CHAPTER XXVI.

AN EXHORTATION TO LIBERATE ITALY FROM THE BARBARIANS

Having carefully considered the subject of the above discourses, and

wondering within myself whether the present times were propitious to a

new prince, and whether there were elements that would give an

opportunity to a wise and virtuous one to introduce a new order of

things which would do honour to him and good to the people of this

country, it appears to me that so many things concur to favour a new

prince that I never knew a time more fit than the present.

And if, as I said, it was necessary that the people of Israel should be

captive so as to make manifest the ability of Moses; that the Persians

should be oppressed by the Medes so as to discover the greatness of the

soul of Cyrus; and that the Athenians should be dispersed to illustrate

the capabilities of Theseus: then at the present time, in order to

discover the virtue of an Italian spirit, it was necessary that Italy

should be reduced to the extremity that she is now in, that she should

be more enslaved than the Hebrews, more oppressed than the Persians,

more scattered than the Athenians; without head, without order, beaten,

despoiled, torn, overrun; and to have endured every kind of desolation.

Although lately some spark may have been shown by one, which made us

think he was ordained by God for our redemption, nevertheless it was

afterwards seen, in the height of his career, that fortune rejected

him; so that Italy, left as without life, waits for him who shall yet

heal her wounds and put an end to the ravaging and plundering of

Lombardy, to the swindling and taxing of the kingdom and of Tuscany,

and cleanse those sores that for long have festered. It is seen how she

entreats God to send someone who shall deliver her from these wrongs

and barbarous insolencies. It is seen also that she is ready and

willing to follow a banner if only someone will raise it.

Nor is there to be seen at present one in whom she can place more hope

than in your illustrious house,[1] with its valour and fortune,

favoured by God and by the Church of which it is now the chief, and

which could be made the head of this redemption. This will not be

difficult if you will recall to yourself the actions and lives of the

men I have named. And although they were great and wonderful men, yet

they were men, and each one of them had no more opportunity than the

present offers, for their enterprises were neither more just nor easier

than this, nor was God more their friend than He is yours.

[1] Giuliano de Medici. He had just been created a cardinal by Leo X.

In 1523 Giuliano was elected Pope, and took the title of Clement VII.

With us there is great justice, because that war is just which is

necessary, and arms are hallowed when there is no other hope but in

them. Here there is the greatest willingness, and where the willingness

is great the difficulties cannot be great if you will only follow those

men to whom I have directed your attention. Further than this, how

extraordinarily the ways of God have been manifested beyond example:

the sea is divided, a cloud has led the way, the rock has poured forth

water, it has rained manna, everything has contributed to your

greatness; you ought to do the rest. God is not willing to do

everything, and thus take away our free will and that share of glory

which belongs to us.

And it is not to be wondered at if none of the above-named Italians

have been able to accomplish all that is expected from your illustrious

house; and if in so many revolutions in Italy, and in so many

campaigns, it has always appeared as if military virtue were exhausted,

this has happened because the old order of things was not good, and

none of us have known how to find a new one. And nothing honours a man

more than to establish new laws and new ordinances when he himself was

newly risen. Such things when they are well founded and dignified will

make him revered and admired, and in Italy there are not wanting

opportunities to bring such into use in every form.

Here there is great valour in the limbs whilst it fails in the head.

Look attentively at the duels and the hand-to-hand combats, how

superior the Italians are in strength, dexterity, and subtlety. But

when it comes to armies they do not bear comparison, and this springs

entirely from the insufficiency of the leaders, since those who are

capable are not obedient, and each one seems to himself to know, there

having never been any one so distinguished above the rest, either by

valour or fortune, that others would yield to him. Hence it is that for

so long a time, and during so much fighting in the past twenty years,

whenever there has been an army wholly Italian, it has always given a

poor account of itself; the first witness to this is Il Taro,

afterwards Allesandria, Capua, Genoa, Vaila, Bologna, Mestri.[2]

[2] The battles of Il Taro, 1495; Alessandria, 1499; Capua, 1501;

Genoa, 1507; Vaila, 1509; Bologna, 1511; Mestri, 1513.

If, therefore, your illustrious house wishes to follow these remarkable

men who have redeemed their country, it is necessary before all things,

as a true foundation for every enterprise, to be provided with your own

forces, because there can be no more faithful, truer, or better

soldiers. And although singly they are good, altogether they will be

much better when they find themselves commanded by their prince,

honoured by him, and maintained at his expense. Therefore it is

necessary to be prepared with such arms, so that you can be defended

against foreigners by Italian valour.

And although Swiss and Spanish infantry may be considered very

formidable, nevertheless there is a defect in both, by reason of which

a third order would not only be able to oppose them, but might be

relied upon to overthrow them. For the Spaniards cannot resist cavalry,

and the Switzers are afraid of infantry whenever they encounter them in

close combat. Owing to this, as has been and may again be seen, the

Spaniards are unable to resist French cavalry, and the Switzers are

overthrown by Spanish infantry. And although a complete proof of this

latter cannot be shown, nevertheless there was some evidence of it at

the battle of Ravenna, when the Spanish infantry were confronted by

German battalions, who follow the same tactics as the Swiss; when the

Spaniards, by agility of body and with the aid of their shields, got in

under the pikes of the Germans and stood out of danger, able to attack,

while the Germans stood helpless, and, if the cavalry had not dashed

up, all would have been over with them. It is possible, therefore,

knowing the defects of both these infantries, to invent a new one,

which will resist cavalry and not be afraid of infantry; this need not

create a new order of arms, but a variation upon the old. And these are

the kind of improvements which confer reputation and power upon a new

prince.

This opportunity, therefore, ought not to be allowed to pass for

letting Italy at last see her liberator appear. Nor can one express the

love with which he would be received in all those provinces which have

suffered so much from these foreign scourings, with what thirst for

revenge, with what stubborn faith, with what devotion, with what tears.

What door would be closed to him? Who would refuse obedience to him?

What envy would hinder him? What Italian would refuse him homage? To

all of us this barbarous dominion stinks. Let, therefore, your

illustrious house take up this charge with that courage and hope with

which all just enterprises are undertaken, so that under its standard

our native country may be ennobled, and under its auspices may be

verified that saying of Petrarch:

Virtu contro al Furore

Prendera l’arme, e fia il combatter corto:

Che l’antico valore

Negli italici cuor non e ancor morto.

Virtue against fury shall advance the fight,

And it i’ th’ combat soon shall put to flight:

For the old Roman valour is not dead,

Nor in th’ Italians’ brests extinguished.

Edward Dacre, 1640.

DESCRIPTION OF THE METHODS ADOPTED BY THE DUKE VALENTINO WHEN MURDERING

VITELLOZZO VITELLI, OLIVEROTTO DA FERMO, THE SIGNOR PAGOLO, AND THE

DUKE DI GRAVINA ORSINI

BY NICOLO MACHIAVELLI

The Duke Valentino had returned from Lombardy, where he had been to

clear himself with the King of France from the calumnies which had been

raised against him by the Florentines concerning the rebellion of

Arezzo and other towns in the Val di Chiana, and had arrived at Imola,

whence he intended with his army to enter upon the campaign against

Giovanni Bentivogli, the tyrant of Bologna: for he intended to bring

that city under his domination, and to make it the head of his

Romagnian duchy.

These matters coming to the knowledge of the Vitelli and Orsini and

their following, it appeared to them that the duke would become too

powerful, and it was feared that, having seized Bologna, he would seek

to destroy them in order that he might become supreme in Italy. Upon

this a meeting was called at Magione in the district of Perugia, to

which came the cardinal, Pagolo, and the Duke di Gravina Orsini,

Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto da Fermo, Gianpagolo Baglioni, the

tyrant of Perugia, and Messer Antonio da Venafro, sent by Pandolfo

Petrucci, the Prince of Siena. Here were discussed the power and

courage of the duke and the necessity of curbing his ambitions, which

might otherwise bring danger to the rest of being ruined. And they

decided not to abandon the Bentivogli, but to strive to win over the

Florentines; and they sent their men to one place and another,

promising to one party assistance and to another encouragement to unite

with them against the common enemy. This meeting was at once reported

throughout all Italy, and those who were discontented under the duke,

among whom were the people of Urbino, took hope of effecting a

revolution.

Thus it arose that, men’s minds being thus unsettled, it was decided by

certain men of Urbino to seize the fortress of San Leo, which was held

for the duke, and which they captured by the following means. The

castellan was fortifying the rock and causing timber to be taken there;

so the conspirators watched, and when certain beams which were being

carried to the rock were upon the bridge, so that it was prevented from

being drawn up by those inside, they took the opportunity of leaping

upon the bridge and thence into the fortress. Upon this capture being

effected, the whole state rebelled and recalled the old duke, being

encouraged in this, not so much by the capture of the fort, as by the

Diet at Magione, from whom they expected to get assistance.

Those who heard of the rebellion at Urbino thought they would not lose

the opportunity, and at once assembled their men so as to take any

town, should any remain in the hands of the duke in that state; and

they sent again to Florence to beg that republic to join with them in

destroying the common firebrand, showing that the risk was lessened and

that they ought not to wait for another opportunity.

But the Florentines, from hatred, for sundry reasons, of the Vitelli

and Orsini, not only would not ally themselves, but sent Nicolo

Machiavelli, their secretary, to offer shelter and assistance to the

duke against his enemies. The duke was found full of fear at Imola,

because, against everybody’s expectation, his soldiers had at once gone

over to the enemy and he found himself disarmed and war at his door.

But recovering courage from the offers of the Florentines, he decided

to temporize before fighting with the few soldiers that remained to

him, and to negotiate for a reconciliation, and also to get assistance.

This latter he obtained in two ways, by sending to the King of France

for men and by enlisting men-at-arms and others whom he turned into

cavalry of a sort: to all he gave money.

Notwithstanding this, his enemies drew near to him, and approached

Fossombrone, where they encountered some men of the duke and, with the

aid of the Orsini and Vitelli, routed them. When this happened, the

duke resolved at once to see if he could not close the trouble with

offers of reconciliation, and being a most perfect dissembler he did

not fail in any practices to make the insurgents understand that he

wished every man who had acquired anything to keep it, as it was enough

for him to have the title of prince, whilst others might have the

principality.

And the duke succeeded so well in this that they sent Signor Pagolo to

him to negotiate for a reconciliation, and they brought their army to a

standstill. But the duke did not stop his preparations, and took every

care to provide himself with cavalry and infantry, and that such

preparations might not be apparent to the others, he sent his troops in

separate parties to every part of the Romagna. In the meanwhile there

came also to him five hundred French lancers, and although he found

himself sufficiently strong to take vengeance on his enemies in open

war, he considered that it would be safer and more advantageous to

outwit them, and for this reason he did not stop the work of

reconciliation.

And that this might be effected the duke concluded a peace with them in

which he confirmed their former covenants; he gave them four thousand

ducats at once; he promised not to injure the Bentivogli; and he formed

an alliance with Giovanni; and moreover he would not force them to come

personally into his presence unless it pleased them to do so. On the

other hand, they promised to restore to him the duchy of Urbino and

other places seized by them, to serve him in all his expeditions, and

not to make war against or ally themselves with any one without his

permission.

This reconciliation being completed, Guido Ubaldo, the Duke of Urbino,

again fled to Venice, having first destroyed all the fortresses in his

state; because, trusting in the people, he did not wish that the

fortresses, which he did not think he could defend, should be held by

the enemy, since by these means a check would be kept upon his friends.

But the Duke Valentino, having completed this convention, and dispersed

his men throughout the Romagna, set out for Imola at the end of

November together with his French men-at-arms: thence he went to

Cesena, where he stayed some time to negotiate with the envoys of the

Vitelli and Orsini, who had assembled with their men in the duchy of

Urbino, as to the enterprise in which they should now take part; but

nothing being concluded, Oliverotto da Fermo was sent to propose that

if the duke wished to undertake an expedition against Tuscany they were

ready; if he did not wish it, then they would besiege Sinigalia. To

this the duke replied that he did not wish to enter into war with

Tuscany, and thus become hostile to the Florentines, but that he was

very willing to proceed against Sinigalia.

It happened that not long afterwards the town surrendered, but the

fortress would not yield to them because the castellan would not give

it up to any one but the duke in person; therefore they exhorted him to

come there. This appeared a good opportunity to the duke, as, being

invited by them, and not going of his own will, he would awaken no

suspicions. And the more to reassure them, he allowed all the French

men-at-arms who were with him in Lombardy to depart, except the hundred

lancers under Mons. di Candales, his brother-in-law. He left Cesena

about the middle of December, and went to Fano, and with the utmost

cunning and cleverness he persuaded the Vitelli and Orsini to wait for

him at Sinigalia, pointing out to them that any lack of compliance

would cast a doubt upon the sincerity and permanency of the

reconciliation, and that he was a man who wished to make use of the

arms and councils of his friends. But Vitellozzo remained very

stubborn, for the death of his brother warned him that he should not

offend a prince and afterwards trust him; nevertheless, persuaded by

Pagolo Orsini, whom the duke had corrupted with gifts and promises, he

agreed to wait.

Upon this the duke, before his departure from Fano, which was to be on

30th December 1502, communicated his designs to eight of his most

trusted followers, among whom were Don Michele and the Monsignor

d’Euna, who was afterwards cardinal; and he ordered that, as soon as

Vitellozzo, Pagolo Orsini, the Duke di Gravina, and Oliverotto should

arrive, his followers in pairs should take them one by one, entrusting

certain men to certain pairs, who should entertain them until they

reached Sinigalia; nor should they be permitted to leave until they

came to the duke’s quarters, where they should be seized.

The duke afterwards ordered all his horsemen and infantry, of which

there were more than two thousand cavalry and ten thousand footmen, to

assemble by daybreak at the Metauro, a river five miles distant from

Fano, and await him there. He found himself, therefore, on the last day

of December at the Metauro with his men, and having sent a cavalcade of

about two hundred horsemen before him, he then moved forward the

infantry, whom he accompanied with the rest of the men-at-arms.

Fano and Sinigalia are two cities of La Marca situated on the shore of

the Adriatic Sea, fifteen miles distant from each other, so that he who

goes towards Sinigalia has the mountains on his right hand, the bases

of which are touched by the sea in some places. The city of Sinigalia

is distant from the foot of the mountains a little more than a bow-shot

and from the shore about a mile. On the side opposite to the city runs

a little river which bathes that part of the walls looking towards

Fano, facing the high road. Thus he who draws near to Sinigalia comes

for a good space by road along the mountains, and reaches the river

which passes by Sinigalia. If he turns to his left hand along the bank

of it, and goes for the distance of a bow-shot, he arrives at a bridge

which crosses the river; he is then almost abreast of the gate that

leads into Sinigalia, not by a straight line, but transversely. Before

this gate there stands a collection of houses with a square to which

the bank of the river forms one side.

The Vitelli and Orsini having received orders to wait for the duke, and

to honour him in person, sent away their men to several castles distant

from Sinigalia about six miles, so that room could be made for the men

of the duke; and they left in Sinigalia only Oliverotto and his band,

which consisted of one thousand infantry and one hundred and fifty

horsemen, who were quartered in the suburb mentioned above. Matters

having been thus arranged, the Duke Valentino left for Sinigalia, and

when the leaders of the cavalry reached the bridge they did not pass

over, but having opened it, one portion wheeled towards the river and

the other towards the country, and a way was left in the middle through

which the infantry passed, without stopping, into the town.

Vitellozzo, Pagolo, and the Duke di Gravina on mules, accompanied by a

few horsemen, went towards the duke; Vitellozo, unarmed and wearing a

cape lined with green, appeared very dejected, as if conscious of his

approaching death—a circumstance which, in view of the ability of the

man and his former fortune, caused some amazement. And it is said that

when he parted from his men before setting out for Sinigalia to meet

the duke he acted as if it were his last parting from them. He

recommended his house and its fortunes to his captains, and advised his

nephews that it was not the fortune of their house, but the virtues of

their fathers that should be kept in mind. These three, therefore, came

before the duke and saluted him respectfully, and were received by him

with goodwill; they were at once placed between those who were

commissioned to look after them.

But the duke noticing that Oliverotto, who had remained with his band

in Sinigalia, was missing—for Oliverotto was waiting in the square

before his quarters near the river, keeping his men in order and

drilling them—signalled with his eye to Don Michelle, to whom the care

of Oliverotto had been committed, that he should take measures that

Oliverotto should not escape. Therefore Don Michele rode off and joined

Oliverotto, telling him that it was not right to keep his men out of

their quarters, because these might be taken up by the men of the duke;

and he advised him to send them at once to their quarters and to come

himself to meet the duke. And Oliverotto, having taken this advice,

came before the duke, who, when he saw him, called to him; and

Oliverotto, having made his obeisance, joined the others.

So the whole party entered Sinigalia, dismounted at the duke’s

quarters, and went with him into a secret chamber, where the duke made

them prisoners; he then mounted on horseback, and issued orders that

the men of Oliverotto and the Orsini should be stripped of their arms.

Those of Oliverotto, being at hand, were quickly settled, but those of

the Orsini and Vitelli, being at a distance, and having a presentiment

of the destruction of their masters, had time to prepare themselves,

and bearing in mind the valour and discipline of the Orsinian and

Vitellian houses, they stood together against the hostile forces of the

country and saved themselves.

But the duke’s soldiers, not being content with having pillaged the men

of Oliverotto, began to sack Sinigalia, and if the duke had not

repressed this outrage by killing some of them they would have

completely sacked it. Night having come and the tumult being silenced,

the duke prepared to kill Vitellozzo and Oliverotto; he led them into a

room and caused them to be strangled. Neither of them used words in

keeping with their past lives: Vitellozzo prayed that he might ask of

the pope full pardon for his sins; Oliverotto cringed and laid the

blame for all injuries against the duke on Vitellozzo. Pagolo and the

Duke di Gravina Orsini were kept alive until the duke heard from Rome

that the pope had taken the Cardinal Orsino, the Archbishop of

Florence, and Messer Jacopo da Santa Croce. After which news, on 18th

January 1502, in the castle of Pieve, they also were strangled in the

same way.

THE LIFE OF CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANI OF LUCCA

WRITTEN BY NICOLO MACHIAVELLI

And sent to his friends ZANOBI BUONDELMONTI And LUIGI ALAMANNI

CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANI 1284-1328

It appears, dearest Zanobi and Luigi, a wonderful thing to those who

have considered the matter, that all men, or the larger number of them,

who have performed great deeds in the world, and excelled all others in

their day, have had their birth and beginning in baseness and

obscurity; or have been aggrieved by Fortune in some outrageous way.

They have either been exposed to the mercy of wild beasts, or they have

had so mean a parentage that in shame they have given themselves out to

be sons of Jove or of some other deity. It would be wearisome to relate

who these persons may have been because they are well known to

everybody, and, as such tales would not be particularly edifying to

those who read them, they are omitted. I believe that these lowly

beginnings of great men occur because Fortune is desirous of showing to

the world that such men owe much to her and little to wisdom, because

she begins to show her hand when wisdom can really take no part in

their career: thus all success must be attributed to her. Castruccio

Castracani of Lucca was one of those men who did great deeds, if he is

measured by the times in which he lived and the city in which he was

born; but, like many others, he was neither fortunate nor distinguished

in his birth, as the course of this history will show. It appeared to

be desirable to recall his memory, because I have discerned in him such

indications of valour and fortune as should make him a great exemplar

to men. I think also that I ought to call your attention to his

actions, because you of all men I know delight most in noble deeds.

The family of Castracani was formerly numbered among the noble families

of Lucca, but in the days of which I speak it had somewhat fallen in

estate, as so often happens in this world. To this family was born a

son Antonio, who became a priest of the order of San Michele of Lucca,

and for this reason was honoured with the title of Messer Antonio. He

had an only sister, who had been married to Buonaccorso Cenami, but

Buonaccorso dying she became a widow, and not wishing to marry again

went to live with her brother. Messer Antonio had a vineyard behind the

house where he resided, and as it was bounded on all sides by gardens,

any person could have access to it without difficulty. One morning,

shortly after sunrise, Madonna Dianora, as the sister of Messer Antonio

was called, had occasion to go into the vineyard as usual to gather

herbs for seasoning the dinner, and hearing a slight rustling among the

leaves of a vine she turned her eyes in that direction, and heard

something resembling the cry of an infant. Whereupon she went towards

it, and saw the hands and face of a baby who was lying enveloped in the

leaves and who seemed to be crying for its mother. Partly wondering and

partly fearing, yet full of compassion, she lifted it up and carried it

to the house, where she washed it and clothed it with clean linen as is

customary, and showed it to Messer Antonio when he returned home. When

he heard what had happened and saw the child he was not less surprised

or compassionate than his sister. They discussed between themselves

what should be done, and seeing that he was priest and that she had no

children, they finally determined to bring it up. They had a nurse for

it, and it was reared and loved as if it were their own child. They

baptized it, and gave it the name of Castruccio after their father. As

the years passed Castruccio grew very handsome, and gave evidence of

wit and discretion, and learnt with a quickness beyond his years those

lessons which Messer Antonio imparted to him. Messer Antonio intended

to make a priest of him, and in time would have inducted him into his

canonry and other benefices, and all his instruction was given with

this object; but Antonio discovered that the character of Castruccio

was quite unfitted for the priesthood. As soon as Castruccio reached

the age of fourteen he began to take less notice of the chiding of

Messer Antonio and Madonna Dianora and no longer to fear them; he left

off reading ecclesiastical books, and turned to playing with arms,

delighting in nothing so much as in learning their uses, and in

running, leaping, and wrestling with other boys. In all exercises he

far excelled his companions in courage and bodily strength, and if at

any time he did turn to books, only those pleased him which told of

wars and the mighty deeds of men. Messer Antonio beheld all this with

vexation and sorrow.

There lived in the city of Lucca a gentleman of the Guinigi family,

named Messer Francesco, whose profession was arms and who in riches,

bodily strength, and valour excelled all other men in Lucca. He had

often fought under the command of the Visconti of Milan, and as a

Ghibelline was the valued leader of that party in Lucca. This gentleman

resided in Lucca and was accustomed to assemble with others most

mornings and evenings under the balcony of the Podesta, which is at the

top of the square of San Michele, the finest square in Lucca, and he

had often seen Castruccio taking part with other children of the street

in those games of which I have spoken. Noticing that Castruccio far

excelled the other boys, and that he appeared to exercise a royal

authority over them, and that they loved and obeyed him, Messer

Francesco became greatly desirous of learning who he was. Being

informed of the circumstances of the bringing up of Castruccio he felt

a greater desire to have him near to him. Therefore he called him one

day and asked him whether he would more willingly live in the house of

a gentleman, where he would learn to ride horses and use arms, or in

the house of a priest, where he would learn nothing but masses and the

services of the Church. Messer Francesco could see that it pleased

Castruccio greatly to hear horses and arms spoken of, even though he

stood silent, blushing modestly; but being encouraged by Messer

Francesco to speak, he answered that, if his master were agreeable,

nothing would please him more than to give up his priestly studies and

take up those of a soldier. This reply delighted Messer Francesco, and

in a very short time he obtained the consent of Messer Antonio, who was

driven to yield by his knowledge of the nature of the lad, and the fear

that he would not be able to hold him much longer.

Thus Castruccio passed from the house of Messer Antonio the priest to

the house of Messer Francesco Guinigi the soldier, and it was

astonishing to find that in a very short time he manifested all that

virtue and bearing which we are accustomed to associate with a true

gentleman. In the first place he became an accomplished horseman, and

could manage with ease the most fiery charger, and in all jousts and

tournaments, although still a youth, he was observed beyond all others,

and he excelled in all exercises of strength and dexterity. But what

enhanced so much the charm of these accomplishments, was the delightful

modesty which enabled him to avoid offence in either act or word to

others, for he was deferential to the great men, modest with his

equals, and courteous to his inferiors. These gifts made him beloved,

not only by all the Guinigi family, but by all Lucca. When Castruccio

had reached his eighteenth year, the Ghibellines were driven from Pavia

by the Guelphs, and Messer Francesco was sent by the Visconti to assist

the Ghibellines, and with him went Castruccio, in charge of his forces.

Castruccio gave ample proof of his prudence and courage in this

expedition, acquiring greater reputation than any other captain, and

his name and fame were known, not only in Pavia, but throughout all

Lombardy.

Castruccio, having returned to Lucca in far higher estimation than he

left it, did not omit to use all the means in his power to gain as many

friends as he could, neglecting none of those arts which are necessary

for that purpose. About this time Messer Francesco died, leaving a son

thirteen years of age named Pagolo, and having appointed Castruccio to

be his son’s tutor and administrator of his estate. Before he died

Francesco called Castruccio to him, and prayed him to show Pagolo that

goodwill which he (Francesco) had always shown to HIM, and to render to

the son the gratitude which he had not been able to repay to the

father. Upon the death of Francesco, Castruccio became the governor and

tutor of Pagolo, which increased enormously his power and position, and

created a certain amount of envy against him in Lucca in place of the

former universal goodwill, for many men suspected him of harbouring

tyrannical intentions. Among these the leading man was Giorgio degli

Opizi, the head of the Guelph party. This man hoped after the death of

Messer Francesco to become the chief man in Lucca, but it seemed to him

that Castruccio, with the great abilities which he already showed, and

holding the position of governor, deprived him of his opportunity;

therefore he began to sow those seeds which should rob Castruccio of

his eminence. Castruccio at first treated this with scorn, but

afterwards he grew alarmed, thinking that Messer Giorgio might be able

to bring him into disgrace with the deputy of King Ruberto of Naples

and have him driven out of Lucca.

The Lord of Pisa at that time was Uguccione of the Faggiuola of Arezzo,

who being in the first place elected their captain afterwards became

their lord. There resided in Paris some exiled Ghibellines from Lucca,

with whom Castruccio held communications with the object of effecting

their restoration by the help of Uguccione. Castruccio also brought

into his plans friends from Lucca who would not endure the authority of

the Opizi. Having fixed upon a plan to be followed, Castruccio

cautiously fortified the tower of the Onesti, filling it with supplies

and munitions of war, in order that it might stand a siege for a few

days in case of need. When the night came which had been agreed upon

with Uguccione, who had occupied the plain between the mountains and

Pisa with many men, the signal was given, and without being observed

Uguccione approached the gate of San Piero and set fire to the

portcullis. Castruccio raised a great uproar within the city, calling

the people to arms and forcing open the gate from his side. Uguccione

entered with his men, poured through the town, and killed Messer

Giorgio with all his family and many of his friends and supporters. The

governor was driven out, and the government reformed according to the

wishes of Uguccione, to the detriment of the city, because it was found

that more than one hundred families were exiled at that time. Of those

who fled, part went to Florence and part to Pistoia, which city was the

headquarters of the Guelph party, and for this reason it became most

hostile to Uguccione and the Lucchese.

As it now appeared to the Florentines and others of the Guelph party

that the Ghibellines absorbed too much power in Tuscany, they

determined to restore the exiled Guelphs to Lucca. They assembled a

large army in the Val di Nievole, and seized Montecatini; from thence

they marched to Montecarlo, in order to secure the free passage into

Lucca. Upon this Uguccione assembled his Pisan and Lucchese forces, and

with a number of German cavalry which he drew out of Lombardy, he moved

against the quarters of the Florentines, who upon the appearance of the

enemy withdrew from Montecarlo, and posted themselves between

Montecatini and Pescia. Uguccione now took up a position near to

Montecarlo, and within about two miles of the enemy, and slight

skirmishes between the horse of both parties were of daily occurrence.

Owing to the illness of Uguccione, the Pisans and Lucchese delayed

coming to battle with the enemy. Uguccione, finding himself growing

worse, went to Montecarlo to be cured, and left the command of the army

in the hands of Castruccio. This change brought about the ruin of the

Guelphs, who, thinking that the hostile army having lost its captain

had lost its head, grew over-confident. Castruccio observed this, and

allowed some days to pass in order to encourage this belief; he also

showed signs of fear, and did not allow any of the munitions of the

camp to be used. On the other side, the Guelphs grew more insolent the

more they saw these evidences of fear, and every day they drew out in

the order of battle in front of the army of Castruccio. Presently,

deeming that the enemy was sufficiently emboldened, and having mastered

their tactics, he decided to join battle with them. First he spoke a

few words of encouragement to his soldiers, and pointed out to them the

certainty of victory if they would but obey his commands. Castruccio

had noticed how the enemy had placed all his best troops in the centre

of the line of battle, and his less reliable men on the wings of the

army; whereupon he did exactly the opposite, putting his most valiant

men on the flanks, while those on whom he could not so strongly rely he

moved to the centre. Observing this order of battle, he drew out of his

lines and quickly came in sight of the hostile army, who, as usual, had

come in their insolence to defy him. He then commanded his centre

squadrons to march slowly, whilst he moved rapidly forward those on the

wings. Thus, when they came into contact with the enemy, only the wings

of the two armies became engaged, whilst the center battalions remained

out of action, for these two portions of the line of battle were

separated from each other by a long interval and thus unable to reach

each other. By this expedient the more valiant part of Castruccio’s men

were opposed to the weaker part of the enemy’s troops, and the most

efficient men of the enemy were disengaged; and thus the Florentines

were unable to fight with those who were arrayed opposite to them, or

to give any assistance to their own flanks. So, without much

difficulty, Castruccio put the enemy to flight on both flanks, and the

centre battalions took to flight when they found themselves exposed to

attack, without having a chance of displaying their valour. The defeat

was complete, and the loss in men very heavy, there being more than ten

thousand men killed with many officers and knights of the Guelph party

in Tuscany, and also many princes who had come to help them, among whom

were Piero, the brother of King Ruberto, and Carlo, his nephew, and

Filippo, the lord of Taranto. On the part of Castruccio the loss did

not amount to more than three hundred men, among whom was Francesco,

the son of Uguccione, who, being young and rash, was killed in the

first onset.

This victory so greatly increased the reputation of Castruccio that

Uguccione conceived some jealousy and suspicion of him, because it

appeared to Uguccione that this victory had given him no increase of

power, but rather than diminished it. Being of this mind, he only

waited for an opportunity to give effect to it. This occurred on the

death of Pier Agnolo Micheli, a man of great repute and abilities in

Lucca, the murderer of whom fled to the house of Castruccio for refuge.

On the sergeants of the captain going to arrest the murderer, they were

driven off by Castruccio, and the murderer escaped. This affair coming

to the knowledge of Uguccione, who was then at Pisa, it appeared to him

a proper opportunity to punish Castruccio. He therefore sent for his

son Neri, who was the governor of Lucca, and commissioned him to take

Castruccio prisoner at a banquet and put him to death. Castruccio,

fearing no evil, went to the governor in a friendly way, was

entertained at supper, and then thrown into prison. But Neri, fearing

to put him to death lest the people should be incensed, kept him alive,

in order to hear further from his father concerning his intentions.

Ugucionne cursed the hesitation and cowardice of his son, and at once

set out from Pisa to Lucca with four hundred horsemen to finish the

business in his own way; but he had not yet reached the baths when the

Pisans rebelled and put his deputy to death and created Count Gaddo

della Gherardesca their lord. Before Uguccione reached Lucca he heard

of the occurrences at Pisa, but it did not appear wise to him to turn

back, lest the Lucchese with the example of Pisa before them should

close their gates against him. But the Lucchese, having heard of what

had happened at Pisa, availed themselves of this opportunity to demand

the liberation of Castruccio, notwithstanding that Uguccione had

arrived in their city. They first began to speak of it in private

circles, afterwards openly in the squares and streets; then they raised

a tumult, and with arms in their hands went to Uguccione and demanded

that Castruccio should be set at liberty. Uguccione, fearing that worse

might happen, released him from prison. Whereupon Castruccio gathered

his friends around him, and with the help of the people attacked

Uguccione; who, finding he had no resource but in flight, rode away

with his friends to Lombardy, to the lords of Scale, where he died in

poverty.

But Castruccio from being a prisoner became almost a prince in Lucca,

and he carried himself so discreetly with his friends and the people

that they appointed him captain of their army for one year. Having

obtained this, and wishing to gain renown in war, he planned the

recovery of the many towns which had rebelled after the departure of

Uguccione, and with the help of the Pisans, with whom he had concluded

a treaty, he marched to Serezzana. To capture this place he constructed

a fort against it, which is called to-day Zerezzanello; in the course

of two months Castruccio captured the town. With the reputation gained

at that siege, he rapidly seized Massa, Carrara, and Lavenza, and in a

short time had overrun the whole of Lunigiana. In order to close the

pass which leads from Lombardy to Lunigiana, he besieged Pontremoli and

wrested it from the hands of Messer Anastagio Palavicini, who was the

lord of it. After this victory he returned to Lucca, and was welcomed

by the whole people. And now Castruccio, deeming it imprudent any

longer to defer making himself a prince, got himself created the lord

of Lucca by the help of Pazzino del Poggio, Puccinello dal Portico,

Francesco Boccansacchi, and Cecco Guinigi, all of whom he had

corrupted; and he was afterwards solemnly and deliberately elected

prince by the people. At this time Frederick of Bavaria, the King of

the Romans, came into Italy to assume the Imperial crown, and

Castruccio, in order that he might make friends with him, met him at

the head of five hundred horsemen. Castruccio had left as his deputy in

Lucca, Pagolo Guinigi, who was held in high estimation, because of the

people’s love for the memory of his father. Castruccio was received in

great honour by Frederick, and many privileges were conferred upon him,

and he was appointed the emperor’s lieutenant in Tuscany. At this time

the Pisans were in great fear of Gaddo della Gherardesca, whom they had

driven out of Pisa, and they had recourse for assistance to Frederick.

Frederick created Castruccio the lord of Pisa, and the Pisans, in dread

of the Guelph party, and particularly of the Florentines, were

constrained to accept him as their lord.

Frederick, having appointed a governor in Rome to watch his Italian

affairs, returned to Germany. All the Tuscan and Lombardian

Ghibellines, who followed the imperial lead, had recourse to Castruccio

for help and counsel, and all promised him the governorship of his

country, if enabled to recover it with his assistance. Among these

exiles were Matteo Guidi, Nardo Scolari, Lapo Uberti, Gerozzo Nardi,

and Piero Buonaccorsi, all exiled Florentines and Ghibellines.

Castruccio had the secret intention of becoming the master of all

Tuscany by the aid of these men and of his own forces; and in order to

gain greater weight in affairs, he entered into a league with Messer

Matteo Visconti, the Prince of Milan, and organized for him the forces

of his city and the country districts. As Lucca had five gates, he

divided his own country districts into five parts, which he supplied

with arms, and enrolled the men under captains and ensigns, so that he

could quickly bring into the field twenty thousand soldiers, without

those whom he could summon to his assistance from Pisa. While he

surrounded himself with these forces and allies, it happened at Messer

Matteo Visconti was attacked by the Guelphs of Piacenza, who had driven

out the Ghibellines with the assistance of a Florentine army and the

King Ruberto. Messer Matteo called upon Castruccio to invade the

Florentines in their own territories, so that, being attacked at home,

they should be compelled to draw their army out of Lombardy in order to

defend themselves. Castruccio invaded the Valdarno, and seized

Fucecchio and San Miniato, inflicting immense damage upon the country.

Whereupon the Florentines recalled their army, which had scarcely

reached Tuscany, when Castruccio was forced by other necessities to

return to Lucca.

There resided in the city of Lucca the Poggio family, who were so

powerful that they could not only elevate Castruccio, but even advance

him to the dignity of prince; and it appearing to them they had not

received such rewards for their services as they deserved, they incited

other families to rebel and to drive Castruccio out of Lucca. They

found their opportunity one morning, and arming themselves, they set

upon the lieutenant whom Castruccio had left to maintain order and

killed him. They endeavoured to raise the people in revolt, but Stefano

di Poggio, a peaceable old man who had taken no hand in the rebellion,

intervened and compelled them by his authority to lay down their arms;

and he offered to be their mediator with Castruccio to obtain from him

what they desired. Therefore they laid down their arms with no greater

intelligence than they had taken them up. Castruccio, having heard the

news of what had happened at Lucca, at once put Pagolo Guinigi in

command of the army, and with a troop of cavalry set out for home.

Contrary to his expectations, he found the rebellion at an end, yet he

posted his men in the most advantageous places throughout the city. As

it appeared to Stefano that Castruccio ought to be very much obliged to

him, he sought him out, and without saying anything on his own behalf,

for he did not recognize any need for doing so, he begged Castruccio to

pardon the other members of his family by reason of their youth, their

former friendships, and the obligations which Castruccio was under to

their house. To this Castruccio graciously responded, and begged

Stefano to reassure himself, declaring that it gave him more pleasure

to find the tumult at an end than it had ever caused him anxiety to

hear of its inception. He encouraged Stefano to bring his family to

him, saying that he thanked God for having given him the opportunity of

showing his clemency and liberality. Upon the word of Stefano and

Castruccio they surrendered, and with Stefano were immediately thrown

into prison and put to death. Meanwhile the Florentines had recovered

San Miniato, whereupon it seemed advisable to Castruccio to make peace,

as it did not appear to him that he was sufficiently secure at Lucca to

leave him. He approached the Florentines with the proposal of a truce,

which they readily entertained, for they were weary of the war, and

desirous of getting rid of the expenses of it. A treaty was concluded

with them for two years, by which both parties agreed to keep the

conquests they had made. Castruccio thus released from this trouble,

turned his attention to affairs in Lucca, and in order that he should

not again be subject to the perils from which he had just escaped, he,

under various pretences and reasons, first wiped out all those who by

their ambition might aspire to the principality; not sparing one of

them, but depriving them of country and property, and those whom he had

in his hands of life also, stating that he had found by experience that

none of them were to be trusted. Then for his further security he

raised a fortress in Lucca with the stones of the towers of those whom

he had killed or hunted out of the state.

Whilst Castruccio made peace with the Florentines, and strengthened his

position in Lucca, he neglected no opportunity, short of open war, of

increasing his importance elsewhere. It appeared to him that if he

could get possession of Pistoia, he would have one foot in Florence,

which was his great desire. He, therefore, in various ways made friends

with the mountaineers, and worked matters so in Pistoia that both

parties confided their secrets to him. Pistoia was divided, as it

always had been, into the Bianchi and Neri parties; the head of the

Bianchi was Bastiano di Possente, and of the Neri, Jacopo da Gia. Each

of these men held secret communications with Castruccio, and each

desired to drive the other out of the city; and, after many

threatenings, they came to blows. Jacopo fortified himself at the

Florentine gate, Bastiano at that of the Lucchese side of the city;

both trusted more in Castruccio than in the Florentines, because they

believed that Castruccio was far more ready and willing to fight than

the Florentines, and they both sent to him for assistance. He gave

promises to both, saying to Bastiano that he would come in person, and

to Jacopo that he would send his pupil, Pagolo Guinigi. At the

appointed time he sent forward Pagolo by way of Pisa, and went himself

direct to Pistoia; at midnight both of them met outside the city, and

both were admitted as friends. Thus the two leaders entered, and at a

signal given by Castruccio, one killed Jacopo da Gia, and the other

Bastiano di Possente, and both took prisoners or killed the partisans

of either faction. Without further opposition Pistoia passed into the

hands of Castruccio, who, having forced the Signoria to leave the

palace, compelled the people to yield obedience to him, making them

many promises and remitting their old debts. The countryside flocked to

the city to see the new prince, and all were filled with hope and

quickly settled down, influenced in a great measure by his great

valour.

About this time great disturbances arose in Rome, owing to the dearness

of living which was caused by the absence of the pontiff at Avignon.

The German governor, Enrico, was much blamed for what happened—murders

and tumults following each other daily, without his being able to put

an end to them. This caused Enrico much anxiety lest the Romans should

call in Ruberto, the King of Naples, who would drive the Germans out of

the city, and bring back the Pope. Having no nearer friend to whom he

could apply for help than Castruccio, he sent to him, begging him not

only to give him assistance, but also to come in person to Rome.

Castruccio considered that he ought not to hesitate to render the

emperor this service, because he believed that he himself would not be

safe if at any time the emperor ceased to hold Rome. Leaving Pagolo

Guinigi in command at Lucca, Castruccio set out for Rome with six

hundred horsemen, where he was received by Enrico with the greatest

distinction. In a short time the presence of Castruccio obtained such

respect for the emperor that, without bloodshed or violence, good order

was restored, chiefly by reason of Castruccio having sent by sea from

the country round Pisa large quantities of corn, and thus removed the

source of the trouble. When he had chastised some of the Roman leaders,

and admonished others, voluntary obedience was rendered to Enrico.

Castruccio received many honours, and was made a Roman senator. This

dignity was assumed with the greatest pomp, Castruccio being clothed in

a brocaded toga, which had the following words embroidered on its

front: “I am what God wills.” Whilst on the back was: “What God desires

shall be.”

During this time the Florentines, who were much enraged that Castruccio

should have seized Pistoia during the truce, considered how they could

tempt the city to rebel, to do which they thought would not be

difficult in his absence. Among the exiled Pistoians in Florence were

Baldo Cecchi and Jacopo Baldini, both men of leading and ready to face

danger. These men kept up communications with their friends in Pistoia,

and with the aid of the Florentines entered the city by night, and

after driving out some of Castruccio’s officials and partisans, and

killing others, they restored the city to its freedom. The news of this

greatly angered Castruccio, and taking leave of Enrico, he pressed on

in great haste to Pistoia. When the Florentines heard of his return,

knowing that he would lose no time, they decided to intercept him with

their forces in the Val di Nievole, under the belief that by doing so

they would cut off his road to Pistoia. Assembling a great army of the

supporters of the Guelph cause, the Florentines entered the Pistoian

territories. On the other hand, Castruccio reached Montecarlo with his

army; and having heard where the Florentines’ lay, he decided not to

encounter it in the plains of Pistoia, nor to await it in the plains of

Pescia, but, as far as he possibly could, to attack it boldly in the

Pass of Serravalle. He believed that if he succeeded in this design,

victory was assured, although he was informed that the Florentines had

thirty thousand men, whilst he had only twelve thousand. Although he

had every confidence in his own abilities and the valour of his troops,

yet he hesitated to attack his enemy in the open lest he should be

overwhelmed by numbers. Serravalle is a castle between Pescia and

Pistoia, situated on a hill which blocks the Val di Nievole, not in the

exact pass, but about a bowshot beyond; the pass itself is in places

narrow and steep, whilst in general it ascends gently, but is still

narrow, especially at the summit where the waters divide, so that

twenty men side by side could hold it. The lord of Serravalle was

Manfred, a German, who, before Castruccio became lord of Pistoia, had

been allowed to remain in possession of the castle, it being common to

the Lucchese and the Pistoians, and unclaimed by either—neither of them

wishing to displace Manfred as long as he kept his promise of

neutrality, and came under obligations to no one. For these reasons,

and also because the castle was well fortified, he had always been able

to maintain his position. It was here that Castruccio had determined to

fall upon his enemy, for here his few men would have the advantage, and

there was no fear lest, seeing the large masses of the hostile force

before they became engaged, they should not stand. As soon as this

trouble with Florence arose, Castruccio saw the immense advantage which

possession of this castle would give him, and having an intimate

friendship with a resident in the castle, he managed matters so with

him that four hundred of his men were to be admitted into the castle

the night before the attack on the Florentines, and the castellan put

to death.

Castruccio, having prepared everything, had now to encourage the

Florentines to persist in their desire to carry the seat of war away

from Pistoia into the Val di Nievole, therefore he did not move his

army from Montecarlo. Thus the Florentines hurried on until they

reached their encampment under Serravalle, intending to cross the hill

on the following morning. In the meantime, Castruccio had seized the

castle at night, had also moved his army from Montecarlo, and marching

from thence at midnight in dead silence, had reached the foot of

Serravalle: thus he and the Florentines commenced the ascent of the

hill at the same time in the morning. Castruccio sent forward his

infantry by the main road, and a troop of four hundred horsemen by a

path on the left towards the castle. The Florentines sent forward four

hundred cavalry ahead of their army which was following, never

expecting to find Castruccio in possession of the hill, nor were they

aware of his having seized the castle. Thus it happened that the

Florentine horsemen mounting the hill were completely taken by surprise

when they discovered the infantry of Castruccio, and so close were they

upon it they had scarcely time to pull down their visors. It was a case

of unready soldiers being attacked by ready, and they were assailed

with such vigour that with difficulty they could hold their own,

although some few of them got through. When the noise of the fighting

reached the Florentine camp below, it was filled with confusion. The

cavalry and infantry became inextricably mixed: the captains were

unable to get their men either backward or forward, owing to the

narrowness of the pass, and amid all this tumult no one knew what ought

to be done or what could be done. In a short time the cavalry who were

engaged with the enemy’s infantry were scattered or killed without

having made any effective defence because of their unfortunate

position, although in sheer desperation they had offered a stout

resistance. Retreat had been impossible, with the mountains on both

flanks, whilst in front were their enemies, and in the rear their

friends. When Castruccio saw that his men were unable to strike a

decisive blow at the enemy and put them to flight, he sent one thousand

infantrymen round by the castle, with orders to join the four hundred

horsemen he had previously dispatched there, and commanded the whole

force to fall upon the flank of the enemy. These orders they carried

out with such fury that the Florentines could not sustain the attack,

but gave way, and were soon in full retreat—conquered more by their

unfortunate position than by the valour of their enemy. Those in the

rear turned towards Pistoia, and spread through the plains, each man

seeking only his own safety. The defeat was complete and very

sanguinary. Many captains were taken prisoners, among whom were Bandini

dei Rossi, Francesco Brunelleschi, and Giovanni della Tosa, all

Florentine noblemen, with many Tuscans and Neapolitans who fought on

the Florentine side, having been sent by King Ruberto to assist the

Guelphs. Immediately the Pistoians heard of this defeat they drove out

the friends of the Guelphs, and surrendered to Castruccio. He was not

content with occupying Prato and all the castles on the plains on both

sides of the Arno, but marched his army into the plain of Peretola,

about two miles from Florence. Here he remained many days, dividing the

spoils, and celebrating his victory with feasts and games, holding

horse races, and foot races for men and women. He also struck medals in

commemoration of the defeat of the Florentines. He endeavoured to

corrupt some of the citizens of Florence, who were to open the city

gates at night; but the conspiracy was discovered, and the

participators in it taken and beheaded, among whom were Tommaso Lupacci

and Lambertuccio Frescobaldi. This defeat caused the Florentines great

anxiety, and despairing of preserving their liberty, they sent envoys

to King Ruberto of Naples, offering him the dominion of their city; and

he, knowing of what immense importance the maintenance of the Guelph

cause was to him, accepted it. He agreed with the Florentines to

receive from them a yearly tribute of two hundred thousand florins, and

he sent his son Carlo to Florence with four thousand horsemen.

Shortly after this the Florentines were relieved in some degree of the

pressure of Castruccio’s army, owing to his being compelled to leave

his positions before Florence and march on Pisa, in order to suppress a

conspiracy that had been raised against him by Benedetto Lanfranchi,

one of the first men in Pisa, who could not endure that his fatherland

should be under the dominion of the Lucchese. He had formed this

conspiracy, intending to seize the citadel, kill the partisans of

Castruccio, and drive out the garrison. As, however, in a conspiracy

paucity of numbers is essential to secrecy, so for its execution a few

are not sufficient, and in seeking more adherents to his conspiracy

Lanfranchi encountered a person who revealed the design to Castruccio.

This betrayal cannot be passed by without severe reproach to Bonifacio

Cerchi and Giovanni Guidi, two Florentine exiles who were suffering

their banishment in Pisa. Thereupon Castruccio seized Benedetto and put

him to death, and beheaded many other noble citizens, and drove their

families into exile. It now appeared to Castruccio that both Pisa and

Pistoia were thoroughly disaffected; he employed much thought and

energy upon securing his position there, and this gave the Florentines

their opportunity to reorganize their army, and to await the coming of

Carlo, the son of the King of Naples. When Carlo arrived they decided

to lose no more time, and assembled a great army of more than thirty

thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry—having called to their aid

every Guelph there was in Italy. They consulted whether they should

attack Pistoia or Pisa first, and decided that it would be better to

march on the latter—a course, owing to the recent conspiracy, more

likely to succeed, and of more advantage to them, because they believed

that the surrender of Pistoia would follow the acquisition of Pisa.

In the early part of May 1328, the Florentines put in motion this army

and quickly occupied Lastra, Signa, Montelupo, and Empoli, passing from

thence on to San Miniato. When Castruccio heard of the enormous army

which the Florentines were sending against him, he was in no degree

alarmed, believing that the time had now arrived when Fortune would

deliver the empire of Tuscany into his hands, for he had no reason to

think that his enemy would make a better fight, or had better prospects

of success, than at Pisa or Serravalle. He assembled twenty thousand

foot soldiers and four thousand horsemen, and with this army went to

Fucecchio, whilst he sent Pagolo Guinigi to Pisa with five thousand

infantry. Fucecchio has a stronger position than any other town in the

Pisan district, owing to its situation between the rivers Arno and

Gusciana and its slight elevation above the surrounding plain.

Moreover, the enemy could not hinder its being victualled unless they

divided their forces, nor could they approach it either from the

direction of Lucca or Pisa, nor could they get through to Pisa, or

attack Castruccio’s forces except at a disadvantage. In one case they

would find themselves placed between his two armies, the one under his

own command and the other under Pagolo, and in the other case they

would have to cross the Arno to get to close quarters with the enemy,

an undertaking of great hazard. In order to tempt the Florentines to

take this latter course, Castruccio withdrew his men from the banks of

the river and placed them under the walls of Fucecchio, leaving a wide

expanse of land between them and the river.

The Florentines, having occupied San Miniato, held a council of war to

decide whether they should attack Pisa or the army of Castruccio, and,

having weighed the difficulties of both courses, they decided upon the

latter. The river Arno was at that time low enough to be fordable, yet

the water reached to the shoulders of the infantrymen and to the

saddles of the horsemen. On the morning of 10 June 1328, the

Florentines commenced the battle by ordering forward a number of

cavalry and ten thousand infantry. Castruccio, whose plan of action was

fixed, and who well knew what to do, at once attacked the Florentines

with five thousand infantry and three thousand horsemen, not allowing

them to issue from the river before he charged them; he also sent one

thousand light infantry up the river bank, and the same number down the

Arno. The infantry of the Florentines were so much impeded by their

arms and the water that they were not able to mount the banks of the

river, whilst the cavalry had made the passage of the river more

difficult for the others, by reason of the few who had crossed having

broken up the bed of the river, and this being deep with mud, many of

the horses rolled over with their riders and many of them had stuck so

fast that they could not move. When the Florentine captains saw the

difficulties their men were meeting, they withdrew them and moved

higher up the river, hoping to find the river bed less treacherous and

the banks more adapted for landing. These men were met at the bank by

the forces which Castruccio had already sent forward, who, being light

armed with bucklers and javelins in their hands, let fly with

tremendous shouts into the faces and bodies of the cavalry. The horses,

alarmed by the noise and the wounds, would not move forward, and

trampled each other in great confusion. The fight between the men of

Castruccio and those of the enemy who succeeded in crossing was sharp

and terrible; both sides fought with the utmost desperation and neither

would yield. The soldiers of Castruccio fought to drive the others back

into the river, whilst the Florentines strove to get a footing on land

in order to make room for the others pressing forward, who if they

could but get out of the water would be able to fight, and in this

obstinate conflict they were urged on by their captains. Castruccio

shouted to his men that these were the same enemies whom they had

before conquered at Serravalle, whilst the Florentines reproached each

other that the many should be overcome by the few. At length

Castruccio, seeing how long the battle had lasted, and that both his

men and the enemy were utterly exhausted, and that both sides had many

killed and wounded, pushed forward another body of infantry to take up

a position at the rear of those who were fighting; he then commanded

these latter to open their ranks as if they intended to retreat, and

one part of them to turn to the right and another to the left. This

cleared a space of which the Florentines at once took advantage, and

thus gained possession of a portion of the battlefield. But when these

tired soldiers found themselves at close quarters with Castruccio’s

reserves they could not stand against them and at once fell back into

the river. The cavalry of either side had not as yet gained any

decisive advantage over the other, because Castruccio, knowing his

inferiority in this arm, had commanded his leaders only to stand on the

defensive against the attacks of their adversaries, as he hoped that

when he had overcome the infantry he would be able to make short work

of the cavalry. This fell out as he had hoped, for when he saw the

Florentine army driven back across the river he ordered the remainder

of his infantry to attack the cavalry of the enemy. This they did with

lance and javelin, and, joined by their own cavalry, fell upon the

enemy with the greatest fury and soon put him to flight. The Florentine

captains, having seen the difficulty their cavalry had met with in

crossing the river, had attempted to make their infantry cross lower

down the river, in order to attack the flanks of Castruccio’s army. But

here, also, the banks were steep and already lined by the men of

Castruccio, and this movement was quite useless. Thus the Florentines

were so completely defeated at all points that scarcely a third of them

escaped, and Castruccio was again covered with glory. Many captains

were taken prisoners, and Carlo, the son of King Ruberto, with

Michelagnolo Falconi and Taddeo degli Albizzi, the Florentine

commissioners, fled to Empoli. If the spoils were great, the slaughter

was infinitely greater, as might be expected in such a battle. Of the

Florentines there fell twenty thousand two hundred and thirty-one men,

whilst Castruccio lost one thousand five hundred and seventy men.

But Fortune growing envious of the glory of Castruccio took away his

life just at the time when she should have preserved it, and thus

ruined all those plans which for so long a time he had worked to carry

into effect, and in the successful prosecution of which nothing but

death could have stopped him. Castruccio was in the thick of the battle

the whole of the day; and when the end of it came, although fatigued

and overheated, he stood at the gate of Fucecchio to welcome his men on

their return from victory and personally thank them. He was also on the

watch for any attempt of the enemy to retrieve the fortunes of the day;

he being of the opinion that it was the duty of a good general to be

the first man in the saddle and the last out of it. Here Castruccio

stood exposed to a wind which often rises at midday on the banks of the

Arno, and which is often very unhealthy; from this he took a chill, of

which he thought nothing, as he was accustomed to such troubles; but it

was the cause of his death. On the following night he was attacked with

high fever, which increased so rapidly that the doctors saw it must

prove fatal. Castruccio, therefore, called Pagolo Guinigi to him, and

addressed him as follows:

“If I could have believed that Fortune would have cut me off in the

midst of the career which was leading to that glory which all my

successes promised, I should have laboured less, and I should have left

thee, if a smaller state, at least with fewer enemies and perils,

because I should have been content with the governorships of Lucca and

Pisa. I should neither have subjugated the Pistoians, nor outraged the

Florentines with so many injuries. But I would have made both these

peoples my friends, and I should have lived, if no longer, at least

more peacefully, and have left you a state without a doubt smaller, but

one more secure and established on a surer foundation. But Fortune, who

insists upon having the arbitrament of human affairs, did not endow me

with sufficient judgment to recognize this from the first, nor the time

to surmount it. Thou hast heard, for many have told thee, and I have

never concealed it, how I entered the house of thy father whilst yet a

boy—a stranger to all those ambitions which every generous soul should

feel—and how I was brought up by him, and loved as though I had been

born of his blood; how under his governance I learned to be valiant and

capable of availing myself of all that fortune, of which thou hast been

witness. When thy good father came to die, he committed thee and all

his possessions to my care, and I have brought thee up with that love,

and increased thy estate with that care, which I was bound to show. And

in order that thou shouldst not only possess the estate which thy

father left, but also that which my fortune and abilities have gained,

I have never married, so that the love of children should never deflect

my mind from that gratitude which I owed to the children of thy father.

Thus I leave thee a vast estate, of which I am well content, but I am

deeply concerned, inasmuch as I leave it thee unsettled and insecure.

Thou hast the city of Lucca on thy hands, which will never rest

contented under thy government. Thou hast also Pisa, where the men are

of nature changeable and unreliable, who, although they may be

sometimes held in subjection, yet they will ever disdain to serve under

a Lucchese. Pistoia is also disloyal to thee, she being eaten up with

factions and deeply incensed against thy family by reason of the wrongs

recently inflicted upon them. Thou hast for neighbours the offended

Florentines, injured by us in a thousand ways, but not utterly

destroyed, who will hail the news of my death with more delight than

they would the acquisition of all Tuscany. In the Emperor and in the

princes of Milan thou canst place no reliance, for they are far

distant, slow, and their help is very long in coming. Therefore, thou

hast no hope in anything but in thine own abilities, and in the memory

of my valour, and in the prestige which this latest victory has brought

thee; which, as thou knowest how to use it with prudence, will assist

thee to come to terms with the Florentines, who, as they are suffering

under this great defeat, should be inclined to listen to thee. And

whereas I have sought to make them my enemies, because I believed that

war with them would conduce to my power and glory, thou hast every

inducement to make friends of them, because their alliance will bring

thee advantages and security. It is of the greatest important in this

world that a man should know himself, and the measure of his own

strength and means; and he who knows that he has not a genius for

fighting must learn how to govern by the arts of peace. And it will be

well for thee to rule thy conduct by my counsel, and to learn in this

way to enjoy what my life-work and dangers have gained; and in this

thou wilt easily succeed when thou hast learnt to believe that what I

have told thee is true. And thou wilt be doubly indebted to me, in that

I have left thee this realm and have taught thee how to keep it.”

After this there came to Castruccio those citizens of Pisa, Pistoia,

and Lucca, who had been fighting at his side, and whilst recommending

Pagolo to them, and making them swear obedience to him as his

successor, he died. He left a happy memory to those who had known him,

and no prince of those times was ever loved with such devotion as he

was. His obsequies were celebrated with every sign of mourning, and he

was buried in San Francesco at Lucca. Fortune was not so friendly to

Pagolo Guinigi as she had been to Castruccio, for he had not the

abilities. Not long after the death of Castruccio, Pagolo lost Pisa,

and then Pistoia, and only with difficulty held on to Lucca. This

latter city continued in the family of Guinigi until the time of the

great-grandson of Pagolo.

From what has been related here it will be seen that Castruccio was a

man of exceptional abilities, not only measured by men of his own time,

but also by those of an earlier date. In stature he was above the

ordinary height, and perfectly proportioned. He was of a gracious

presence, and he welcomed men with such urbanity that those who spoke

with him rarely left him displeased. His hair was inclined to be red,

and he wore it cut short above the ears, and, whether it rained or

snowed, he always went without a hat. He was delightful among friends,

but terrible to his enemies; just to his subjects; ready to play false

with the unfaithful, and willing to overcome by fraud those whom he

desired to subdue, because he was wont to say that it was the victory

that brought the glory, not the methods of achieving it. No one was

bolder in facing danger, none more prudent in extricating himself. He

was accustomed to say that men ought to attempt everything and fear

nothing; that God is a lover of strong men, because one always sees

that the weak are chastised by the strong. He was also wonderfully

sharp or biting though courteous in his answers; and as he did not look

for any indulgence in this way of speaking from others, so he was not

angered with others did not show it to him. It has often happened that

he has listened quietly when others have spoken sharply to him, as on

the following occasions. He had caused a ducat to be given for a

partridge, and was taken to task for doing so by a friend, to whom

Castruccio had said: “You would not have given more than a penny.”

“That is true,” answered the friend. Then said Castruccio to him: “A

ducat is much less to me.” Having about him a flatterer on whom he had

spat to show that he scorned him, the flatterer said to him: “Fisherman

are willing to let the waters of the sea saturate them in order that

they may take a few little fishes, and I allow myself to be wetted by

spittle that I may catch a whale”; and this was not only heard by

Castruccio with patience but rewarded. When told by a priest that it

was wicked for him to live so sumptuously, Castruccio said: “If that be

a vice then you should not fare so splendidly at the feasts of our

saints.” Passing through a street he saw a young man as he came out of

a house of ill fame blush at being seen by Castruccio, and said to him:

“Thou shouldst not be ashamed when thou comest out, but when thou goest

into such places.” A friend gave him a very curiously tied knot to undo

and was told: “Fool, do you think that I wish to untie a thing which

gave so much trouble to fasten.” Castruccio said to one who professed

to be a philosopher: “You are like the dogs who always run after those

who will give them the best to eat,” and was answered: “We are rather

like the doctors who go to the houses of those who have the greatest

need of them.” Going by water from Pisa to Leghorn, Castruccio was much

disturbed by a dangerous storm that sprang up, and was reproached for

cowardice by one of those with him, who said that he did not fear

anything. Castruccio answered that he did not wonder at that, since

every man valued his soul for what is was worth. Being asked by one

what he ought to do to gain estimation, he said: “When thou goest to a

banquet take care that thou dost not seat one piece of wood upon

another.” To a person who was boasting that he had read many things,

Castruccio said: “He knows better than to boast of remembering many

things.” Someone bragged that he could drink much without becoming

intoxicated. Castruccio replied: “An ox does the same.” Castruccio was

acquainted with a girl with whom he had intimate relations, and being

blamed by a friend who told him that it was undignified for him to be

taken in by a woman, he said: “She has not taken me in, I have taken

her.” Being also blamed for eating very dainty foods, he answered:

“Thou dost not spend as much as I do?” and being told that it was true,

he continued: “Then thou art more avaricious than I am gluttonous.”

Being invited by Taddeo Bernardi, a very rich and splendid citizen of

Luca, to supper, he went to the house and was shown by Taddeo into a

chamber hung with silk and paved with fine stones representing flowers

and foliage of the most beautiful colouring. Castruccio gathered some

saliva in his mouth and spat it out upon Taddeo, and seeing him much

disturbed by this, said to him: “I knew not where to spit in order to

offend thee less.” Being asked how Caesar died he said: “God willing I

will die as he did.” Being one night in the house of one of his

gentlemen where many ladies were assembled, he was reproved by one of

his friends for dancing and amusing himself with them more than was

usual in one of his station, so he said: “He who is considered wise by

day will not be considered a fool at night.” A person came to demand a

favour of Castruccio, and thinking he was not listening to his plea

threw himself on his knees to the ground, and being sharply reproved by

Castruccio, said: “Thou art the reason of my acting thus for thou hast

thy ears in thy feet,” whereupon he obtained double the favour he had

asked. Castruccio used to say that the way to hell was an easy one,

seeing that it was in a downward direction and you travelled

blindfolded. Being asked a favour by one who used many superfluous

words, he said to him: “When you have another request to make, send

someone else to make it.” Having been wearied by a similar man with a

long oration who wound up by saying: “Perhaps I have fatigued you by

speaking so long,” Castruccio said: “You have not, because I have not

listened to a word you said.” He used to say of one who had been a

beautiful child and who afterwards became a fine man, that he was

dangerous, because he first took the husbands from the wives and now he

took the wives from their husbands. To an envious man who laughed, he

said: “Do you laugh because you are successful or because another is

unfortunate?” Whilst he was still in the charge of Messer Francesco

Guinigi, one of his companions said to him: “What shall I give you if

you will let me give you a blow on the nose?” Castruccio answered: “A

helmet.” Having put to death a citizen of Lucca who had been

instrumental in raising him to power, and being told that he had done

wrong to kill one of his old friends, he answered that people deceived

themselves; he had only killed a new enemy. Castruccio praised greatly

those men who intended to take a wife and then did not do so, saying

that they were like men who said they would go to sea, and then refused

when the time came. He said that it always struck him with surprise

that whilst men in buying an earthen or glass vase would sound it first

to learn if it were good, yet in choosing a wife they were content with

only looking at her. He was once asked in what manner he would wish to

be buried when he died, and answered: “With the face turned downwards,

for I know when I am gone this country will be turned upside down.” On

being asked if it had ever occurred to him to become a friar in order

to save his soul, he answered that it had not, because it appeared

strange to him that Fra Lazerone should go to Paradise and Uguccione

della Faggiuola to the Inferno. He was once asked when should a man eat

to preserve his health, and replied: “If the man be rich let him eat

when he is hungry; if he be poor, then when he can.” Seeing one of his

gentlemen make a member of his family lace him up, he said to him: “I

pray God that you will let him feed you also.” Seeing that someone had

written upon his house in Latin the words: “May God preserve this house

from the wicked,” he said, “The owner must never go in.” Passing

through one of the streets he saw a small house with a very large door,

and remarked: “That house will fly through the door.” He was having a

discussion with the ambassador of the King of Naples concerning the

property of some banished nobles, when a dispute arose between them,

and the ambassador asked him if he had no fear of the king. “Is this

king of yours a bad man or a good one?” asked Castruccio, and was told

that he was a good one, whereupon he said, “Why should you suggest that

I should be afraid of a good man?”

I could recount many other stories of his sayings both witty and

weighty, but I think that the above will be sufficient testimony to his

high qualities. He lived forty-four years, and was in every way a

prince. And as he was surrounded by many evidences of his good fortune,

so he also desired to have near him some memorials of his bad fortune;

therefore the manacles with which he was chained in prison are to be

seen to this day fixed up in the tower of his residence, where they

were placed by him to testify forever to his days of adversity. As in

his life he was inferior neither to Philip of Macedon, the father of

Alexander, nor to Scipio of Rome, so he died in the same year of his

age as they did, and he would doubtless have excelled both of them had

Fortune decreed that he should be born, not in Lucca, but in Macedonia

or Rome.