CHAPTER 1.XII. -- THE UNFINISHED BOOK.
MAY 1856 TO JUNE 1858.
[In the Autobiographical chapter (page 69,) my father wrote:--"Early in
1856 Lyell advised me to write out my views pretty fully, and I began at
once to do so on a scale three or four times as extensive as that which
was afterwards followed in my 'Origin of Species;' yet it was only an
abstract of the materials which I had collected." The letters in the
present chapter are chiefly concerned with the preparation of this
unfinished book.
The work was begun on May 14th, and steadily continued up to June 1858,
when it was interrupted by the arrival of Mr. Wallace's MS. During the
two years which we are now considering he wrote ten chapters (that is
about one-half) of the projected book. He remained for the most part at
home, but paid several visits to Dr. Lane's Water-Cure Establishment
at Moor Park, during one of which he made a pilgrimage to the shrine of
Gilbert White at Selborne.]
LETTERS.
CHARLES DARWIN TO C. LYELL May 3 [1856].
...With respect to your suggestion of a sketch of my views, I hardly
know what to think, but will reflect on it, but it goes against my
prejudices. To give a fair sketch would be absolutely impossible, for
every proposition requires such an array of facts. If I were
to do anything, it could only refer to the main agency of
change--selection--and perhaps point out a very few of the leading
features, which countenance such a view, and some few of the main
difficulties. But I do not know what to think; I rather hate the idea of
writing for priority, yet I certainly should be vexed if any one were
to publish my doctrines before me. Anyhow, I thank you heartily for
your sympathy. I shall be in London next week, and I will call on you on
Thursday morning for one hour precisely, so as not to lose much of
your time and my own; but will you let me this time come as early as 9
o'clock, for I have much which I must do in the morning in my strongest
time? Farewell, my dear old patron.
Yours, C. DARWIN.
By the way, THREE plants have come up out of the earth, perfectly
enclosed in the roots of the trees. And twenty-nine plants in the
table-spoonful of mud, out of the little pond; Hooker was surprised at
this, and struck with it, when I showed him how much mud I had scraped
off one duck's feet.
If I did publish a short sketch, where on earth should I publish it?
If I do NOT hear, I shall understand that I may come from 9 to 10 on
Thursday.
CHARLES DARWIN TO J.D. HOOKER. May 9th, [1856].
...I very much want advice and TRUTHFUL consolation if you can give
it. I had a good talk with Lyell about my species work, and he urges
me strongly to publish something. I am fixed against any periodical
or Journal, as I positively will NOT expose myself to an Editor or a
Council, allowing a publication for which they might be abused. If I
publish anything it must be a VERY THIN and little volume, giving
a sketch of my views and difficulties; but it is really dreadfully
unphilosophical to give a resume, without exact references, of an
unpublished work. But Lyell seemed to think I might do this, at the
suggestion of friends, and on the ground, which I might state, that I
had been at work for eighteen (The interval of eighteen years, from 1837
when he began to collect facts, would bring the date of this letter to
1855, not 1856, nevertheless the latter seems the more probable date.)
years, and yet could not publish for several years, and especially as
I could point out difficulties which seemed to me to require especial
investigation. Now what think you? I should be really grateful for
advice. I thought of giving up a couple of months and writing such a
sketch, and trying to keep my judgment open whether or no to publish
it when completed. It will be simply impossible for me to give exact
references; anything important I should state on the authority of the
author generally; and instead of giving all the facts on which I ground
my opinion, I could give by memory only one or two. In the Preface I
would state that the work could not be considered strictly scientific,
but a mere sketch or outline of a future work in which full references,
etc. should be given. Eheu, eheu, I believe I should sneer at any one
else doing this, and my only comfort is, that I TRULY never dreamed
of it, till Lyell suggested it, and seems deliberately to think it
advisable.
I am in a peck of troubles and do pray forgive me for troubling you.
Yours affectionately, C. DARWIN.
CHARLES DARWIN TO J.D. HOOKER. May 11th [1856].
...Now for a MORE IMPORTANT! subject, viz., my own self: I am extremely
glad you think well of a separate "Preliminary Essay" (i.e., if anything
whatever is published; for Lyell seemed rather to doubt on this head)
(The meaning of the sentence in parentheses is obscure.); but I cannot
bear the idea of BEGGING some Editor and Council to publish, and then
perhaps to have to APOLOGISE humbly for having led them into a scrape.
In this one respect I am in the state which, according to a very wise
saying of my father's, is the only fit state for asking advice, viz.,
with my mind firmly made up, and then, as my father used to say, GOOD
advice was very comfortable, and it was easy to reject BAD advice. But
Heaven knows I am not in this state with respect to publishing at all
any preliminary essay. It yet strikes me as quite unphilosophical
to publish results without the full details which have lead to such
results.
It is a melancholy, and I hope not quite true view of yours that facts
will prove anything, and are therefore superfluous! But I have rather
exaggerated, I see, your doctrine. I do not fear being tied down
to error, i.e., I feel pretty sure I should give up anything false
published in the preliminary essay, in my larger work; but I may thus,
it is very true, do mischief by spreading error, which as I have often
heard you say is much easier spread than corrected. I confess I lean
more and more to at least making the attempt and drawing up a sketch
and trying to keep my judgment, whether to publish, open. But I always
return to my fixed idea that it is dreadfully unphilosophical to publish
without full details. I certainly think my future work in full would
profit by hearing what my friends or critics (if reviewed) thought of
the outline.
To any one but you I should apologise for such long discussion on so
personal an affair; but I believe, and indeed you have proved it by the
trouble you have taken, that this would be superfluous.
Yours truly obliged, CH. DARWIN.
P.S. What you say (for I have just re-read your letter) that the Essay
might supersede and take away all novelty and value from any future
larger Book, is very true; and that would grieve me beyond everything.
On the other hand (again from Lyell's urgent advice), I published a
preliminary sketch of the Coral Theory, and this did neither good nor
harm. I begin MOST HEARTILY to wish that Lyell had never put this idea
of an Essay into my head.
FROM A LETTER TO SIR C. LYELL [July, 1856].
"I am delighted that I may say (with absolute truth) that my essay
is published at your suggestion, but I hope it will not need so much
apology as I at first thought; for I have resolved to make it nearly as
complete as my present materials allow. I cannot put in all which you
suggest, for it would appear too conceited."
FROM A LETTER TO W.D. FOX. Down, June 14th [1856].
"...What you say about my Essay, I dare say is very true; and it gave me
another fit of the wibber-gibbers: I hope that I shall succeed in making
it modest. One great motive is to get information on the many points
on which I want it. But I tremble about it, which I should not do, if
I allowed some three or four more years to elapse before publishing
anything..."
[The following extracts from letters to Mr. Fox are worth giving, as
showing how great was the accumulation of material which now had to be
dealt with.
June 14th [1856].
"Very many thanks for the capital information on cats; I see I had
blundered greatly, but I know I had somewhere your original notes; but
my notes are so numerous during nineteen years' collection, that it
would take me at least a year to go over and classify them."
November 1856.
"Sometimes I fear I shall break down, for my subject gets bigger and
bigger with each month's work."]
CHARLES DARWIN TO C. LYELL Down, 16th [June, 1856].
My dear Lyell,
I am going to do the most impudent thing in the world. But my blood gets
hot with passion and turns cold alternately at the geological strides,
which many of your disciples are taking.
Here, poor Forbes made a continent to [i.e., extending to] North America
and another (or the same) to the Gulf weed; Hooker makes one from New
Zealand to South America and round the World to Kerguelen Land. Here
is Wollaston speaking of Madeira and P. Santo "as the sure and certain
witnesses of a former continent." Here is Woodward writes to me, if you
grant a continent over 200 or 300 miles of ocean depths (as if that was
nothing), why not extend a continent to every island in the Pacific and
Atlantic Oceans? And all this within the existence of recent species! If
you do not stop this, if there be a lower region for the punishment of
geologists, I believe, my great master, you will go there. Why, your
disciples in a slow and creeping manner beat all the old Catastrophists
who ever lived. You will live to be the great chief of the
Catastrophists.
There, I have done myself a great deal of good, and have exploded my
passion.
So my master, forgive me, and believe me, ever yours, C. DARWIN.
P.S. Don't answer this, I did it to ease myself.
CHARLES DARWIN TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [June] 17th, 1856.
...I have been very deeply interested by Wollaston's book ('The
Variation of Species,' 1856.), though I differ GREATLY from many of his
doctrines. Did you ever read anything so rich, considering how very
far he goes, as his denunciations against those who go further: "Most
mischievous," "absurd," "unsound." Theology is at the bottom of some
of this. I told him he was like Calvin burning a heretic. It is a very
valuable and clever book in my opinion. He has evidently read very
little out of his own line. I urged him to read the New Zealand essay.
His Geology also is rather eocene, as I told him. In fact I wrote most
frankly; he says he is sure that ultra-honesty is my characteristic:
I do not know whether he meant it as a sneer; I hope not. Talking
of eocene geology, I got so wrath about the Atlantic continent, more
especially from a note from Woodward (who has published a capital book
on shells), who does not seem to doubt that every island in the Pacific
and Atlantic are the remains of continents, submerged within period of
existing species, that I fairly exploded, and wrote to Lyell to protest,
and summed up all the continents created of late years by Forbes (the
head sinner!) YOURSELF, Wollaston, and Woodward, and a pretty nice
little extension of land they make altogether! I am fairly rabid on the
question and therefore, if not wrong already, am pretty sure to become
so...
I have enjoyed your note much. Adios, C. DARWIN.
P.S. [June] 18th. Lyell has written me a CAPITAL letter on your side,
which ought to upset me entirely, but I cannot say it does quite.
Though I must try and cease being rabid and try to feel humble, and
allow you all to make continents, as easily as a cook does pancakes.
CHARLES DARWIN TO C. LYELL. Down, June 25th [1856].
My dear Lyell,
I will have the following tremendous letter copied to make the reading
easier, and as I want to keep a copy.
As you say you would like to hear my reasons for being most unwilling
to believe in the continental extensions of late authors, I gladly write
them, as, without I am convinced of my error, I shall have to give them
condensed in my essay, when I discuss single and multiple creation; I
shall therefore be particularly glad to have your general opinion on
them. I may QUITE LIKELY have persuaded myself in my wrath that there
is more in them than there is. If there was much more reason to admit a
continental extension in any one or two instances (as in Madeira) than
in other cases, I should feel no difficulty whatever. But if on account
of European plants, and littoral sea shells, it is thought necessary to
join Madeira to the mainland, Hooker is quite right to join New Holland
to New Zealand, and Auckland Island (and Raoul Island to N.E.), and
these to S. America and the Falklands, and these to Tristan d'Acunha,
and these to Kerguelen Land; thus making, either strictly at the same
time, or at different periods, but all within the life of recent
beings, an almost circumpolar belt of land. So again Galapagos and Juan
Fernandez must be joined to America; and if we trust to littoral see
shells, the Galapagos must have been joined to the Pacific Islands (2400
miles distant) as well as to America, and as Woodward seems to think
all the islands in the Pacific into a magnificent continent; also
the islands in the Southern Indian Ocean into another continent, with
Madagascar and Africa, and perhaps India. In the North Atlantic, Europe
will stretch half-way across the ocean to the Azores, and further north
right across. In short, we must suppose probably, half the present ocean
was land within the period of living organisms. The Globe within this
period must have had a quite different aspect. Now the only way to
test this, that I can see, is to consider whether the continents have
undergone within this same period such wonderful permutations. In all
North and South and Central America, we have both recent and miocene (or
eocene) shells, quite distinct on the opposite sides, and hence I cannot
doubt that FUNDAMENTALLY America has held its place since at least, the
miocene period. In Africa almost all the living shells are distinct on
the opposite sides of the inter-tropical regions, short as the distance
is compared to the range of marine mollusca, in uninterrupted seas;
hence I infer that Africa has existed since our present species were
created. Even the isthmus of Suez and the Aralo-Caspian basin have had a
great antiquity. So I imagine, from the tertiary deposits, has India.
In Australia the great fauna of extinct marsupials shows that before the
present mammals appeared, Australia was a separate continent. I do not
for one second doubt that very large portions of all these continents
have undergone GREAT changes of level within this period, but yet I
conclude that fundamentally they stood as barriers in the sea, where
they now stand; and therefore I should require the weightiest evidence
to make me believe in such immense changes within the period of living
organisms in our oceans, where, moreover, from the great depths, the
changes must have been vaster in a vertical sense.
SECONDLY.
Submerge our present continents, leaving a few mountain peaks as
islands, and what will the character of the islands be,--Consider
that the Pyrenees, Sierra Nevada, Apennines, Alps, Carpathians, are
non-volcanic, Etna and Caucasus, volcanic. In Asia, Altai and Himalaya,
I believe non-volcanic. In North Africa the non-volcanic, as I imagine,
Alps of Abyssinia and of the Atlas. In South Africa, the Snow Mountains.
In Australia, the non-volcanic Alps. In North America, the White
Mountains, Alleghanies and Rocky Mountains--some of the latter alone,
I believe, volcanic. In South America to the east, the non-volcanic
[Silla?] of Caracas, and Itacolumi of Brazil, further south the Sierra
Ventanas, and in the Cordilleras, many volcanic but not all. Now compare
these peaks with the oceanic islands; as far as known all are volcanic,
except St. Paul's (a strange bedevilled rock), and the Seychelles,
if this latter can be called oceanic, in the line of Madagascar; the
Falklands, only 500 miles off, are only a shallow bank; New Caledonia,
hardly oceanic, is another exception. This argument has to me great
weight. Compare on a Geographical map, islands which, we have SEVERAL
reasons to suppose, were connected with mainland, as Sardinia, and how
different it appears. Believing, as I am inclined, that continents as
continents, and oceans as oceans, are of immense antiquity--I should
say that if any of the existing oceanic islands have any relation of any
kind to continents, they are forming continents; and that by the time
they could form a continent, the volcanoes would be denuded to their
cores, leaving peaks of syenite, diorite, or porphyry. But have we
nowhere any last wreck of a continent, in the midst of the ocean? St.
Paul's Rock, and such old battered volcanic islands, as St. Helena, may
be; but I think we can see some reason why we should have less evidence
of sinking than of rising continents (if my view in my Coral volume has
any truth in it, viz.: that volcanic outbursts accompany rising areas),
for during subsidence there will be no compensating agent at work, in
rising areas there will be the ADDITIONAL element of outpoured volcanic
matter.
THIRDLY.
Considering the depth of the ocean, I was, before I got your letter,
inclined vehemently to dispute the vast amount of subsidence, but I
must strike my colours. With respect to coral reefs, I carefully guarded
against its being supposed that a continent was indicated by the groups
of atolls. It is difficult to guess, as it seems to me, the amount of
subsidence indicated by coral reefs; but in such large areas as the Lowe
Archipelago, the Marshall Archipelago, and Laccadive group, it would,
judging, from the heights of existing oceanic archipelagoes, be odd, if
some peaks of from 8000 to 10,000 feet had not been buried. Even after
your letter a suspicion crossed me whether it would be fair to argue
from subsidences in the middle of the greatest oceans to continents; but
refreshing my memory by talking with Ramsay in regard to the probable
thickness in one vertical line of the Silurian and carboniferous
formation, it seems there must have been AT LEAST 10,000 feet of
subsidence during these formations in Europe and North America, and
therefore during the continuance of nearly the same set of organic
beings. But even 12,000 feet would not be enough for the Azores, or
for Hooker's continent; I believe Hooker does not infer a continuous
continent, but approximate groups of islands, with, if we may judge
from existing continents, not PROFOUNDLY deep sea between them; but
the argument from the volcanic nature of nearly every existing oceanic
island tell against such supposed groups of islands,--for I presume he
does not suppose a mere chain of volcanic islands belting the southern
hemisphere.
FOURTHLY.
The supposed continental extensions do not seem to me, perfectly to
account for all the phenomena of distribution on islands; as the absence
of mammals and Batrachians; the absence of certain great groups of
insects on Madeira, and of Acaciae and Banksias, etc., in New Zealand;
the paucity of plants in some cases, etc. Not that those who believe in
various accidental means of dispersal, can explain most of these cases;
but they may at least say that these facts seem hardly compatible with
former continuous land.
FINALLY.
For these several reasons, and especially considering it certain
(in which you will agree) that we are extremely ignorant of means of
dispersal, I cannot avoid thinking that Forbes' 'Atlantis,' was
an ill-service to science, as checking a close study of means of
dissemination. I shall be really grateful to hear, as briefly as you
like, whether these arguments have any weight with you, putting yourself
in the position of an honest judge. I told Hooker that I was going to
write to you on this subject; and I should like him to read this; but
whether he or you will think it worth time and postage remains to be
proved.
Yours most truly, CHARLES DARWIN.
[On July 8th he wrote to Sir Charles Lyell.
"I am sorry you cannot give any verdict on Continental extensions; and
I infer that you think my argument of not much weight against such
extensions. I know I wish I could believe so."]
CHARLES DARWIN TO ASA GRAY. Down, July 20th [1856].
...It is not a little egotistical, but I should like to tell you (and
I do not THINK I have) how I view my work. Nineteen years (!) ago it
occurred to me that whilst otherwise employed on Natural History,
I might perhaps do good if I noted any sort of facts bearing on the
question of the origin of species, and this I have since been doing.
Either species have been independently created, or they have descended
from other species, like varieties from one species. I think it can
be shown to be probable that man gets his most distinct varieties by
preserving such as arise best worth keeping and destroying the others,
but I should fill a quire if I were to go on. To be brief, I ASSUME that
species arise like our domestic varieties with MUCH extinction; and
then test this hypothesis by comparison with as many general and pretty
well-established propositions as I can find made out,--in geographical
distribution, geological history, affinities, etc., etc. And it seems
to me that, SUPPOSING that such hypothesis were to explain such general
propositions, we ought, in accordance with the common way of following
all sciences, to admit it till some better hypothesis be found out. For
to my mind to say that species were created so and so is no scientific
explanation, only a reverent way of saying it is so and so. But it is
nonsensical trying to show how I try to proceed in the compass of a
note. But as an honest man, I must tell you that I have come to the
heterodox conclusion that there are no such things as independently
created species--that species are only strongly defined varieties. I
know that this will make you despise me. I do not much underrate the
many HUGE difficulties on this view, but yet it seems to me to explain
too much, otherwise inexplicable, to be false. Just to allude to one
point in your last note, viz., about species of the same genus
GENERALLY having a common or continuous area; if they are actual lineal
descendants of one species, this of course would be the case; and the
sadly too many exceptions (for me) have to be explained by climatal
and geological changes. A fortiori on this view (but on exactly
same grounds), all the individuals of the same species should have a
continuous distribution. On this latter branch of the subject I have
put a chapter together, and Hooker kindly read it over. I thought the
exceptions and difficulties were so great that on the whole the balance
weighed against my notions, but I was much pleased to find that it
seemed to have considerable weight with Hooker, who said he had never
been so much staggered about the permanence of species.
I must say one word more in justification (for I feel sure that your
tendency will be to despise me and my crotchets), that all my notions
about HOW species change are derived from long continued study of the
works of (and converse with) agriculturists and horticulturists; and
I believe I see my way pretty clearly on the means used by nature
to change her species and ADAPT them to the wondrous and exquisitely
beautiful contingencies to which every living being is exposed...
CHARLES DARWIN TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, July 30th 1856.
My dear Hooker,
Your letter is of MUCH value to me. I was not able to get a definite
answer from Lyell (On the continental extensions of Forbes and others.),
as you will see in the enclosed letters, though I inferred that
he thought nothing of my arguments. Had it not been for this
correspondence, I should have written sadly too strongly. You may
rely on it I shall put my doubts moderately. There never was such a
predicament as mine: here you continental extensionists would remove
enormous difficulties opposed to me, and yet I cannot honestly admit the
doctrine, and must therefore say so. I cannot get over the fact that not
a fragment of secondary or palaeozoic rock has been found on any island
above 500 or 600 miles from a mainland. You rather misunderstand me
when you think I doubt the POSSIBILITY of subsidence of 20,000 or 30,000
feet; it is only probability, considering such evidence as we have
independently of distribution. I have not yet worked out in full detail
the distribution of mammalia, both IDENTICAL and allied, with respect
to the ONE ELEMENT OF DEPTH OF THE SEA; but as far as I have gone, the
results are to me surprisingly accordant with my very most troublesome
belief in not such great geographical changes as you believe; and in
mammalia we certainly know more of MEANS of distribution than in any
other class. Nothing is so vexatious to me, as so constantly finding
myself drawing different conclusions from better judges than myself,
from the same facts.
I fancy I have lately removed many (not geographical) great difficulties
opposed to my notions, but God knows it may be all hallucination.
Please return Lyell's letters.
What a capital letter of Lyell's that to you is, and what a wonderful
man he is. I differ from him greatly in thinking that those who believe
that species are NOT fixed will multiply specific names: I know in my
own case my most frequent source of doubt was whether others would not
think this or that was a God-created Barnacle, and surely deserved
a name. Otherwise I should only have thought whether the amount of
difference and permanence was sufficient to justify a name: I am, also,
surprised at his thinking it immaterial whether species are absolute or
not: whenever it is proved that all species are produced by generation,
by laws of change, what good evidence we shall have of the gaps in
formations. And what a science Natural History will be, when we are
in our graves, when all the laws of change are thought one of the most
important parts of Natural History.
I cannot conceive why Lyell thinks such notions as mine or of
'Vestiges,' will invalidate specific centres. But I must not run on
and take up your time. My MS. will not, I fear, be copied before you go
abroad. With hearty thanks.
Ever yours, C. DARWIN.
P.S.--After giving much condensed, my argument versus continental
extensions, I shall append some such sentence, as that two better judges
than myself have considered these arguments, and attach no weight to
them.
CHARLES DARWIN TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, August 5th [1856].
...I quite agree about Lyell's letters to me, which, though to me
interesting, have afforded me no new light. Your letters, under the
GEOLOGICAL point of view, have been more valuable to me. You cannot
imagine how earnestly I wish I could swallow continental extension,
but I cannot; the more I think (and I cannot get the subject out of my
head), the more difficult I find it. If there were only some half-dozen
cases, I should not feel the least difficulty; but the generality of the
facts of all islands (except one or two) having a considerable part of
their productions in common with one or more mainlands utterly staggers
me. What a wonderful case of the Epacridae! It is most vexatious, also
humiliating, to me that I cannot follow and subscribe to the way in
which you strikingly put your view of the case. I look at your facts
(about Eucalyptus, etc.) as DAMNING against continental extension, and
if you like also damning against migration, or at least of ENORMOUS
difficulty. I see the ground of our difference (in a letter I must put
myself on an equality in arguing) lies, in my opinion, that scarcely
anything is known of means of distribution. I quite agree with A. De
Candolle's (and I dare say your) opinion that it is poor work putting
together the merely POSSIBLE means of distribution; but I see no
other way in which the subject can be attacked, for I think that A. De
Candolle's argument, that no plants have been introduced into England
except by man's agency, [is] of no weight. I cannot but think that the
theory of continental extension does do some little harm as stopping
investigation of the means of dispersal, which, whether NEGATIVE or
positive, seems to me of value; when negatived, then every one who
believes in single centres will have to admit continental extensions.
...I see from your remarks that you do not understand my notions
(whether or no worth anything) about modification; I attribute very
little to the direct action of climate, etc. I suppose, in regard to
specific centres, we are at cross purposes; I should call the kitchen
garden in which the red cabbage was produced, or the farm in which
Bakewell made the Shorthorn cattle, the specific centre of these
SPECIES! And surely this is centralisation enough!
I thank you most sincerely for all your assistance; and whether or no my