CHAPTER VIII.

CONCERNING THOSE WHO HAVE OBTAINED A PRINCIPALITY BY WICKEDNESS

Although a prince may rise from a private station in two ways, neither

of which can be entirely attributed to fortune or genius, yet it is

manifest to me that I must not be silent on them, although one could be

more copiously treated when I discuss republics. These methods are

when, either by some wicked or nefarious ways, one ascends to the

principality, or when by the favour of his fellow-citizens a private

person becomes the prince of his country. And speaking of the first

method, it will be illustrated by two examples—one ancient, the other

modern—and without entering further into the subject, I consider these

two examples will suffice those who may be compelled to follow them.

Agathocles, the Sicilian,[1] became King of Syracuse not only from a

private but from a low and abject position. This man, the son of a

potter, through all the changes in his fortunes always led an infamous

life. Nevertheless, he accompanied his infamies with so much ability of

mind and body that, having devoted himself to the military profession,

he rose through its ranks to be Praetor of Syracuse. Being established

in that position, and having deliberately resolved to make himself

prince and to seize by violence, without obligation to others, that

which had been conceded to him by assent, he came to an understanding

for this purpose with Amilcar, the Carthaginian, who, with his army,

was fighting in Sicily. One morning he assembled the people and the

senate of Syracuse, as if he had to discuss with them things relating

to the Republic, and at a given signal the soldiers killed all the

senators and the richest of the people; these dead, he seized and held

the princedom of that city without any civil commotion. And although he

was twice routed by the Carthaginians, and ultimately besieged, yet not

only was he able to defend his city, but leaving part of his men for

its defence, with the others he attacked Africa, and in a short time

raised the siege of Syracuse. The Carthaginians, reduced to extreme

necessity, were compelled to come to terms with Agathocles, and,

leaving Sicily to him, had to be content with the possession of Africa.

[1] Agathocles the Sicilian, born 361 B.C., died 289 B.C.

Therefore, he who considers the actions and the genius of this man will

see nothing, or little, which can be attributed to fortune, inasmuch as

he attained pre-eminence, as is shown above, not by the favour of any

one, but step by step in the military profession, which steps were

gained with a thousand troubles and perils, and were afterwards boldly

held by him with many hazardous dangers. Yet it cannot be called talent

to slay fellow-citizens, to deceive friends, to be without faith,

without mercy, without religion; such methods may gain empire, but not

glory. Still, if the courage of Agathocles in entering into and

extricating himself from dangers be considered, together with his

greatness of mind in enduring and overcoming hardships, it cannot be

seen why he should be esteemed less than the most notable captain.

Nevertheless, his barbarous cruelty and inhumanity with infinite

wickedness do not permit him to be celebrated among the most excellent

men. What he achieved cannot be attributed either to fortune or genius.

In our times, during the rule of Alexander the Sixth, Oliverotto da

Fermo, having been left an orphan many years before, was brought up by

his maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani, and in the early days of his

youth sent to fight under Pagolo Vitelli, that, being trained under his

discipline, he might attain some high position in the military

profession. After Pagolo died, he fought under his brother Vitellozzo,

and in a very short time, being endowed with wit and a vigorous body

and mind, he became the first man in his profession. But it appearing a

paltry thing to serve under others, he resolved, with the aid of some

citizens of Fermo, to whom the slavery of their country was dearer than

its liberty, and with the help of the Vitelleschi, to seize Fermo. So

he wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that, having been away from home for many

years, he wished to visit him and his city, and in some measure to look

upon his patrimony; and although he had not laboured to acquire

anything except honour, yet, in order that the citizens should see he

had not spent his time in vain, he desired to come honourably, so would

be accompanied by one hundred horsemen, his friends and retainers; and

he entreated Giovanni to arrange that he should be received honourably

by the Fermians, all of which would be not only to his honour, but also

to that of Giovanni himself, who had brought him up.

Giovanni, therefore, did not fail in any attentions due to his nephew,

and he caused him to be honourably received by the Fermians, and he

lodged him in his own house, where, having passed some days, and having

arranged what was necessary for his wicked designs, Oliverotto gave a

solemn banquet to which he invited Giovanni Fogliani and the chiefs of

Fermo. When the viands and all the other entertainments that are usual

in such banquets were finished, Oliverotto artfully began certain grave

discourses, speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander and his son

Cesare, and of their enterprises, to which discourse Giovanni and

others answered; but he rose at once, saying that such matters ought to

be discussed in a more private place, and he betook himself to a

chamber, whither Giovanni and the rest of the citizens went in after

him. No sooner were they seated than soldiers issued from secret places

and slaughtered Giovanni and the rest. After these murders Oliverotto,

mounted on horseback, rode up and down the town and besieged the chief

magistrate in the palace, so that in fear the people were forced to

obey him, and to form a government, of which he made himself the

prince. He killed all the malcontents who were able to injure him, and

strengthened himself with new civil and military ordinances, in such a

way that, in the year during which he held the principality, not only

was he secure in the city of Fermo, but he had become formidable to all

his neighbours. And his destruction would have been as difficult as

that of Agathocles if he had not allowed himself to be overreached by

Cesare Borgia, who took him with the Orsini and Vitelli at Sinigalia,

as was stated above. Thus one year after he had committed this

parricide, he was strangled, together with Vitellozzo, whom he had made

his leader in valour and wickedness.

Some may wonder how it can happen that Agathocles, and his like, after

infinite treacheries and cruelties, should live for long secure in his

country, and defend himself from external enemies, and never be

conspired against by his own citizens; seeing that many others, by

means of cruelty, have never been able even in peaceful times to hold

the state, still less in the doubtful times of war. I believe that this

follows from severities[2] being badly or properly used. Those may be

called properly used, if of evil it is possible to speak well, that are

applied at one blow and are necessary to one’s security, and that are

not persisted in afterwards unless they can be turned to the advantage

of the subjects. The badly employed are those which, notwithstanding

they may be few in the commencement, multiply with time rather than

decrease. Those who practise the first system are able, by aid of God

or man, to mitigate in some degree their rule, as Agathocles did. It is

impossible for those who follow the other to maintain themselves.

[2] Mr Burd suggests that this word probably comes near the modern

equivalent of Machiavelli’s thought when he speaks of “crudelta” than

the more obvious “cruelties.”

Hence it is to be remarked that, in seizing a state, the usurper ought

to examine closely into all those injuries which it is necessary for

him to inflict, and to do them all at one stroke so as not to have to

repeat them daily; and thus by not unsettling men he will be able to

reassure them, and win them to himself by benefits. He who does

otherwise, either from timidity or evil advice, is always compelled to

keep the knife in his hand; neither can he rely on his subjects, nor

can they attach themselves to him, owing to their continued and

repeated wrongs. For injuries ought to be done all at one time, so

that, being tasted less, they offend less; benefits ought to be given

little by little, so that the flavour of them may last longer.

And above all things, a prince ought to live amongst his people in such

a way that no unexpected circumstances, whether of good or evil, shall

make him change; because if the necessity for this comes in troubled

times, you are too late for harsh measures; and mild ones will not help

you, for they will be considered as forced from you, and no one will be

under any obligation to you for them.