CHAPTER II.

1669-1671.

LA SALLE AND THE SULPITIANS.

The French in Western New York.--Louis Joliet.--The Sulpitians on

Lake Erie; at Detroit; at Saut Ste. Marie.--The Mystery of La

Salle: he discovers the Ohio; he descends the Illinois; did he

reach the Mississippi?

La Chine was the starting-point; and the combined parties, in all

twenty-four men with seven canoes, embarked on the Lake of St. Louis.

With them were two other canoes, bearing the party of Senecas who had

wintered at La Salle's settlement, and who were now to act as guides.

Father Galinée recounts the journey. He was no woodsman: the river, the

forests, the rapids, were all new to him, and he dilates on them with

the minuteness of a novice. Above all, he admired the Indian birch

canoes. "If God," he says, "grants me the grace of returning to France,

I shall try to carry one with me." Then he describes the bivouac: "Your

lodging is as extraordinary as your vessels; for, after paddling or

carrying the canoes all day, you find mother earth ready to receive your

wearied body. If the weather is fair, you make a fire and lie down to

sleep without further trouble; but if it rains, you must peel bark from

the trees, and make a shed by laying it on a frame of sticks. As for

your food, it is enough to make you burn all the cookery books that ever

were written; for in the woods of Canada one finds means to live well

without bread, wine, salt, pepper, or spice. The ordinary food is Indian

corn, or Turkey wheat as they call it in France, which is crushed

between two stones and boiled, seasoning it with meat or fish, when you

can get them. This sort of life seemed so strange to us that we all felt

the effects of it; and before we were a hundred leagues from Montreal,

not one of us was free from some malady or other. At last, after all our

misery, on the second of August, we discovered Lake Ontario, like a

great sea with no land beyond it."

[Sidenote: THE SENECA VILLAGES.]

Thirty-five days after leaving La Chine, they reached Irondequoit Bay,

on the south side of the lake. Here they were met by a number of Seneca

Indians, who professed friendship and invited them to their villages,

fifteen or twenty miles distant. As this was on their way to the upper

waters of the Ohio, and as they hoped to find guides at the villages to

conduct them, they accepted the invitation. Dollier, with most of the

men, remained to guard the canoes; while La Salle, with Galinée and

eight other Frenchmen, accompanied by a troop of Indians, set out on the

morning of the twelfth, and reached the principal village before

evening. It stood on a hill, in the midst of a clearing nearly two

leagues in compass.[13] A rude stockade surrounded it; and as the

visitors drew near they saw a band of old men seated on the grass,

waiting to receive them. One of these veterans, so feeble with age that

he could hardly stand, made them an harangue, in which he declared that

the Senecas were their brothers, and invited them to enter the village.

They did so, surrounded by a crowd of savages, and presently found

themselves in the midst of a disorderly cluster of large but filthy

abodes of bark, about a hundred and fifty in number, the most capacious

of which was assigned to their use. Here they made their quarters, and

were soon overwhelmed by Seneca hospitality. Children brought them

pumpkins and berries from the woods; and boy messengers came to summon

them to endless feasts, where they were regaled with the flesh of dogs

and with boiled maize seasoned with oil pressed from nuts and the seed

of sunflowers.

La Salle had flattered himself that he knew enough Iroquois to hold

communication with the Senecas; but he failed completely in the attempt.

The priests had a Dutch interpreter, who spoke Iroquois fluently, but

knew so little French, and was withal so obstinate, that he proved

useless; so that it was necessary to employ a man in the service of the

Jesuit Fremin, whose mission was at this village. What the party needed

was a guide to conduct them to the Ohio; and soon after their arrival a

party of warriors appeared, with a young prisoner belonging to one of

the tribes of that region. Galinée wanted to beg or buy him from his

captors; but the Senecas had other intentions. "I saw," writes the

priest, "the most miserable spectacle I ever beheld in my life." It was

the prisoner tied to a stake and tortured for six hours with diabolical

ingenuity, while the crowd danced and yelled with delight, and the

chiefs and elders sat in a row smoking their pipes and watching the

contortions of the victim with an air of serene enjoyment. The body was

at last cut up and eaten, and in the evening the whole population

occupied themselves in scaring away the angry ghost by beating with

sticks against the bark sides of the lodges.

La Salle and his companions began to fear for their own safety. Some of

their hosts wished to kill them in revenge for the chief murdered near

Montreal; and as these and others were at times in a frenzy of

drunkenness, the position of the French became critical. They suspected

that means had been used to prejudice the Senecas against them. Not only

could they get no guides, but they were told that if they went to the

Ohio the tribes of those parts would infallibly kill them. Their Dutch

interpreter became disheartened and unmanageable, and, after staying a

month at the village, the hope of getting farther on their way seemed

less than ever. Their plan, it was clear, must be changed; and an Indian

from Otinawatawa, a kind of Iroquois colony at the head of Lake

Ontario, offered to guide them to his village and show them a better way

to the Ohio. They left the Senecas, coasted the south shore of the lake,

passed the mouth of the Niagara, where they heard the distant roar of

the cataract, and on the twenty-fourth of September reached Otinawatawa,

which was a few miles north of the present town of Hamilton. The

inhabitants proved friendly, and La Salle received the welcome present

of a Shawanoe prisoner, who told them that the Ohio could be reached in

six weeks, and that he would guide them to it. Delighted at this good

fortune, they were about to set out; when they heard, to their

astonishment, of the arrival of two other Frenchmen at a neighboring

village.

[Sidenote: LOUIS JOLIET.]

One of the strangers was destined to hold a conspicuous place in the

history of western discovery. This was Louis Joliet, a young man of

about the age of La Salle. Like him, he had studied for the priesthood;

but the world and the wilderness had conquered his early inclinations,

and changed him to an active and adventurous fur-trader. Talon had sent

him to discover and explore the copper-mines of Lake Superior. He had

failed in the attempt, and was now returning. His Indian guide, afraid

of passing the Niagara portage lest he should meet enemies, had led him

from Lake Erie, by way of Grand River, towards the head of Lake Ontario;

and thus it was that he met La Salle and the Sulpitians.

This meeting caused a change of plan. Joliet showed the priests a map

which he had made of such parts of the Upper Lakes as he had visited,

and gave them a copy of it; telling them, at the same time, of the

Pottawattamies and other tribes of that region in grievous need of

spiritual succor. The result was a determination on their part to follow

the route which he suggested, notwithstanding the remonstrances of La

Salle, who in vain reminded them that the Jesuits had preoccupied the

field, and would regard them as intruders. They resolved that the

Pottawattamies should no longer sit in darkness; while, as for the

Mississippi, it could be reached, as they conceived, with less risk by

this northern route than by that of the south.

La Salle was of a different mind. His goal was the Ohio, and not the

northern lakes. A few days before, while hunting, he had been attacked

by a fever, sarcastically ascribed by Galinée to his having seen three

large rattle-snakes crawling up a rock. He now told his two colleagues

that he was in no condition to go forward, and should be forced to part

with them. The staple of La Salle's character, as his life will attest,

was an invincible determination of purpose, which set at naught all

risks and all sufferings. He had cast himself with all his resources

into this enterprise; and, while his faculties remained, he was not a

man to recoil from it. On the other hand, the masculine fibre of which

he was made did not always withhold him from the practice of the arts of

address, and the use of what Dollier de Casson styles _belles paroles_.

He respected the priesthood, with the exception, it seems, of the

Jesuits; and he was under obligations to the Sulpitians of Montreal.

Hence there can be no doubt that he used his illness as a pretext for

escaping from their company without ungraciousness, and following his

own path in his own way.

[Sidenote: SEPARATION.]

On the last day of September, the priests made an altar, supported by

the paddles of the canoes laid on forked sticks. Dollier said mass; La

Salle and his followers received the sacrament, as did also those of his

late colleagues; and thus they parted, the Sulpitians and their party

descending the Grand River towards Lake Erie, while La Salle, as they

supposed, began his return to Montreal. What course he actually took we

shall soon inquire; and meanwhile, for a few moments, we will follow the

priests. When they reached Lake Erie, they saw it tossing like an angry

ocean. They had no mind to tempt the dangerous and unknown navigation,

and encamped for the winter in the forest near the peninsula called the

Long Point. Here they gathered a good store of chestnuts, hickory-nuts,

plums, and grapes, and built themselves a log cabin, with a recess at

the end for an altar. They passed the winter unmolested, shooting game

in abundance, and saying mass three times a week. Early in spring, they

planted a large cross, attached to it the arms of France, and took

formal possession of the country in the name of Louis XIV. This done,

they resumed their voyage, and, after many troubles, landed one evening

in a state of exhaustion on or near Point Pelée, towards the western

extremity of Lake Erie. A storm rose as they lay asleep, and swept off a

great part of their baggage, which, in their fatigue, they had left at

the edge of the water. Their altar-service was lost with the rest,--a

misfortune which they ascribed to the jealousy and malice of the Devil.

Debarred henceforth from saying mass, they resolved to return to

Montreal and leave the Pottawattamies uninstructed. They presently

entered the strait by which Lake Huron joins Lake Erie, and landing near

where Detroit now stands, found a large stone, somewhat suggestive of

the human figure, which the Indians had bedaubed with paint, and which

they worshipped as a manito. In view of their late misfortune, this

device of the arch-enemy excited their utmost resentment. "After the

loss of our altar-service," writes Galinée, "and the hunger we had

suffered, there was not a man of us who was not filled with hatred

against this false deity. I devoted one of my axes to breaking him in

pieces; and then, having fastened our canoes side by side, we carried

the largest piece to the middle of the river, and threw it, with all the

rest, into the water, that he might never be heard of again. God

rewarded us immediately for this good action, for we killed a deer and a

bear that same day."

[Sidenote: AT STE. MARIE DU SAUT.]

This is the first recorded passage of white men through the Strait of

Detroit; though Joliet had, no doubt, passed this way on his return from

the Upper Lakes.[14] The two missionaries took this course, with the

intention of proceeding to the Saut Ste. Marie, and there joining the

Ottawas, and other tribes of that region, in their yearly descent to

Montreal. They issued upon Lake Huron; followed its eastern shores till

they reached the Georgian Bay, near the head of which the Jesuits had

established their great mission of the Hurons, destroyed, twenty years

before, by the Iroquois;[15] and, ignoring or slighting the labors of

the rival missionaries, held their way northward along the rocky

archipelago that edged those lonely coasts. They passed the Manitoulins,

and, ascending the strait by which Lake Superior discharges its waters,

arrived on the twenty-fifth of May at Ste. Marie du Saut. Here they

found the two Jesuits, Dablon and Marquette, in a square fort of cedar

pickets, built by their men within the past year, and enclosing a chapel

and a house. Near by, they had cleared a large tract of land, and sown

it with wheat, Indian corn, peas, and other crops. The new-comers were

graciously received, and invited to vespers in the chapel; but they very

soon found La Salle's prediction made good, and saw that the Jesuit

fathers wanted no help from St. Sulpice. Galinée, on his part, takes

occasion to remark, that, though the Jesuits had baptized a few Indians

at the Saut, not one of them was a good enough Christian to receive the

Eucharist; and he intimates that the case, by their own showing, was

still worse at their mission of St. Esprit. The two Sulpitians did not

care to prolong their stay; and, three days after their arrival, they

left the Saut,--not, as they expected, with the Indians, but with a

French guide, furnished by the Jesuits. Ascending French River to Lake

Nipissing, they crossed to the waters of the Ottawa, and descended to

Montreal, which they reached on the eighteenth of June. They had made no

discoveries and no converts; but Galinée, after his arrival, made the

earliest map of the Upper Lakes known to exist.[16]

[Sidenote: LA SALLE'S DISCOVERIES.]

We return now to La Salle, only to find ourselves involved in mist and

obscurity. What did he do after he left the two priests? Unfortunately,

a definite answer is not possible; and the next two years of his life

remain in some measure an enigma. That he was busied in active

exploration, and that he made important discoveries, is certain; but the

extent and character of these discoveries remain wrapped in doubt. He is

known to have kept journals and made maps; and these were in existence,

and in possession of his niece, Madeleine Cavelier, then in advanced

age, as late as the year 1756; beyond which time the most diligent

inquiry has failed to trace them. Abbé Faillon affirms that some of La

Salle's men, refusing to follow him, returned to La Chine, and that the

place then received its name, in derision of the young adventurer's

dream of a westward passage to China.[17] As for himself, the only

distinct record of his movements is that contained in a paper, entitled

"Histoire de Monsieur de la Salle." It is an account of his

explorations, and of the state of parties in Canada previous to the year

1678,--taken from the lips of La Salle himself, by a person whose name

does not appear, but who declares that he had ten or twelve

conversations with him at Paris, whither he had come with a petition to

the Court. The writer himself had never been in America, and was

ignorant of its geography; hence blunders on his part might reasonably

be expected. His statements, however, are in some measure intelligible;

and the following is the substance of them.

After leaving the priests, La Salle went to Onondaga, where we are left

to infer that he succeeded better in getting a guide than he had before

done among the Senecas. Thence he made his way to a point six or seven

leagues distant from Lake Erie, where he reached a branch of the Ohio,

and, descending it, followed the river as far as the rapids at

Louisville,--or, as has been maintained, beyond its confluence with the

Mississippi. His men now refused to go farther, and abandoned him,

escaping to the English and the Dutch; whereupon he retraced his steps

alone.[18] This must have been in the winter of 1669-70, or in the

following spring; unless there is an error of date in the statement of

Nicolas Perrot, the famous _voyageur_, who says that he met him in the

summer of 1670, hunting on the Ottawa with a party of Iroquois.[19]

[Sidenote: THE RIVER ILLINOIS.]

But how was La Salle employed in the following year? The same memoir has

its solution to the problem. By this it appears that the indefatigable

explorer embarked on Lake Erie, ascended the Detroit to Lake Huron,

coasted the unknown shores of Michigan, passed the Straits of

Michilimackinac, and, leaving Green Bay behind him, entered what is

described as an incomparably larger bay, but which was evidently the

southern portion of Lake Michigan. Thence he crossed to a river flowing

westward,--evidently the Illinois,--and followed it until it was joined

by another river flowing from the northwest to the southeast. By this,

the Mississippi only can be meant; and he is reported to have said that

he descended it to the thirty-sixth degree of latitude; where he

stopped, assured that it discharged itself not into the Gulf of

California, but into the Gulf of Mexico, and resolved to follow it

thither at a future day, when better provided with men and supplies.[20]

[Sidenote: THE MISSISSIPPI.]

The first of these statements,--that relating to the Ohio,--confused,

vague, and in great part incorrect, as it certainly is, is nevertheless

well sustained as regards one essential point. La Salle himself, in a

memorial addressed to Count Frontenac in 1677, affirms that he

discovered the Ohio, and descended it as far as to a fall which

obstructed it.[21] Again, his rival, Louis Joliet, whose testimony on

this point cannot be suspected, made two maps of the region of the

Mississippi and the Great Lakes. The Ohio is laid down on both of them,

with an inscription to the effect that it had been explored by La

Salle.[22] That he discovered the Ohio may then be regarded as

established. That he descended it to the Mississippi, he himself does

not pretend; nor is there reason to believe that he did so.

With regard to his alleged voyage down the Illinois, the case is

different. Here, he is reported to have made a statement which admits

but one interpretation,--that of the discovery by him of the Mississippi

prior to its discovery by Joliet and Marquette. This statement is

attributed to a man not prone to vaunt his own exploits, who never

proclaimed them in print, and whose testimony, even in his own case,

must therefore have weight. But it comes to us through the medium of a

person strongly biassed in favor of La Salle, and against Marquette and

the Jesuits.

[Sidenote: LA SALLE'S DISCOVERIES.]

Seven years had passed since the alleged discovery, and La Salle had not

before laid claim to it; although it was matter of notoriety that during

five years it had been claimed by Joliet, and that his claim was

generally admitted. The correspondence of the governor and the intendant

is silent as to La Salle's having penetrated to the Mississippi, though

the attempt was made under the auspices of the latter, as his own

letters declare; while both had the discovery of the great river

earnestly at heart. The governor, Frontenac, La Salle's ardent supporter

and ally, believed in 1672, as his letters show, that the Mississippi

flowed into the Gulf of California; and, two years later, he announces

to the minister Colbert its discovery by Joliet.[23] After La Salle's

death, his brother, his nephew, and his niece addressed a memorial to

the king, petitioning for certain grants in consideration of the

discoveries of their relative, which they specify at some length; but

they do not pretend that he reached the Mississippi before his

expeditions of 1679 to 1682.[24] This silence is the more significant,

as it is this very niece who had possession of the papers in which La

Salle recounts the journeys of which the issues are in question.[25]

Had they led him to the Mississippi, it is reasonably certain that she

would have made it known in her memorial. La Salle discovered the Ohio,

and in all probability the Illinois also; but that he discovered the

Mississippi has not been proved, nor, in the light of the evidence we

have, is it likely.

FOOTNOTES:

[13] This village seems to have been that attacked by Denonville in

1687. It stood on Boughton Hill, near the present town of Victor.

[14] The Jesuits and fur-traders, on their way to the Upper Lakes, had

followed the route of the Ottawa, or, more recently, that of Toronto and

the Georgian Bay. Iroquois hostility had long closed the Niagara portage

and Lake Erie against them.

[15] The Jesuits in North America.

[16] See Appendix. The above narrative is from _Récit de ce qui s'est

passé de plus remarquable dans le Voyage de MM. Dollier et Galinée_.

(Bibliothèque Nationale.)

[17] Dollier de Casson alludes to this as "cette transmigration célèbre

qui se fit de la Chine dans ces quartiers."

[18] The following is the passage relating to this journey in the

remarkable paper above mentioned. After recounting La Salle's visit with

the Sulpitians to the Seneca village, and stating that the intrigues of

the Jesuit missionary prevented them from obtaining a guide, it speaks

of the separation of the travellers and the journey of Galinée and his

party to the Saut Ste. Marie, where "les Jésuites les congédièrent." It

then proceeds as follows: "Cependant Mr. de la Salle continua son

chemin par une rivière qui va de l'est à l'ouest; et passe à Onontaqué

[_Onondaga_], puis à six ou sept lieues au-dessous du Lac Erié; et

estant parvenu jusqu'au 280me ou 83me degré de longitude, et

jusqu'au 41me degré de latitude, trouva un sault qui tombe vers

l'ouest dans un pays bas, marescageux, tout couvert de vielles souches,

dont il y en a quelques-unes qui sont encore sur pied. Il fut donc

contraint de prendre terre, et suivant une hauteur qui le pouvoit mener

loin, il trouva quelques sauvages qui luy dirent que fort loin de là le

mesme fleuve qui se perdoit dans cette terre basse et vaste se

réunnissoit en un lit. Il continua donc son chemin, mais comme la

fatigue estoit grande, 23 ou 24 hommes qu'il avoit menez jusques là le

quittèrent tous en une nuit, regagnèrent le fleuve, et se sauvèrent, les

uns à la Nouvelle Hollande et les autres à la Nouvelle Angleterre. Il se

vit donc seul à 400 lieues de chez luy, où il ne laisse pas de revenir,

remontant la rivière et vivant de chasse, d'herbes, et de ce que luy

donnèrent les sauvages qu'il rencontra en son chemin."

[19] Perrot, _Mémoires_, 119, 120.

[20] The memoir--after stating, as above, that he entered Lake Huron,

doubled the peninsula of Michigan, and passed La Baye des Puants (_Green

Bay_)--says: "Il reconnut une baye incomparablement plus large; au fond

de laquelle vers l'ouest il trouva un très-beau havre et au fond de ce

havre un fleuve qui va de l'est à l'ouest. Il suivit ce fleuve, et

estant parvenu jusqu'environ le 280me degré de longitude et le

39me de latitude, il trouva un autre fleuve qui se joignant au

premier coulait du nordouest au sudest, et il suivit ce fleuve jusqu'au

36me degré de latitude."

The "très-beau havre" may have been the entrance of the river Chicago,

whence, by an easy portage, he might have reached the Des Plaines branch

of the Illinois. We shall see that he took this course in his famous

exploration of 1682.

The intendant Talon announces, in his despatches of this year that he

had sent La Salle southward and westward to explore.

[21] The following are his words (he speaks of himself in the third

person): "L'année 1667, et les suivantes, il fit divers voyages avec

beaucoup de dépenses, dans lesquels il découvrit le premier beaucoup de

pays au sud des grands lacs, et _entre autres la grande rivière d'Ohio_;

il la suivit jusqu'à un endroit où elle tombe de fort haut dans de

vastes marais, à la hauteur de 37 degrés, après avoir été grossie par

une autre rivière fort large qui vient du nord; et toutes ces eaux se

dêchargent selon toutes les apparences dans le Golfe du Mexique."

This "autre rivière," which, it seems, was above the fall, may have been

the Miami or the Scioto. There is but one fall on the river, that of

Louisville, which is not so high as to deserve to be described as "fort

haut," being only a strong rapid. The latitude, as will be seen, is

different in the two accounts, and incorrect in both.

[22] One of these maps is entitled _Carte de la découverte du Sieur

Joliet_, 1674. Over the lines representing the Ohio are the words,

"Route du sieur de la Salle pour aller dans le Mexique." The other map

of Joliet bears, also written over the Ohio, the words, "Rivière par où

descendit le sieur de la Salle au sortir du lac Erié pour aller dans le

Mexique." I have also another manuscript map, made before the voyage of

Joliet and Marquette, and apparently in the year 1673, on which the Ohio

is represented as far as to a point a little below Louisville, and over

it is written, "Rivière Ohio, ainsy appellée par les Iroquois à cause de

sa beauté, par où le sieur de la Salle est descendu." The Mississippi is

not represented on this map; but--and this is very significant, as

indicating the extent of La Salle's exploration of the following year--a

small part of the upper Illinois is laid down.

[23] _Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 14 Nov., 1674._ He here speaks of

"la grande rivière qu'il [_Joliet_] a trouvée, qui va du nord au sud, et

qui est aussi large que celle du Saint-Laurent vis-à-vis de Québec."

Four years later, Frontenac speaks slightingly of Joliet, but neither

denies his discovery of the Mississippi, nor claims it for La Salle, in

whose interest he writes.

[24] _Papiers de Famille; Mémoire présenté au Roi._ The following is an

extract: "Il parvient ... jusqu'à la rivière des Illinois. Il y

construisit un fort situé à 350 lieues au-delà du fort de Frontenac, et

suivant ensuite le cours de cette rivière, il trouva qu'elle se jettoit

dans un grand fleuve appellé par ceux du pays Mississippi, c'est à dire

_grande eau_, environ cent lieues au-dessous du fort qu'il venoit de

construire." This fort was Fort Crèvecoeur, built in 1680, near the

site of Peoria. The memoir goes on to relate the descent of La Salle to

the Gulf, which concluded this expedition of 1679-82.

[25] The following is an extract, given by Margry, from a letter of the

aged Madeleine Cavelier, dated 21 Février, 1756, and addressed to her

nephew, M. Le Baillif, who had applied for the papers in behalf of the

minister, Silhouette: "J'ay cherché une occasion sûre pour vous anvoyé

les papiers de M. de la Salle. Il y a des cartes que j'ay jointe à ces

papiers, qui doivent prouver que, en 1675, M. de Lasalle avet déja fet

deux voyages en ces decouverte, puisqu'il y avet une carte, que je vous

envoye, par laquelle il est fait mention de l'androit auquel M. de

Lasalle aborda près le fleuve de Mississipi; un autre androit qu'il

nomme le fleuve Colbert; en un autre il prans possession de ce pais au

nom du roy et fait planter une crois."

The words of the aged and illiterate writer are obscure, but her

expression "aborda près" seems to indicate that La Salle had not reached

the Mississippi prior to 1675, but only approached it. Finally, a

memorial presented to Seignelay, along with the official narrative of

1679-81, by a friend of La Salle, whose object was to place the

discoverer and his achievements in the most favorable light, contains

the following: "Il [_La Salle_] a esté le premier à former le dessein de

ces descouvertes, qu'il communiqua, il y a plus de quinze ans, à M. de

Courcelles, gouverneur, et à M. Talon, intendant du Canada, qui

l'approuvèrent. Il a fait ensuite plusieurs voyages de ce costé-là, et

un entr'autres en 1669 avec MM. Dolier et Galinée, prestres du Séminaire

de St. Sulpice. _Il est vray que le sieur Jolliet, pour le prévenir, fit

un voyage in 1673, à la rivière Colbert_; mais ce fut uniquement pour y

faire commerce." See Margry, ii. 285. This passage is a virtual

admission that Joliet reached the Mississippi (_Colbert_) before La

Salle.

Margry, in a series of papers in the _Journal Général de l'Instruction

Publique_ for 1862, first took the position that La Salle reached the

Mississippi in 1670 and 1671, and has brought forward in defence of it

all the documents which his unwearied research enabled him to discover.

Father Tailhan, S.J., has replied at length, in the copious notes to his

edition of Nicolas Perrot, but without having seen the principal

document cited by Margry, and of which extracts have been given in the

notes to this chapter.