CHAPTER XXXVI.

1814.

Unexpected receipts in the Post-office Department--Arrival of

Napoleon's Commissioners at M. de Talleyrand's--Conference of the

Marshals with Alexander--Alarming news from Essonne--Marmont's

courage--The white cockade and the tri-coloured cockade--

A successful stratagem--Three Governments in France--The Duc de

Cadore sent by Maria Louisa to the Emperor of Austria--Maria

Louisa's proclamation to the French people--Interview between the

Emperor of Austria and the Duc de Cadore--The Emperor's protestation

of friendship for Napoleon--M. Metternich and M. Stadion--Maria

Louisa's departure for Orleans--Blücher's visit to me--Audience of

the King of Prussia--His Majesty's reception of Berthier, Clarke,

and myself--Bernadotte in Paris--Cross of the Polar Star presented

to me by Bernadotte.

After my nomination as Director-General of the Post office the business

of that department proceeded as regularly as before. Having learned that

a great many intercepted letters had been thrown aside I sent, on the

4th of April, an advertisement to the 'Moniteur', stating that the

letters to and from England or other foreign countries which had been

lying at the Post-office for more than three years would be forwarded to

their respective addresses. This produced to the Post-office a receipt

of nearly 300,000 francs, a fact which may afford an idea of the

enormous number of intercepted letters.

On the night after the publication of the advertisement I was awakened

by an express from the Provisional Government, by which I was requested

to proceed with all possible haste to M. de Talleyrand's hotel. I rose,

and I set off immediately, and I got there some minutes before the

arrival of the Emperor's Commissioners. I went up to the salon on the

first floor, which was one of the suite of apartments occupied by the

Emperor Alexander. The Marshals retired to confer with the monarch, and

it would be difficult to describe the anxiety--or, I may rather say,

consternation--which, during their absence, prevailed among some of the

members of the Provisional Government and other persons assembled in the

salon where I was.

While the Marshals were with Alexander, I learned that they had

previously conversed with M. de Talleyrand, who observed to them, "If

you succeed in your designs you will compromise all who have met in this

hotel since the 1st of April, and the number is not small. For my part,

take no account of me, I am willing to be compromised." I had passed

the evening of this day with M. de Talleyrand, who then observed to the

Emperor Alexander in my presence, "Will you support Bonaparte? No, you

neither can nor will. I have already had the honour to tell your Majesty

that we can have no choice but between Bonaparte and Louis XVIII.;

anything else would be an intrigue, and no intrigue can have power to

support him who may be its object. Bernadotte, Eugène, the Regency,

all those propositions result from intrigues. In present circumstances

nothing but a new principle is sufficiently strong to establish the new

order of things which must be adopted. Louis XVIII. is a principle."

None of the members of the Provisional Government were present at this

conference, for no one was willing to appear to influence in any way

the determination of the chief of the coalition upon the subject of this

important mission. General Dessolles alone, in quality of commander of

the National Guard of Paris, was requested to be present. At length the

Marshals entered the salon where we were, and their appearance created

a sensation which it is impossible to describe; but the expression

of dissatisfaction which we thought we remarked in their countenances

restored the hopes of those who for some hours had been a prey to

apprehensions. Macdonald, with his head elevated, and evidently under

the influence of strong irritation, approached Beurnonville, and thus

addressed him, in answer to a question which the latter had put to him.

"Speak not to me, sir; I have nothing to say to you. You have made me

forget a friendship of thirty years!" Then turning to Dupont, "As for

you, sir," he continued in the same tone, "your conduct towards

the Emperor is not generous. I confess that he has treated you with

severity, perhaps he may even have been unjust to you with respect to

the affair of Baylen, but how long has it been the practice to avenge a

personal wrong at the expense of one's country?"

These remarks were made with such warmth, and in so elevated a tone of

voice, that Caulaincourt thought it necessary to interfere, and said,

"Do not forget, gentlemen, that this is the residence of the Emperor

of Russia." At this moment M. de Talleyrand returned from the interview

with the Emperor which he had had after the departure of the Marshals,

and approaching the group formed round Macdonald, "Gentlemen," said

he, "if you wish to dispute and discuss, step down to my apartments."--

"That would be useless," replied Macdonald; "my comrades and I do

not acknowledge the Provisional Government." The three Marshals, Ney,

Macdonald, and Marmont, then immediately retired with Caulaincourt,

and went to Ney's hotel, there to await the answer which the Emperor

Alexander had promised to give them after consulting the King of

Prussia.

Such was this night-scene; which possessed more dramatic effect than

many which are performed on the stage. In it all was real: on its

denouement depended the political state of France, and the existence of

all those who had already declared themselves in favour of the Bourbons.

It is a remarkable fact, and one which affords a striking lesson to men

who are tempted to sacrifice themselves for any political cause, that

most of those who then demanded the restoration of the Bourbons at the

peril of their lives have successively fallen into disgrace.

When the Marshals and Caulaincourt had retired we were all anxious to

know what had passed between them and the Emperor of Russia. I learned

from Dessolles, who, as I have stated, was present at the conference in

his rank of commander of the National Guard of Paris, that the Marshals

were unanimous in urging Alexander to accede to a Regency. Macdonald

especially supported that proposition with much warmth; and among the

observations he made I recollect Dessolles mentioned the following:--

"I am not authorised to treat in any way for the fate reserved for the

Emperor. We have full powers to treat for the Regency, the army, and

France; but the Emperor has positively forbidden us to specify anything

personally regarding himself." Alexander merely replied, "That does not

astonish me." The Marshals then, resuming the conversation, dwelt much

on the respect which was due to the military glory of France. They

strongly manifested their disinclination to abandon the family of a

man who had so often led them to victory; and lastly, they reminded the

Emperor Alexander of his own declaration, in which he proclaimed, in

his own name as well as on the part of his Allies, that it was not their

intention to impose on France any government whatever.

Dessolles, who had all along declared himself in favour of the Bourbons,

in his turn entered into the discussion with as much warmth as the

partisans of the Regency. He represented to Alexander how many persons

would be compromised for merely having acted or declared their opinions

behind the shield of his promises. He repeated what Alexander had

already been told, that the Regency would, in fact, be nothing but

Bonaparte in disguise. However, Dessolles acknowledged that such was

the effect of Marshal Macdonald's powerful and persuasive eloquence

that Alexander seemed to waver; and, unwilling to give the Marshals a

positive refusal, he had recourse to a subterfuge, by which he would be

enabled to execute the design he had irrevocably formed without seeming

to take on himself alone the responsibility of a change of government.

Dessolles accordingly informed us that Alexander at last gave the

following answer to the Marshals: "Gentlemen, I am not alone; in an

affair of such importance I must consult the King of Prussia, for I have

promised to do nothing without consulting him. In a few hours you shall

know my decision." It was this decision which the Marshals went to wait

for at Ney's.

Most of the members of the Provisional Government attributed the

evasive reply of the Emperor Alexander to the influence of the speech

of Dessolles. For my part, while I do justice to the manner in which

he declared himself on this important occasion, I do not ascribe to his

eloquence the power of fixing Alexander's resolution, for I well know by

experience how easy it is to make princes appear to adopt the advice

of any one when the counsel given is precisely that which they wish

to follow. From the sentiments of Alexander at this time I had not

the slightest doubt as to the course he would finally pursue, and I

considered what he said about consulting the King of Prussia to be

merely a polite excuse, by which he avoided the disagreeable task of

giving the Marshals a direct refusal.

I therefore returned home quite satisfied as to the result of the

Emperor Alexander's visit to the King of Prussia. I knew, from the

persons about the Czar, that he cherished a hatred, which was but too

well justified, towards Bonaparte. Frederick William is of too firm a

character to have yielded to any of the considerations which might on

this subject have been pressed on him as they had been on the Emperor of

Russia. But, besides that the King of Prussia had legitimate reasons

for disliking Napoleon, policy would at that time have required that

he should appear to be his enemy, for to do so was to render himself

popular with his subjects. But the King of Prussia did not need to act

under the dictates of policy; he followed his own opinion in rejecting

the propositions of the Marshals, which he did without hesitation, and

with much energy.

While the Marshals had gone to Paris Bonaparte was anxious to ascertain

whether his Commissioners had passed the advanced posts of the foreign

armies, and in case of resistance he determined to march on Paris, for

he could not believe that he had lost every chance. He sent an aide de

camp to desire Marmont to come immediately to Fontainebleau: such was

Napoleon's impatience that instead of waiting for the return of his

aide de camp he sent off a second and then a third officer on the same

errand. This rapid succession of envoys from the Emperor alarmed the

general who commanded the different divisions of Marmont's corps at

Essonne. They feared that the Emperor was aware of the Convention

concluded that morning with Prince Schwartzenberg, and that he had sent

for Marmont with the view of reprimanding him. The fact was, Napoleon

knew nothing of the matter, for Marmont, on departing for Paris with

Macdonald and Ney, had left orders that it should be said that he had

gone to inspect his lines. Souham; Lebrun des Essarts, and Bordessoulle,

who had given their assent to the Convention with Prince Schwartzenberg,

deliberated in the absence of Marmont, and, perhaps being ignorant that

he was released from his promise, and fearing the vengeance of Napoleon,

they determined to march upon Versailles. On arriving there the troops

not finding the Marshal at their head thought themselves betrayed, and

a spirit of insurrection broke out among them. One of Marmont's aides

de camp, whom he had left at Essonne, exerted every endeavour to prevent

the departure of his general's corps, but, finding all his efforts

unavailing, he hastened to Paris to inform the Marshal of what had

happened. 'When Marmont received this news he was breakfasting at Ney's

with Macdonald and Caulaincourt: they were waiting for the answer which

the Emperor Alexander had promised to send them. The march of his corps

on Versailles threw Marmont into despair. He said to the Marshals, "I

must be off to join my corps and quell this mutiny;" and without losing

a moment he ordered his carriage and directed the coachman to drive with

the utmost speed. He sent forward one of his aides de camp to inform the

troops of his approach.

Having arrived within a hundred paces of the place where his troops were

assembled he found the generals who were under his orders advancing

to meet him. They urged him not to go farther, as the men were in open

insurrection. "I will go into the midst of them," said Marmont. "In a

moment they shall either kill me or acknowledge me as their chief:"

He sent off another aide de camp to range the troops in the order of

battle. Then, alighting from the carriage and mounting a horse, he

advanced alone, and thus harangued his troops: "How! Is there treason

here? Is it possible that you disown me? Am I not your comrade? Have I

not been wounded twenty times among you? . . . Have I not shared your

fatigues and privations? And am I not ready to do so again?" Here

Marmont was interrupted by a general shout of "Vive le Marechal! Vive le

Marechal!"

The alarm caused among the members of the Provisional Government by

the mission of the Marshals was increased by the news of the mutiny

of Marmont's troops. During the whole of the day we were in a state of

tormenting anxiety. It was feared that the insurrectionary spirit might

spread among other corps of the army, and the cause of France again be

endangered. But the courage of Marmont saved everything: It would be

impossible to convey any idea of the manner in which he was received by

us at Talleyrand's when he related the particulars of what had occurred

at Versailles.

On the evening of the day on which Marmont had acted so nobly it was

proposed that the army should adopt the white cockade. In reply to

this proposition the Marshal said, "Gentlemen, I have made my troops

understand the necessity of serving France before all things. They have,

consequently, returned to order, and I can now answer for them. But what

I cannot answer for is to induce them to abandon the colours which have

led them to victory for the last twenty years. Therefore do not count

upon me for a thing which I consider to be totally hostile to the

interests of France. I will speak to the Emperor Alexander on the

subject." Such were Marmont's words. Every one appeared to concur in his

opinion, and the discussion terminated. For my own part, I find by

my notes that I declared myself strongly in favour of Marmont's

proposition.

The Marshal's opinion having been adopted, at least provisionally, an

article was prepared for the Moniteur in nearly the following terms:

The white cockade has been, during the last four days, a badge for

the manifestation of public opinion in favour of the overthrow of an

oppressive Government: it has been the only means of distinguishing

the partisans of the restoration of the old dynasty, to which at

length we are to be indebted for repose. But as the late Government

is at an end, all colours differing from our national colours are

useless: let us, therefore, resume those which have so often led us

to victory.

Such was the spirit of the article, though possibly the above copy may

differ in a few words. It met with the unqualified approbation of every

one present. I was therefore extremely surprised, on looking at the

'Moniteur' next day, to find that the article was not inserted. I knew

not what courtly interference prevented the appearance of the article,

but I remember that Marmont was very ill pleased at its omission. He

complained on the subject to the Emperor Alexander, who promised to

write, and in fact did write, to the Provisional Government to get

the article inserted. However, it did not appear, and in a few days we

obtained a solution of the enigma, as we might perhaps have done before

if we had tried. The Emperor Alexander also promised to write to the

Comte d'Artois, and to inform him that the opinion of France was in

favour of the preservation of the three colours, but I do not know

whether the letter was written, or, if it was, what answer it received.

Marshal Jourdan, who was then at Rouen, received a letter, written

without the knowledge of Marmont, informing him that the latter had

mounted the white cockade in his corps. Jourdan thought he could not

do otherwise than follow Marmont's example, and he announced to the

Provisional Government that in consequence of the resolution of the

Duke of Ragusa he had just ordered his corps to wear the white cockade.

Marmont could now be boldly faced, and when he complained to the

Provisional Government of the non-insertion of the article in the

Moniteur the reply was, "It cannot now appear. You see Marshal Jourdan

has mounted the white cockade: you would not give the army two sets of

colours!"

Marmont could make no answer to so positive a fact. It was not till some

time after that I learned Jourdan had determined to unfurl the white

flag only on the positive assurance that Marmont had already done so.

Thus we lost the colours which had been worn by Louis XVI., which Louis

XVIII., when a Prince, had adopted, and in which the Comte d'Artois

showed himself on his return to the Parisians, for he entered the

capital in the uniform of the National Guard. The fraud played off

by some members of the Provisional Government was attended by fatal

consequences; many evils might have been spared to France had Marmont's

advice been adopted.

At the period of the dissolution of the Empire there might be said to be

three Governments in France, viz. the Provisional Government in Paris,

Napoleon's at Fontainebleau, and the doubtful and ambulatory Regency

of "Maria Louisa." Doubtful and ambulatory the Regency might well be

called, for there was so little decision as to the course to be adopted

by the Empress that it was at first proposed to conduct her to Orleans,

then to Tours, and she went finally to Blois. The uncertainty which

prevailed respecting the destiny of Maria Louisa is proved by a document

which I have in my possession, and of which there cannot be many copies

in existence. It is a circular addressed to the prefects by M. de

Montalivet, the Minister of the Interior, who accompanied the Empress.

In it a blank is left for the seat of the Government, to which the

prefects are desired to send their communications. In the copy I possess

the blank is filled up with the word "Blois" in manuscript.

As soon as Maria Louisa was made acquainted with the events that had

taken place around Paris she sent for the Duc de Cadore, and gave him

a letter addressed to the Emperor of Austria, saying, "Take this to my

father, who must be at Dijon. I rely on you for defending the interests

of France, those of the Emperor, and above all those of my son."

Certainly Maria Louisa's confidence could not be better placed, and

those great interests would have been defended by the Duc de Cadore 'si

defendi possent.'

After the departure of the Duc de Cadore Maria Louisa published the

following proclamation, addressed to the French people:

BY THE EMPRESS REGENT.

A Proclamation

The events of the war have placed the capital in the power of

foreigners. The Emperor has marched to defend it at the head of his

armies, so often victorious. They are face to face with the enemy

before the walls of Paris. From the residence which I have chosen,

and from the Ministers of the Emperor, will emanate the only orders

which you can acknowledge. Every town in the power of foreigners

ceases to be free, and every order which may proceed from them is

the language of the enemy, or that which it suits his hostile views

to propagate. You will be faithful to your oaths. You will listen

to the voice of a Princess who was consigned to your good faith, and

whose highest pride consists in being a Frenchwoman, and in being

united to the destiny of the sovereign whom you have freely chosen.

My son was less sure of your affections in the time of our

prosperity; his rights and his person are under your safeguard.

(By order) MONTALIVET. (Signed) MARIA LOUISA

BLOIS, 3d April 1814.

It is to be inferred that the Regency had within three days adopted the

resolution of not quitting Blois, for the above document presents no

blanks, nor words filled up in writing. The Empress' proclamation,

though a powerful appeal to the feelings of the French people, produced

no effect. Maria Louisa's proclamation was dated the 4th of April, on

the evening of which day Napoleon signed the conditional abdication,

with the fate of which the reader has already been made acquainted.

M. de Montalivet transmitted the Empress' proclamation, accompanied by

another circular, to the prefects, of whom very few received it.

M. de Champagny, having left Blois with the letter he had received from

the Empress, proceeded to the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria,

carefully avoiding those roads which were occupied by Cossack troops.

He arrived, not without considerable difficulty, at Chanseaux, where

Frances II. was expected. When the Emperor arrived the Duc de Cadore was

announced, and immediately introduced to his Majesty. The Duke remained

some hours with Francis II., without being able to obtain from him

anything but fair protestations. The Emperor always took refuge behind

the promise he had given to his Allies to approve whatever measures they

might adopt. The Duke was not to leave the Emperor's headquarters that

evening, and, in the hope that his Majesty might yet reflect on the

critical situation of his daughter, he asked permission to take leave

next morning. He accordingly presented himself to the Emperor's levee,

when he renewed his efforts in support of the claims of Maria Louisa.

"I have a great affection for my daughter, and also for my son-in law,"

said the Emperor. "I bear them both in my heart, and would shed my blood

for them"--"Ah, Sire!" exclaimed M. de Champagny, "such a sacrifice is

not necessary."--"Yes, Duke, I say again I would shed my blood, I would

resign my life for them, but I have given my Allies a promise not to

treat without them, and to approve all that they may do. Besides,"

added the Emperor, "my Minister, M. de Metternich, has gone to their

headquarters, and I will ratify whatever he may sign."

When the Duc de Cadore related to me the particulars of his mission, in

which zeal could not work an impossibility, I remarked that he regarded

as a circumstance fatal to Napoleon the absence of M. de Metternich

and the presence of M. Stadion at the headquarters of the Emperor of

Austria. Though in all probability nothing could have arrested the

course of events, yet it is certain that the personal sentiments of the

two Austrian Ministers towards Napoleon were widely different. I am not

going too far when I affirm that, policy apart, M. de Metternich was

much attached to Napoleon. In support of this assertion I may quote a

fact of which I can guarantee the authenticity:

When M. de Metternich was complimented on the occasion of Maria Louisa's

marriage he replied, "To have contributed to a measure which has

received the approbation of 80,000,000 men is indeed a just subject of

congratulation." Such a remark openly made by the intelligent Minister

of the Cabinet of Vienna was well calculated to gratify the ears of

Napoleon, from whom, however, M. de Metternich in his personal relations

did not conceal the truth. I recollect a reply which was made by M. de

Metternich at Dresden after a little hesitation. "As to you," said the

Emperor, "you will not go to war with me. It is impossible that you can

declare yourself against me. That can never be."--"Sire, we are not now

quite allies, and some time hence we may become enemies." This hint was

the last which Napoleon received from Metternich, and Napoleon must

have been blind indeed not to have profited by it. As to M. Stadion, he

entertained a profound dislike of the Emperor. That Minister knew and

could not forget that his preceding exclusion from the Cabinet of Vienna

had been due to the all-powerful influence of Napoleon.

Whether or not the absence of Metternich influenced the resolution of

Francis II., it is certain that that monarch yielded nothing to the

urgent solicitations of a Minister who conscientiously fulfilled the

delicate mission consigned to him. M. de Champagny rejoined the Empress

at Orleans, whither she had repaired on leaving Blois. He found Maria

Louisa almost deserted, all the Grand Dignitaries of the Empire having

successively returned to Paris after sending in their submissions to the

Provisional Government.

I had scarcely entered upon the exercise of my functions as

Postmaster-General when, on the morning of the 2d of April, I was

surprised to see a Prussian general officer enter my cabinet. I

immediately recognised him as General Blücher. He had commanded the

Prussian army in the battle which took place at the gates of Paris.

"Sir," said he, "I consider it one of my first duties on entering Paris

to thank you for the attention I received from you in Hamburg. I am

sorry that I was not sooner aware of your being in Paris. I assure you

that had I been sooner informed of this circumstance the capitulation

should have been made without a blow being struck. How much blood might

then have been spared!"--"General," said I, "on what do you ground this

assurance?"--"If I had known that you were in Paris I would have

given you a letter to the King of Prussia. That monarch, who knows

the resources and intentions of the Allies, would, I am sure, have

authorised you to decide a suspension of arms before the neighbourhood

of Paris became the theatre of the war."--"But," resumed I, "in spite of

the good intentions of the Allies, it would have been very difficult to

prevent resistance. French pride, irritated as it was by reverses, would

have opposed insurmountable obstacles to such a measure."--"But, good

heavens! you would have seen that resistance could be of no avail

against such immense masses."--"You are right, General; but French

honour would have been defended to the last."--"I am fully aware

of that; but surely you have earned glory enough!"--"Yet our French

susceptibility would have made us look upon that glory as tarnished

if Paris had been occupied without defence ... But under present

circumstances I am well pleased that you were satisfied with my conduct

in Hamburg, for it induces me to hope that you will observe the same

moderation in Paris that I exercised there. The days are past when it

could be said, Woe to the conquered."--"You are right; yet," added

he, smiling, "you know we are called the northern barbarians."--"Then,

General," returned I, "you have a fair opportunity of showing that that

designation is a libel."

Some days after Blücher's visit I had the honour of being admitted to a

private audience of the King of Prussia. Clarke and Berthier were also

received in this audience, which took place at the hotel of Prince

Eugène, where the King of Prussia resided in Paris. We waited for

some minutes in the salon, and when Frederick William entered from

his cabinet I remarked on his countenance an air of embarrassment and

austerity which convinced me that he had been studying his part, as

great personages are in the habit of doing on similar occasions. The

King on entering the salon first noticed Berthier, whom he addressed

with much kindness, bestowing praises on the French troops, and

complimenting the Marshal on his conduct during the war in Germany.

Berthier returned thanks for these well-merited praises, for though he

was not remarkable for strength of understanding or energy of mind, yet

he was not a bad man, and I have known many proofs of his good conduct

in conquered countries.

After saluting Berthier the King of Prussia turned towards Clarke, and

his countenance immediately assumed an expression of dissatisfaction. He

had evidently not forgotten Clarke's conduct in Berlin. He reminded him

that he had rendered the Continental system more odious than it was

in itself, and that he had shown no moderation in the execution of his

orders. "In short," said his Majesty, "if I have any advice to give you,

it is that you never again return to Prussia." The King pronounced

these words in so loud and decided a tone that Clarke was perfectly

confounded. He uttered some unintelligible observations, which, however,

Frederick William did not notice, for suddenly turning towards me he

said, with an air of affability, "Ah! M. de Bourrienne, I am glad to see

you, and I take this opportunity of repeating what I wrote to you from

Gonigsberg. You always extended protection to the Germans, and did

all you could to alleviate their condition. I learned with great

satisfaction what you did for the Prussians whom the fate of war drove

into Hamburg; and I feel pleasure in telling you, in the presence of

these two gentlemen, that if all the French agents had acted as you did

we should not, probably, be here." I expressed, by a profound bow, how

much I was gratified by this complimentary address, and the king, after

saluting us, retired.

About the middle of April Bernadotte arrived in Paris. His situation had

become equivocal, since circumstances had banished the hopes he might

have conceived in his interview with the Emperor Alexander at Åbo.

Besides, he had been represented in some official pamphlets as a traitor

to France, and among certain worshippers of our injured glory there

prevailed a feeling of irritation, and which was unjustly directed

towards Bernadotte.

I even remember that Napoleon, before he had fallen from his power, had

a sort of national protest made by the police against the Prince Royal

of Sweden. This Prince had reserved an hotel in the Rue d'Anjou, and

the words, "Down with the traitor! down with the perjurer," were shouted

there; but this had no result, as it was only considered an outrage

caused by a spirit of petty vengeance.

While Bernadotte was in Paris I saw him every day. He but faintly

disguised from me the hope he had entertained of ruling France; and in

the numerous conversations to which our respective occupations led I

ascertained, though Bernadotte did not formally tell me so, that he once

had strong expectations of succeeding Napoleon.

Pressed at last into his final intrenchments he broke through all

reserve and confirmed all I knew of the interview of Åbo.

I asked Bernadotte what he thought of the projects which were attributed

to Moreau; whether it was true that he had in him a competitor, and

whether Moreau had aspired to the dangerous honour of governing France:

"Those reports," replied the Prince Royal of Sweden, "are devoid of

foundation: at least I can assure you that in the conversations I have

had with the Emperor Alexander, that sovereign never said anything which

could warrant such a supposition. I know that the Emperor of Russia

wished to avail himself of the military talents of Moreau in the great

struggle that had commenced, and to enable the exiled general to return

to his country, in the hope that, should the war prove fortunate, he

would enjoy the honours and privileges due to his past services."

Bernadotte expressed to me astonishment at the recall of the Bourbons,

and assured me that he had not expected the French people would so

readily have consented to the Restoration. I confess I was surprised

that Bernadotte, with the intelligence I knew him to possess, should

imagine that the will of subjects has any influence in changes of

government!

During his stay in Paris Bernadotte evinced for me the same sentiments

of friendship which he had shown me at Hamburg. One day I received from

him a letter, dated Paris, with which he transmitted to me one of the

crosses of the Polar Star, which the King of Sweden had left at his

disposal. Bernadotte was not very well satisfied with his residence in

Paris, in spite of the friendship which the Emperor Alexander constantly

manifested towards him. After a few days he set out for Sweden, having

first taken leave of the Comte d'Artois. I did not see him after his

farewell visit to the Count, so that I know not what was the nature of

the conversation which passed between the two Princes.