CHAPTER XXXIV.

1814.

The men of the Revolution and the men of the Empire--The Council of

Regency--Departure of the Empress from Paris--Marmont and Mortier--

Joseph's flight--Meeting at Marmont's hotel--Capitulation of Paris--

Marmont's interview with the Emperor at Fontainebleau--Colonels

Fabvier and Denys--The Royalist cavalcade--Meeting at the hotel of

the Comte de Morfontaine--M. de Chateaubriand and his pamphlet--

Deputation to the Emperor Alexander--Entrance of the Allied

sovereigns into Paris--Alexander lodged in M. Talleyrand's hotel--

Meetings held there--The Emperor Alexander's declaration--

My appointment as Postmaster-General--Composition of the Provisional

Government--Mistake respecting the conduct of the Emperor of

Austria--Caulaincourt's mission from Napoleon--His interview with

the Emperor Alexander--Alexander's address to the deputation of the

Senate--M. de Caulaincourt ordered to quit the capital.

The grandees of the Empire and the first subjects of Napoleon were

divided into two classes totally distinct from each other. Among these

patronised men were many who had been the first patrons of Bonaparte and

had favoured his accession to Consular power. This class was composed

of his old friends and former companions-in-arms. The others, who may be

called the children of the Empire, did not carry back their thoughts

to a period which they had not seen. They had never known anything but

Napoleon and the Empire, beyond which the sphere of their ideas did

not extend, while among Napoleon's old brothers-in-arms it was still

remembered that there was once a country, a France, before they had

helped to give it a master. To this class of men France was not confined

to the narrow circle of the Imperial headquarters, but extended to the

Rhine, the Alps, the Pyrenees, and the two oceans.

On the other hand, numbers of ardent and adventurous young men, full of

enthusiasm for Bonaparte, had passed from the school to the camp. They

were entirely opposed to Napoleon's downfall, because with his power

would vanish those dreams of glory and fortune which had captivated

their imaginations. These young men, who belonged to the class which

I have denominated children of the Empire, were prepared to risk and

commit everything to prolong the political life of their Emperor.

The distinction I have drawn between what may be called the men of

France and the men of the Empire was not confined to the army, but was

equally marked among the high civil functionaries of the State. The old

Republicans could not possibly regard Napoleon with the same eyes as

those whose elevation dated only from Napoleon; and the members of

assemblies anterior to the 18th Brumaire could not entertain the same

ideas as those whose notions of national franchises and public rights

were derived from their seats as auditors in the Council of State.

I know not whether this distinction between the men of two different

periods has been before pointed out, but it serves to explain the

conduct of many persons of elevated rank during the events of 1814.

With regard to myself, convinced as I was of the certainty of Napoleon's

fall, I conceived that the first duty of every citizen was claimed by

his country; and although I may incur censure, I candidly avow that

Napoleon's treatment of me during the last four years of his power was

not without some influence on my prompt submission to the Government

which succeeded his. I, however, declare that this consideration was not

the sole nor the most powerful motive of my conduct. Only those who

were in Paris at the period of the capitulation can form an idea of the

violence of party feeling which prevailed there both for and against

Napoleon, but without the name of the Bourbons ever being pronounced.

They were almost unknown to the new generation, forgotten by many of

the old, and feared by the conventionalists; at that time they possessed

only the frail support of the coteries of the Faubourg St. Germain, and

some remains of the emigration. But as it is certain that the emigrants

could offer only vain demonstrations and wishes in support of the old

family of our Kings, they did little to assist the restoration of the

Bourbons. Another thing equally certain is, that they alone, by their

follies and absurd pretensions, brought about the return of Bonaparte

and the second exile of Louis XVIII. in the following year.

On the 28th of March was convoked an extraordinary Council of Regency,

at which Maria Louisa presided. The question discussed was, whether the

Empress should remain in Paris or proceed to Blois. Joseph Bonaparte

strongly urged her departure, because a letter from the Emperor had

directed that in case of Paris being threatened the Empress-Regent and

all the Council of Regency should retire to Blois. The Arch-Chancellor

and the majority of the Council were of the same opinion, but one of

the most influential members of the Council observed to Joseph that the

letter referred to had been written under circumstances very different

from those then existing, and that it was important the Empress should

remain in Paris, where she would, of course, obtain from the Emperor her

father and the Allied sovereigns, more advantageous conditions than if

she were fifty leagues from Paris. The adoption of this opinion would

only have retarded for a few days a change which had become inevitable;

nevertheless it might have given rise to great difficulties. It must be

admitted that for the interests of Napoleon it was the wisest counsel

that could be suggested. However, it was overruled by Joseph's advice.

M. de Talleyrand, as a member of the Council of Regency, also received

the order to quit Paris on the 30th of March. At this period I was

at his house every day. When I went to him that day I was told he had

started. However I went up, and remained some time in his hotel with

several of his friends who had met there. We soon saw him return, and

for my part I heard with satisfaction that they had not allowed him to

pass the barriers. It was said then, and it has been repeated since,

that M. de Talleyrand was not a stranger to the gentle violence used

towards him. The same day of this visit to M. de Talleyrand I also went

to see the Duc de Rovigo (Savary), with the friendly object of getting

him to remain, and to profit by his position to prevent disturbances. He

refused without hesitating, as he only thought of the Emperor. I found

him by his fireside, where there was a large fire, in which he was

burning all the papers which might have compromised every one who had

served his ministry (Police). I congratulated him sincerely on this

loyal occupation: fire alone could purify the mass of filth and

denunciations which encumbered the police archives.

On the departure of the Empress many persons expected a popular movement

in favour of a change of Government, but the capital remained tranquil.

Many of the inhabitants, indeed, thought of defence, not for the sake of

preserving Napoleon's government, but merely from that ardour of feeling

which belongs to our national character. Strong indignation was excited

by the thought of seeing foreigners masters of Paris--a circumstance

of which there had been no example since the reign of Charles VII.

Meanwhile the critical moment approached. On the 29th of March Marshals

Marmont and Mortier fell back to defend the approaches to Paris. During

the night the barriers were consigned to the care of the National Guard,

and not a foreigner, not even one of their agents, was allowed to enter

the capital.

At daybreak on the 30th of March the whole population of Paris was

awakened by the report of cannon, and the plain of St. Denis was soon

covered with Allied troops, who were debouching upon it from all points.

The heroic valour of our troops was unavailing against such a numerical

superiority. But the Allies paid dearly for their entrance into the

French capital. The National Guard, under the command of Marshal Moncey,

and the pupils of the Polytechnic School transformed into artillery men,

behaved in a manner worthy of veteran troops. The conduct of Marmont on

that day alone would suffice to immortalise him. The corps he commanded

was reduced to between 7000 and 8000 infantry and 800 cavalry, with

whom, for the space of twelve hours he maintained his ground against an

army of 55,000 men, of whom it is said 14,000 were killed, wounded, and

taken. Marshal Marmont put himself so forward in the heat of the battle

that a dozen of men were killed by the bayonet at his side, and his hat

was perforated by a ball. But what was to be done against overwhelming

numbers!

In this state of things the Duke of Ragusa made known his situation to

Joseph Bonaparte, who authorised him to negotiate.

Joseph's answer is so important in reference to the events which

succeeded that I will transcribe it here.

If the Dukes of Ragusa and Treviso can no longer hold out, they are

authorised to negotiate with Prince Schwartzenberg and the Emperor

of Russia, who are before them.

They will fall back on the Loire.

(Signed) JOSEPH

Montmartre, 30th March 1814, 12 oclock

It was not until a considerable time after the receipt of this formal

authority that Marmont and Mortier ceased to make a vigorous resistance

against the Allied army, for the suspension of arms was not agreed

upon until four in the afternoon. It was not waited for by Joseph; at a

quarter past twelve--that is to say, immediately after he had addressed

to Marmont the authority just alluded to Joseph repaired to the Bois de

Boulogne to regain the Versailles road, and from thence to proceed to

Rambouillet. The precipitate flight of Joseph astonished only those who

did not know him. I know for a fact that several officers attached to

his staff were much dissatisfied at his alacrity on this occasion.

In these circumstances what was to be done but to save Paris, which

there was no possibility of defending two hours longer. Methinks I still

see Marmont when, on the evening of the 30th of March, he returned from

the field of battle to his hotel in the Rue de Paradis, where I was

waiting for him, together with about twenty other persons, among

whom were MM. Perregaua and Lafitte. When he entered he was scarcely

recognisable: he had a beard of eight days' growth; the greatcoat which

covered his uniform was in tatters, and he was blackened with powder

from head to foot. We considered what was best to be done, and all

insisted on the necessity of signing a capitulation. The Marshal must

recollect that the exclamation of every one about him was, "France must

be saved." MM. Perregaus and Lafitte delivered their opinions in a

very decided way, and it will readily be conceived how great was the

influence of two men who were at the head of the financial world. They

alleged that the general wish of the Parisians, which nobody had a

better opportunity of knowing than themselves, was decidedly averse to a

protracted conflict, and that France was tired of the yoke of Bonaparte.

This last declaration gave a wider range to the business under

consideration. The question was no longer confined to the capitulation

of Paris, but a change in the government was thought of, and the name of

the Bourbons was pronounced for the first time. I do not recollect which

of us it was who, on hearing mention made of the possible recall of

the old dynasty, remarked how difficult it would be to bring about a

restoration without retrograding to the past. But I think I am perfectly

correct in stating that M. Lafitte said, "Gentlemen, we shall have

nothing to fear if we have a good constitution which will guarantee

the rights of all." The majority of the meeting concurred in this wise

opinion, which was not without its influence on Marshal Marmont.

During this painful meeting an unexpected incident occurred. One of the

Emperor's aides de camp arrived at Marmont's. Napoleon, being informed

of the advance of the Allies on Paris, had marched with the utmost speed

from the banks of the Marne on the road of Fontainebleau. In the evening

he was in person at Froidmanteau, whence he despatched his envoy to

Marshal Marmont. From the language of the aide de camp it was easy to

perceive that the state of opinion at the Imperial headquarters was very

different from that which prevailed among the population of Paris. The

officer expressed indignation at the very idea of capitulating, and

he announced with inconceivable confidence the approaching arrival of

Napoleon in Paris, which he yet hoped to save from the occupation of

the enemy. The officer informed us that Napoleon trusted to the people

rising in spite of the capitulation, and that they would unpave the

streets to stone the Allies on their entrance. I ventured to dissent

from this absurd idea of defence, and I observed that it was madness to

suppose that Paris could resist the numerous troops who were ready

to enter on the following day; that the suspension of arms had been

consented to by the Allies only to afford time for drawing up a more

regular capitulation, and that the armistice could not be broken without

trampling on all the laws of honour. I added that the thoughts of the

people were directed towards a better future; that the French were tired

of a despotic Government and of the distress to which continual war had

reduced trade and industry; "for," said I, "when a nation is sunk

to such a state of misery its hopes can only be directed towards

the future; it is natural they should be so directed, even without

reflection." Most of the individuals present concurred in my opinion,

and the decision of the meeting was unanimous. Marshal Marmont has since

said to me, "I have been blamed, my dear Bourrienne: but you were with

me on the 30th of March. You were a witness to the wishes expressed by a

portion of the principal inhabitants of Paris. I acted as I was urged to

do only because I considered the meeting to be composed of men entirely

disinterested, and who had nothing to expect from the return of the

Bourbons."

Such is a correct statement of the facts which some persons have

perverted with the view of enhancing Napoleon's glory. With respect to

those versions which differ from mine I have only one comment to offer,

which is, that I saw and heard what I describe.

The day after the capitulation of Paris--Marmont went in the evening to

see the Emperor at Fontainebleau. He supped with him. Napoleon praised

his defence of Paris.. After supper the Marshal rejoined his corps at

Essonne, and six hours after the Emperor arrived there to visit the

lines. On leaving Paris Marmont had left Colonels Fabvier and Dent's

to direct the execution of the capitulation. These officers joined the

Emperor and the Marshal as they were proceeding up the banks of the

river at Essonne. They did not disguise the effect which the entrance of

the Allies had produced in Paris. At this intelligence the Emperor was

deeply mortified, and he returned immediately to Fontainebleau, leaving

the Marshal at Essonne.

At daybreak on the 31st of March Paris presented a novel and curious

spectacle. No sooner had the French troops evacuated the capital than

the principal streets resounded with cries of "Down with Bonaparte!"--

"No conscription!"--"No consolidated duties (droits reunis)!" With these

cries were mingled that of "The Bourbons for ever!" but this latter cry

was not repeated so frequently as the others: in general I remarked

that the people gaped and listened with a sort of indifference. As I had

taken a very active part in all that had happened during some preceding

days I was particularly curious to study what might be called the

physiognomy of Paris. This was the second opportunity which had offered

itself for such a study, and I now saw the people applaud the fall of

the man whom they had received with enthusiasm after the 18th Brumaire.

The reason was, that liberty was then hoped for, as it was hoped for

in 1814. I went out early in the morning to see the numerous groups

of people who had assembled in the streets. I saw women tearing their

handkerchiefs and distributing the fragments as the emblems of the

revived lily. That same morning I met on the Boulevards, and some hours

afterwards on the Place Louis XV., a party of gentlemen who paraded the

streets of the capital proclaiming the restoration of the Bourbons

and shouting, "Vive le Roi!" and "Vive Louis XVIII!" At their head I

recognised MM. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, Comte de Froissard, the

Duc de Luxembourg, the Duc de Crussol, Seymour, etc. The cavalcade

distributed white cockades in passing along, and was speedily joined by

a numerous crowd, who repaired to the Place Vendome. The scene that

was acted there is well known, and the enthusiasm of popular joy could

scarcely excuse the fury that was directed against the effigy of the

man whose misfortunes, whether merited or not, should have protected

him from such outrages. These excesses served, perhaps more than is

generally supposed, to favour the plans of the leaders of the Royalist

party, to whom M. Nesselrode had declared that before he would pledge

himself to further their views he must have proofs that they were

seconded by the population of Paris.

I was afterwards informed by an eye-witness of what took place on the

evening of the 31st of March in one of the principal meetings of the

Royalists, which was held in the hotel of the Comte de Morfontaine,

who acted as president on the occasion. Amidst a chaos of abortive

propositions and contradictory motions M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld

proposed that a deputation should be immediately sent to the Emperor

Alexander to express to him the wish of the meeting. This motion was

immediately approved, and the mover was chosen to head the deputation.

On leaving the hotel the deputation met M. de Chateaubriand, who had

that very day been, as it were, the precursor of the restoration,

by publishing his admirable manifesto, entitled "Bonaparte and the

Bourbons." He was invited to join the deputation; but nothing could

overcome his diffidence and induce him to speak. On arriving at the

hotel in the Rue St. Florentin the deputation was introduced to Count

Nesselrode, to whom M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld briefly explained

its object; he spoke of the wishes of the meeting and of the manifest

desire of Paris and of France. He represented the restoration of

the Bourbons as the only means of securing the peace of Europe; and

observed, in conclusion, that as the exertions of the day must have

been very fatiguing to the Emperor, the deputation would not solicit

the favour of being introduced to him, but would confidently rely on

the good faith of his Imperial Majesty. "I have just left the Emperor,"

replied M. Nesselrode, "and can pledge myself for his intentions. Return

to the meeting and announce to the French people that in compliance with

their wishes his Imperial Majesty will use all his influence to restore

the crown to the legitimate monarch: his Majesty Louis XVIII. shall

reascend the throne of France." With this gratifying intelligence the

deputation returned to the meeting in the Rue d'Anjou.

There is no question that great enthusiasm was displayed on the entrance

of the Allies into Paris. It may be praised or blamed, but the fact

cannot be denied. I closely watched all that was passing, and I observed

the expression of a sentiment which I had long anticipated when, after

his alliance with the daughter of the Caesars, the ambition of

Bonaparte increased in proportion as it was gratified: I clearly foresaw

Napoleon's fall. Whoever watched the course of events during the last

four years of the Empire must have observed, as I did, that from the

date of Napoleon's marriage with Maria Louisa the form of the French

Government became daily more and more tyrannical and oppressive. The

intolerable height which this evil had attained is evident from the

circumstance that at the end of 1813 the Legislative Body, throwing

aside the mute character which it had hitherto maintained, presumed to

give a lecture to him who had never before received a lecture from any

one. On the 31st of March it was recollected what had been the conduct

of Bonaparte on the occasion alluded to, and those of the deputies who

remained in Paris related how the gendarmes had opposed their entrance

into the hall of the Assembly. All this contributed wonderfully to

irritate the public mind against Napoleon. He had become master of

France by the sword, and the sword being sheathed, his power was at

an end, for no popular institution identified with the nation the new

dynasty which he hoped to found. The nation admired but did not love

Napoleon, for it is impossible to love what is feared, and he had done

nothing to claim the affections of France.

I was present at all the meetings and conferences which were held at

M de Talleyrand's hotel, where the Emperor Alexander had taken up his

residence. Of all the persons present at these meetings M. de Talleyrand

was most disposed to retain Napoleon at the head of the Government,

with restrictions on the exercise of his power. In the existing state

of things it was only possible to choose one of three courses: first, to

make peace with Napoleon, with the adoption of proper securities against

him; second, to establish a Regency; and third, to recall the Bourbons.

On the 13th of March I witnessed the entrance of the Allied sovereigns

into Paris, and after the procession had passed the new street of the

Luxembourg I repaired straight to M. de Talleyrand's hotel, which I

reached before the Emperor Alexander, who arrived at a quarter-past one.

When his Imperial Majesty entered M. de Talleyrand's drawing-room most

of the persons assembled, and particularly the Abbe de Pradt, the Abbe

de Montesquieu, and General Dessolles, urgently demanded the restoration

of the Bourbons. The Emperor did not come to any immediate decision.

Drawing me into the embrasure of a window, which looked upon the street,

he made some observations which enabled me to guess what would be his

determination. "M. de Bourrienne," said he, "you have been the friend

of Napoleon, and so have I. I was his sincere friend; but there is no

possibility of remaining at peace with a man of such bad faith." These

last words opened my eyes; and when the different propositions which

were made came under discussion I saw plainly that Bonaparte, in making

himself Emperor, had made up the bed for the Bourbons.

A discussion ensued on the three possible measures which I have above

mentioned, and which were proposed by the Emperor Alexander himself.

I thought, if I may so express myself, that his Majesty was playing

a part, when, pretending to doubt the possibility of recalling the

Bourbons, which he wished above all things, he asked M. de Talleyrand

what means he proposed to employ for the attainment of that object?

Besides the French, there were present at this meeting the Emperor

Alexander, the King of Prussia, Prince Schwartzenberg, M. Nesselrode,

M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, and Prince Liechtenstein. During the discussion

Alexander walked about with some appearance of agitation. "Gentlemen,"

said, he, addressing us in an elevated tone of voice, "you know that it

was not I who commenced the war; you know that Napoleon came to attack

me in my dominions. But we are not drawn here by the thirst of conquest

or the desire of revenge. You have seen the precautions I have taken

to preserve your capital, the wonder of the arts, from the horrors of

pillage, to which the chances of war would have consigned it. Neither

my Allies nor myself are engaged in a war of reprisals; and I should be

inconsolable if any violence were committed on your magnificent city. We

are not waging war against France, but against Napoleon, and the enemies

of French liberty. William, and you, Prince" (here the Emperor turned

towards the King of Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg, who represented

the Emperor of Austria), "you can both bear testimony that the

sentiments I express are yours." Both bowed assent to this observation

of Alexander, which his Majesty several times repeated in different

words. He insisted that France should be perfectly free; and declared

that as soon as the wishes of the country were understood, he and his

Allies would support them, without seeking to favour any particular

government.

The Abbe de Pradt then declared, in a tone of conviction, that we were

all Royalists, and that the sentiments of France concurred with ours.

The Emperor Alexander, adverting to the different governments which

might be suitable to France, spoke of the maintenance of Bonaparte on

the throne, the establishment of a Regency, the choice of Bernadotte,

and the recall of the Bourbons. M. de Talleyrand next spoke, and I well

remember his saying to the Emperor of Russia, "Sire, only one of two

things is possible. We must either have Bonaparte or Louis XVIII.

Bonaparte, if you can support him; but you cannot, for you are not

alone.... We will not have another soldier in his stead. If we want a

soldier, we will keep the one we have; he is the first in the world.

After him any other who may be proposed would not have ten men to

support him. I say again, Sire, either Bonaparte or Louis XVIII.

Anything else is an intrigue." These remarkable words of the Prince de

Benevento produced on the mind of Alexander all the effect we could hope

for. Thus the question was simplified, being reduced now to only two

alternatives; and as it was evident that Alexander would have nothing

to do with either Napoleon or his family, it was reduced to the single

proposition of the restoration of the Bourbons.

On being pressed by us all, with the exception of M. de Talleyrand, who

still wished to leave the question undecided between Bonaparte and Louis

XVIII., Alexander at length declared that he would no longer treat with

Napoleon. When it was represented to him that that declaration referred

only to Napoleon personally, and did not extend to his family, he added,

"Nor with any member of his family." Thus as early as the 31st of March

the restoration of the Bourbons might be considered as decided.

I cannot omit mentioning the hurry with which Laborie, whom M. de

Talleyrand appointed Secretary to the Provisional Government, rushed out

of the apartment as soon as he got possession of the Emperor Alexander's

declaration. He got it printed with such expedition that in the space

of an hour it was posted on all the walls in Paris; and it certainly

produced an extraordinary effect. As yet nothing warranted a doubt that

Alexander would not abide by his word. The treaty of Paris could not

be anticipated; and there was reason to believe that France, with a new

Government, would obtain more advantageous conditions than if the Allies

had, treated with Napoleon. But this illusion speedily vanished.

On the evening of the 31st of March I returned to M. de Talleyrand's.

I again saw the Emperor Alexander, who, stepping up to me, said, "M.

de Bourrienne you must take the superintendence of the Post-office

department." I could not decline this precise invitation on the part of

the Czar; and besides, Lavalette having departed on the preceding day,

the business would have been for a time suspended; a circumstance which

would have been extremely prejudicial to the restoration which we wished

to favour.

I went at once to the hotel in the Rue J. J. Rousseau, where, indeed,

I found that not only was there no order to send out the post next

day, but that it had been even countermanded. I went that night to the

administrators, who yielded to my requests and, seconded by them, next

morning I got all the clerks to be at their post. I reorganised the

service, and the post went out on the 1st of April as usual. Such are my

remembrances of the 31st of March.

A Provisional Government was established, of which M. de Talleyrand was

appointed President. The other members were General Beurnonville, Comte

Francois de Jaucourt, the Duc Dalberg, who had married one of Maria

Louisa's ladies of honour, and the Abby de Montesquieu. The place of

Chancellor of the Legion of Honour was given to the Abbe de Pradt. Thus

there were two abbes among the members of the Provisional Government,

and by a singular chance they happened to be the same who had officiated

at the mass which was performed in the Champ de Mars on the day of the

first federation.

Those who were dissatisfied with the events of the 31st of March now

saw no hope but in the possibility that the Emperor of Austria would

separate from his Allies, or at least not make common cause with them

in favour of the re-establishment of the Bourbons. But that monarch had

been brought up in the old policy of his family, and was imbued with

the traditional principles of his Cabinet. I know for a fact that the

sentiments and intentions of the Emperor of Austria perfectly coincided

with those of his Allies. Anxious to ascertain the truth on this

subject, I ventured, when in conversation with the Emperor Alexander, to

hint at the reports I had heard relative to the cause of the Emperor of

Austria's absence. I do not recollect the precise words of his Majesty's

answer, but it enabled me to infer with certainty that Francis II.

was in no way averse to the overthrow of his son-in-law, and that his

absence from the scene of the discussions was only occasioned by a

feeling of delicacy natural enough in his situation.

Caulaincourt, who was sent by Napoleon to the headquarters of the

Emperor Alexander, arrived there on the night of the 30th of March.

He, however, did not obtain an interview with the Czar until after his

Majesty had received the Municipal Council of Paris, at the head of

which was M. de Chabrol. At first Alexander appeared somewhat surprised

to see the Municipal Council, which he did not receive exactly in the

way that was expected; but this coldness was merely momentary, and

he afterwards addressed the Council in a very gracious way, though he

dropped no hint of his ulterior intentions.

Alexander, who entertained a personal regard for Caulaincourt, received

him kindly in his own character, but not as the envoy of Napoleon. "You

have come too late," said the Czar. "It is all over. I can say nothing

to you at present. Go to Paris, and I will see you there." These words

perfectly enlightened Caulaincourt as to the result of his mission. His

next interview with the Emperor Alexander at M. de Talleyrand's did not

take place until after the declaration noticed in my last chapter. The

conversation they had together remained a secret, for neither Alexander

nor the Duke of Vicenza mentioned it; but there was reason to infer,

from some words which fell from the Emperor Alexander, that he had

received Caulaincourt rather as a private individual than as the

ambassador of Napoleon, whose power, indeed, he could not recognise

after his declaration. The Provisional Government was not entirely

pleased with Caulaincourt's presence in Paris, and a representation was

made to the Russian Emperor on the subject. Alexander concurred in the

opinion of the Provisional Government, which was expressed through the

medium of the Abbe de Pradt. M. de Caulaincourt, therefore, at the wish

of the Czar, returned to the Emperor, then at Fontainebleau.

CHAPTER, XXXV.

1814.

Situation of Bonaparte during the events of the 30th and 31st of

March--His arrival at Fontainebleau--Plan of attacking Paris--

Arrival of troops at Fontainebleau--The Emperor's address to the

Guard--Forfeiture pronounced by the Senate--Letters to Marmont--

Correspondence between Marmont and Schwartzenberg--Macdonald

informed of the occupation of Paris--Conversation between the

Emperor and Macdonald at Fontainebleau--Beurnonville's letter--

Abdication on condition of a Regency--Napoleon's wish to retract his

act of abdication--Macdonald Ney, and Caulaincourt sent to Paris--

Marmont released from his promise by Prince Schwartzenberg.

On the morning of the 30th of March, while the battle before the walls

of Paris was at its height, Bonaparte was still at Troyes. He quitted

that town at ten o'clock, accompanied only by Bertrand, Caulaincourt,

two aides de camp, and two orderly officers. He was not more than two

hours in traveling the first ten leagues, and he and his slender

escort performed the journey without changing horses, and without

even alighting. They arrived at Sens at one o'clock in the afternoon.

Everything was in such confusion that it was impossible to prepare a

suitable mode of conveyance for the Emperor. He was therefore obliged

to content himself with a wretched cariole, and in this equipage, about

four in the morning, he reached Froidmanteau, about four leagues from

Paris. It was there that the Emperor received from General Belliard, who

arrived at the head of a column of artillery, the first intelligence of

the battle of Paris. He heard the news with an air of composure, which

was probably affected to avoid discouraging those about him. He walked

for about a quarter of an hour on the high road, and it was after that

promenade that he sent Caulaincourt to Paris. Napoleon afterwards went

to the house of the postmaster, where he ordered his maps to be brought

to him, and, according to custom, marked the different positions of the

enemy's troops with pine, the heads of which were touched with wax of

different colours. After this description of work, which Napoleon

did every day, or sometimes several times a day, he repaired to

Fontainebleau, where he arrived at six in the morning. He did not order

the great apartments of the castle to be opened, but went up to his

favourite little apartment, where he shut himself up, and remained alone

during the whole of the 31st of March.

In the evening the Emperor sent for the Duke of Ragusa, who had just

arrived at Essonne with his troops. The Duke reached Fontainebleau

between three and four o'clock on the morning of the 1st of April.

Napoleon then received a detailed account of the events of the 30th from

Marmont, on whose gallant conduct before Paris he bestowed much praise.

All was gloom and melancholy at Fontainebleau, yet the Emperor still

retained his authority, and I have been informed that he deliberated

for some time as to whether he should retire behind the Loire, or

immediately hazard a bold stroke upon Paris, which would have been

much more to his taste than to resign himself to the chances which an

uncertain temporising might bring about. This latter thought pleased

him; and he was seriously considering his plan of attack when the news

of the 31st, and the unsuccessful issue of Caulaincourt's mission, gave

him to understand that his situation was more desperate than he had

hitherto imagined.

Meanwhile the heads of his columns, which the Emperor had left at

Troves, arrived on the 1st of April at Fontainebleau, the troops having

marched fifty leagues in less than three days, one of the most rapid

marches ever performed. On the 2d of April Napoleon communicated the

events of Paris to the Generals who were about him, recommending them

to conceal the news lest it should dispirit the troops, upon whom he yet

relied. That day, during an inspection of the troops, which took place

in the court of the Palace, Bonaparte assembled the officers of his

Guard, and harangued them as follows:

Soldiers! the enemy has stolen three marches upon us, and has made

himself master of Paris. We must drive him thence. Frenchmen,

unworthy of the name, emigrants whom we have pardoned, have mounted

the white cockade, and joined the enemy. The wretches shall receive

the reward due to this new crime. Let us swear to conquer or die,

and to enforce respect to the tri-coloured cockade, which has for

twenty years accompanied us on the path of glory and honour.

He also endeavoured to induce the Generals to second his mad designs

upon Paris, by making them believe that he had made sincere efforts to

conclude peace. He assured them that he had expressed to the Emperor

Alexander his willingness to purchase it by sacrifices; that he had

consented to resign even the conquests made during the Revolution, and

to confine himself within the old limits of France. "Alexander," added

Napoleon, "refused; and, not content with that refusal, he has leagued

himself with a party of emigrants, whom, perhaps, I was wrong in

pardoning for having borne arms against France. Through their perfidious

insinuations Alexander has permitted the white cockade to be mounted on

the capital. We will maintain ours, and in a few days we will march upon

Paris. I rely on you."

When the boundless attachment of the Guards to the Emperor is considered

it cannot appear surprising that these last words, uttered in an

impressive tone, should have produced a feeling of enthusiasm, almost

electrical, in all to whom they were addressed. The old companions of

the glory of their chief exclaimed with one voice, "Paris! Paris!" But,

fortunately, during the night, the Generals having deliberated with each

other saw the frightful abyss into which they were about to precipitate

France. They therefore resolved to intimate in discreet terms to the

Emperor that they would not expose Paris to destruction, so that on the

3d of April, prudent ideas succeeded the inconsiderate enthusiasm of the

preceding day.

The wreck of the army assembled at Fontainebleau, which was the remnant

of 1,000,000 of troops levied during fifteen months, consisted only of

the corps of the Duke of Reggio (Oudinot), Ney, Macdonald, and General

Gerard, which 'altogether did not amount to 25,000 men, and which,

joined to the remaining 7000 of the Guard, did not leave the Emperor a

disposable force of more than 32,000 men. Nothing but madness or

despair could have suggested the thought of subduing, with such scanty

resources, the foreign masses which occupied and surrounded Paris.

On the 2d of April the Senate published a 'Senatus-consulte', declaring

that Napoleon had forfeited the throne, and abolishing the right

of succession, which had been established in favour of his family.

Furnished with this set, and without awaiting the concurrence of the

Legislative Body, which was given next day, the Provisional Government

published an address to the French armies. In this address the troops

were informed that they were no longer the soldiers of Napoleon, and

that the Senate released them from their oaths. These documents were

widely circulated at the time, and inserted in all the public journals.

The address of the Senate was sent round to the Marshals, and was of

course first delivered to those who were nearest the capital; of this

latter number was Marmont, whose allegiance to the Emperor, as we have

already seen, yielded only to the sacred interests of his country.

Montessuis was directed by the Provisional Government to convey the

address to Marmont, and to use such arguments as were calculated

to strengthen those sentiments which had triumphed over his dearest

personal affections. I gave Montessuis a letter to Marmont, in which I

said:

"MY DEAR FRIEND--An old acquaintance of mine will convey to you the

remembrances of our friendship. He will, I trust, influence your

resolution: a single word will suffice to induce you to sacrifice

all for the happiness of your country. To secure that object you,

who are so good a Frenchman and so loyal a knight, will not fear

either dangers or obstacles. Your friends expect you, long for you,

and I trust will soon embrace you."

Montessuis also took one from General Dessolles, whom the Provisional

Government had appointed Governor of the National Guard in the room

of Marshal Moncey, who had left Paris on the occupation of the

Allies. General Dessolles and I did not communicate to each other our

correspondence, but when I afterwards saw the letter of Dessolles I

could not help remarking the coincidence of our appeal to Marmont's

patriotism. Prince Schwartzenberg also wrote to Marmont to induce him

to espouse a clause which had now become the cause of France. To the

Prince's letter Marmont replied, that he was disposed to concur in the

union of the army and the people, which would avert all chance of civil

war, and stop the effusion of French blood; and that he was ready with

his troops to quit the army of the Emperor Napoleon on the condition

that his troops might retire with the honours of war, and that the

safety and liberty of the Emperor were guaranteed by the Allies.

After Prince Schwartzenberg acceded to these conditions Marmont was

placed in circumstances which obliged him to request that he might be

released from his promise.

I happened to learn the manner in which Marshal Macdonald was informed

of the taking of Paris. He had been two days without any intelligence

from the Emperor, when he received an order in the handwriting of

Berthier, couched in the following terms: "The Emperor desires that you

halt wherever you may receive this order." After Berthier's signature

the following words were added as a postscript: "You, of course,

know that the enemy is in possession of Paris." When the Emperor thus

announced, with apparent negligence, an event which totally changed

the face of affairs, I am convinced his object was to make the Marshal

believe that he looked upon, that event as less important than it really

was. However, this object was not attained, for I recollect having

heard Macdonald say that Berthier's singular postscript, and the tone of

indifference in which it was expressed, filled him with mingled surprise

and alarm. Marshal Macdonald then commanded the rear-guard of the army

which occupied the environs of Montereau. Six hours after the receipt of

the order here referred to Macdonald received a second order directing

him to put his troops in motion, and he learned the Emperor's intention

of marching on Paris with all his remaining force.

On receiving the Emperor's second order Macdonald left his corps at

Montereau and repaired in haste to Fontainebleau. When he arrived there

the Emperor had already intimated to the Generals commanding divisions

in the corps assembled at Fontainebleau his design of marching on Paris.

Alarmed at this determination the Generals, most of whom had left in

the capital their wives, children, and friends, requested that Macdonald

would go with them to wait upon Napoleon and endeavour to dissuade him

from his intention. "Gentlemen," said the Marshal, "in the Emperor's

present situation such a proceeding may displease him. It must be

managed cautiously. Leave it to me, gentlemen, I will go to the

chateau."

Marshal Macdonald accordingly went to the Palace of Fontainebleau, where

the following conversation ensued between him and the Emperor, and I

beg the reader to bear in mind that it was related to me by the Marshal

himself. As soon as he entered the apartment in which Napoleon was the

latter stepped up to him and said, "Well, how are things going on?"--

"Very badly, Sire."--"How? . . . badly! . . . What then are the feelings

of your army?"--"My army, Sire, is entirely discouraged . . . appalled

by the fate of Paris."--"Will not your troops join me in an advance on

Paris?"--"Sire, do not think of such a thing. If I were to give such an

order to my troops I should run the risk of being disobeyed."--"But

what is to be done? I cannot remain as I am; I have yet resources and

partisans. It is said that the Allies will no longer treat with me.

Well! no matter. I will march on Paris. I will be revenged on the

inconstancy of the Parisians and the baseness of the Senate. Woe to the

members of the Government they have patched up for the return of their

Bourbons; that is what they are looking forward to. But to-morrow I

shall place myself at the head of my Guards, and to-morrow we shall be

in the Tuileries."

The Marshal listened in silence, and when at length Napoleon became

somewhat calm he observed, "Sire, it appears, then, that you are not

aware of what has taken place in Paris--of the establishment of a

Provisional Government, and--"--"I know it all: and what then?"--"Sire,"

added the Marshal, presenting a paper to Napoleon, "here is something

which will tell you more than I can." Macdonald then presented to him

a letter from General Beurnonville, announcing the forfeiture of the

Emperor pronounced by the Senate, and the determination of the Allied

powers not to treat with Napoleon, or any member of his family.

"Marshal," said the Emperor, before he opened the letter, "may this be

read aloud?"--"Certainly, Sire." The letter was then handed to Barre,

who read it. An individual who was present on the occasion described to

me the impression which the reading of the letter produced on Napoleon.

His countenance exhibited that violent contraction of the features which

I have often remarked when his mind was disturbed. However, he did not

lose his self-command, which indeed never forsook him when policy

or vanity required that he should retain it; and when the reading of

Beurnonville's letter was ended he affected to persist in his intention

of marching on Paris. "Sire," exclaimed Macdonald, "that plan must be

renounced. Not a sword would be unsheathed to second you in such an

enterprise." After this conversation between the Emperor and Macdonald

the question of the abdication began to be seriously thought of.

Caulaincourt had already hinted to Napoleon that in case of his

abdicating personally there was a possibility of inducing the Allies to

agree to a Council of Regency. Napoleon then determined to sign the act

of abdication, which he himself drew up in the following terms:--

The Allied powers having declared that the Emperor Napoleon is the

only obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe, the

Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he is ready to

descend from the throne, to leave France, and even to lay down his

life for the welfare of the country, which is inseparable from the

rights of his son, those of the Regency of the Empress, and the

maintenance of the laws of the Empire. Given at our Palace of

Fontainebleau, 2d April 1814.

(Signed) NAPOLEON.

After having written this act the Emperor presented it to the Marshals,

saying, "Here, gentlemen! are you satisfied?"

This abdication of Napoleon was certainly very useless, but in case of

anything occurring to render it a matter of importance the act might

have proved entirely illusory. Its meaning might appear unequivocal to

the generality of people, but not to me, who was so well initiated in

the cunning to which Napoleon could resort when it suited his purpose.

It is necessary to observe that Napoleon does not say that "he descends

from the throne," but that "he is ready to descend from the throne."

This was a subterfuge, by the aid of which he intended to open new

negotiations respecting the form and conditions of the Regency of his

son, in case of the Allied sovereigns acceding to that proposition. This

would have afforded the means of gaining time.

He had not yet resigned all hope, and therefore he joyfully received a

piece of intelligence communicated to him by General Allix. The General

informed the Emperor that he had met an Austrian officer who was sent

by Francis II. to Prince Schwartzenberg, and who positively assured him

that all which had taken place in Paris was contrary to the wish of the

Emperor of Austria. That this may have been the opinion of the officer

is possible, and even probable. But it is certain from the issue of a

mission of the Duc de Cadore (Champagny), of which I shall presently

speak, that the officer expressed merely his own personal opinion.

However, as soon as General Allix had communicated this good news, as

he termed it, to Napoleon, the latter exclaimed to the persons who

were about him, "I told you so, gentlemen. Francis II. cannot carry his

enmity so far as to dethrone his daughter. Vicenza, go and desire the

Marshals to return my act of abdication. I will send a courier to the

Emperor of Austria."

Thus Bonaparte in his shipwreck looked round for a saving plank,

and tried to nurse himself in illusions. The Duke of Vicenza went to

Marshals Ney and Macdonald, whom he found just stepping into a carriage

to proceed to Paris. Both positively refused to return the act to

Caulaincourt, saying, "We are sure of the concurrence of the Emperor of

Austria, and we take everything upon ourselves." The result proved that

they were better informed than General Allix.

During the conversation with Marshal Macdonald which has just been

described the Emperor was seated. When he came to the resolution of

signing the abdication he arose and walked once or twice up and down his

cabinet. After he had written and signed the act he said, "Gentlemen,

the interests of my son, the interests of the army, and above all,

the interests of France, must be defended. I therefore appoint as my

commissioners to the Allied powers the Duke of Vicenza, the Prince of

the Moskowa, and the Duke of Ragusa. . . . Are you satisfied?" added he,

after a pause. "I think these interests are consigned to good hands."

All present answered, as with one voice. "Yes, Sire." But no sooner

was this answer pronounced than the Emperor threw himself upon a small

yellow sofa, which stood near the window, and striking his thigh with

his hand with a sort of convulsive motion, he exclaimed, "No, gentlemen:

I will have no Regency! With my Guards and Marmont's corps I shall be in

Paris to-morrow." Ney and Macdonald vainly endeavoured to undeceive him

respecting this impracticable design. He rose with marked ill-humour,

and rubbing his head, as he was in the habit of doing when agitated, he

said in a loud and authoritative tone, "Retire."

The Marshals withdrew, and Napoleon was left alone with Caulaincourt.

He told the latter that what had most displeased him in the proceedings

which had just taken place was the reading of Beurnonville's letter.

"Sire," observed the Duke of Vicenza, "it was by your order that the

letter was read."--"That is true. . . . But why was it not addressed

directly to me by Macdonald?"--"Sire, the letter was at first addressed

to Marshal Macdonald, but the aide de camp who was the bearer of it

had orders to communicate its contents to Marmont on passing through

Essonne, because Beurnonville did not precisely know where Macdonald

would be found." After this brief explanation the Emperor appeared

satisfied, and he said to Caulaincourt, "Vicenza, call back Macdonald."

The Duke of Vicenza hastened after the Marshal, whom he found at the end

of the gallery of the Palace, and he brought him back to the Emperor.

When Macdonald returned to the cabinet the Emperor's warmth had entirely

subsided, and he said to him with great composure, "Well, Duke of

Tarantum, do you think that the Regency is the only possible thing?"--

"Yes, Sire."--"Then I wish you to go with Ney to the Emperor Alexander,

instead of Marmont; it is better that he should remain with his corps,

to which his presence is indispensable. You will therefore go with Ney.

I rely on you. I hope you have entirely forgotten all that has separated

us for so long a time."--"Yes, Sire, I have not thought of it since

1809."--"I am glad of it, Marshal, and I must acknowledge to you that I

was in the wrong." While speaking to the Marshal the Emperor manifested

unusual emotion. He approached him and pressed his hand in the most

affectionate way.

The Emperor's three Commissioners--that is to say, Marshals Macdonald

and Ney and the Duke of Vicenza had informed Marmont that they would

dine with him as they passed through Essonne, and would acquaint him

with all that had happened at Fontainebleau. On their arrival at Essonne

the three Imperial Commissioners explained to the Duc of Ragusa the

object of their mission, and persuaded him to accompany them to the

Emperor Alexander. This obliged the Marshal to inform them how he was

situated. The negotiations which Marmont had opened and almost concluded

with Prince Schwartzenberg were rendered void by the mission which he

had joined, and which it was necessary he should himself explain to

the Commander of the Austrian army. The three Marshals and the Duke

of Vicenza repaired to Petit Bourg, the headquarters of Prince

Schwartzenberg, and there the Prince released Marmont from the promise

he had given.