Cf. Hor., i., Epist. xiv. The Villicus superintended

the country estate, as the dispensator did the city household. They

were both generally "liberti." _Fundi_ is translated as a proper name

on the authority of Priscian, III., i., 8.

[1799] _Ligurris._ Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Servum patinam qui

tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurierit jus." ii., Sat.

iv., 78, "Seu puer unctis tractavit calicem manibus dum furta ligurit."

Juv., ix., 5, "Nos colaphum incutimus lambenti crustula servo."